SCRIPTURA

Livy · History of Rome, Books XLI–XLV · 11 of 18

Book XLIV · chapters 1–12

Translated by Evan T. Sage and Alfred C. Schlesinger

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1.1. AT the beginning of the spring following the winter campaigns just mentioned, Quintus Marcius Philippus the consul left Rome and reached Brundisium with five thousand men whom he planned to take over with him as reinforcements for the legions.

1.1. principio veris, quod hiemem eam, qua haec gesta sunt, insecutum est, ab Roma profectus Q. Marcius Philippus consul cum quinque milibus …, quot in supplementum legionum secum traiecturus erat, Brundisium pervenit.

1.2. The ex-consul Marcus Popilius and some young men of equally high birth accompanied the consul as tribunes of the soldiers in the legions for Macedonia. About the same time Gaius Marcius Figulus the praetor, who had been assigned to the fleet, arrived in Brundisium, and the two commanders left Italy together, reached Corcyra the next day, and made port at Actium, the harbour of Acarnania, on the day

1.2. M. Popilius consularis et alii pari nobilitate adulescentes tribuni militum in Macedonicas legiones consulem secuti sunt. per eos dies et C. Marcius Figulus praetor, cui classis provincia evenerat, Brundisium venit; et simul ex Italia profecti Corcyram altero die, tertio Actium, Acarnaniae portum, tenuerunt.

1.4. after. Thence the consul disembarked at Ambracia and marched overland to Thessaly; the praetor rounded Cape Leucas, entered the Gulf of Corinth and, leaving his ships at Creusa, also took to the land and made for the fleet at Chalcis through the midst of Boeotia-one day's rapid journey.

1.4. inde consul ad Ambraciam egressus itinere terrestri petit Thessaliam; praetor superato Leucata Corinthium sinum invectus et Creusae relictis navibus terra et ipse per mediam Boeotiam — diei unius expedito iter est — Chalcidem dem ad classem contendit.

1.5. At this time Aulus Hostilius had his camp in Thessaly near Old Pharsalus, having on the one hand performed no military feat worth mentioning, but on the other hand having accustomed the soldiery to strict military discipline in place of uncontrolled laxness and having loyally furthered the interests of the allies and protected them from any kind of harm. On hearing of his successor's approach, he carefully inspected his men, their arms, and their horses, and with his army in parade order went to meet the approaching consul.

1.5. castra eo tempore A. Hostilius in Thessalia circa Palaepharsalum habebat, sicut nulla re bellica memorabili gesta, ita ad cunctam militarem disciplinam ab effusa licentia formato milite et sociis cum fide cultis et ab omni genere iniuriae defensis.

1.6. Not only was the first meeting of the commanders in accord with the high station both of the men themselves and of the Roman name, but the utmost harmony prevailed in their subsequent operations, for the proconsul remained with the army.

1.6. audito successoris adventu cum arma, viros, equos cum cura inspexisset, ornato exercitu obviam venienti consuli processit.

1.7. A few days later the consul addressed a meeting of his soldiers.

1.7. et primus eorum congressus ex dignitate ipsorum ac Romani nominis, et in rebus deinde gerendis ….

1.8. Beginning with the unnatural crimes of Perseus committed against his brother and planned against his father, he went on to mention the acquisition of the throne by crime, the subsequent poisonings and slaughter, the attack by scoundrelly bandits on Eumenes, the wrongs committed by Perseus against the Roman people, and the plunderings of cities allied to them, contrary to treaty. “How hateful all these actions are to the gods also,” said the consul, “Perseus will discover in the outcome of his enterprises; for the gods support the cause of duty and faithfulness, the qualities by which the Roman people has climbed to so great an ” “eminence.”

1.8. proconsul enim ad exercitum …. paucis post diebus consul contionem apud milites habuit. orsus ab parricidio Persei perpetrato in fratrem, cogitato in parentem, adiecit post scelere partum regnum veneficia, caedes, latrocinio nefando petitum Eumenen, iniurias in populum Romanum, direptiones sociarum urbium contra foedus. ea omnia quam dis quoque invisa essent, sensurum in exitu rerum suarum;

1.11. The consul then compared the strength of the Roman people, who now controlled the whole earth, with that of Macedonia, and the military forces of the one with the other, and asked how much greater were the resources of Philip and Antiochus, which had been shattered by forces no greater than this Roman army?

1.11. favere enim pietati fideique deos, per quae populus Romanus ad tantum fastigii venerit. vires deinde populi Romani iam terrarum orbem conplectentis cum viribus Macedoniae, exercitus cum exercitibus conparavit: quanto maiores Philippi Antiochique opes non maioribus copiis fractas esse?

2.1. After the consul had aroused the ardour of the soldiers by a speech to this effect, he began to hold councils on strategy. Gaius Marcius the praetor, after picking up the fleet at Chalcis, arrived in camp.

2.1. huius generis adhortatione accensis militum animis consultare de summa gerendi belli coepit. eo et C. Marcius praetor a Chalcide classe accepta venit.

2.2. It was decided not to waste more time by lingering in Thessaly, but to break camp at once and proceed thence into Macedonia, while the praetor was to make sure that the fleet should simultaneously attack the hostile coast-line.

2.2. placuit non ultra morando in Thessalia tempus terere, sed movere extemplo castra atque pergere inde in Macedoniam, et praetorem dare operam, ut eodem tempore classis quoque invehatur hostium litoribus.

2.4. After the praetor's departure, the consul ordered his soldiers to take with them grain for a month and broke camp nine days after having assumed command; after a day's march, he summoned the guides for various routes, bade each explain before the council the route by which he would guide them, and then, after dismissing the guides, laid before the council the question of which route to choose.

2.4. praetore dimisso consul menstruum iusso milite secum ferre profectus decumo post die, quam exercitum acceperat, castra movit et unius diei progressus iter convocatis itinerum ducibus cum exponere in consilio iussisset, qua quisque ducturus esset, summotis iis, quam viam potissimum peteret, rettulit ad consilium.

2.6. Some preferred the road via Pythoüs; others the one over the Cambunian Mountains used the preceding year by the consul Hostilius; others, a route past Lake Ascuris.

2.6. aliis per Pythoum placebat via, aliis per Cambunios montes, qua priore anno duxerat Hostilius consul, aliis praeter Ascuridem paludem.

2.7. For a certain distance yet there was no divergence in the routes; therefore the discussion as to this choice was postponed until they should encamp near the point of separation of the roads.

2.7. restabat aliquantum viae communis; itaque in id tempus, quo prope divortium itinerum castra posituri erant, deliberatio eius rei differtur.

2.8. Thence the consul led his army into Perrhaebia and settled down between Azorus and Doliche for further conference as to the road to take.

2.8. in Perrhaebiam inde ducit, et inter Azorum et Dolichen stativa habuit ad consulendum rursus, quam potissimum capesseret viam.

2.9. During the same time Perseus, knowing that the enemy was approaching, but unaware which route he would choose, decided to occupy all the passes with forces.

2.9. per eosdem dies Perseus cum adpropinquare hostem sciret, quod iter petiturus esset, ignarus, omnis saltus insidere praesidiis statuit.

2.10. To the summit of the Cambunian Mountains (which the Macedonians themselves call Volustana) he sent ten thousand light-armed young men under the command of Asclepiodotus; near the fort above Lake Ascuris —Lapathus is the name of the place —Hippias was ordered to hold the pass with a force of twelve thousand Macedonians.

2.10. in iugum Cambuniorum montium — Volustana ipsi vocant — decem milia levis armaturae iuvenum cum duce Asclepiodoto mittit; ad castellum, quod super Ascuridem paludem erat — Lapathus vocatur locus —, Hippias tenere saltum cum duodecim milium Macedonum praesidio iussus.

2.12. The king himself with the rest of his forces remained in camp near Dium; later, so planlessly that he seemed to have lost his mind, he would dash with some unencumbered cavalry along the shore, now to Heracleum, now to Phila, returning without halt to Dium.

2.12. ipse cum reliquis copiis primo circa Dium stativa habuit; deinde a Dio, ut obtorpuisse inops consilii videretur, cum equitibus expeditis litore nunc Heracleum, nunc Philam percurrebat, eodem inde cursu Dium repetens.

3.1. Meanwhile the consul had settled on the plan of proceeding by the pass where the king's officer was encamped near Ottolobus.

3.1. interim consuli sententia stetit eo saltu ducere, ubi propter Ottolobum diximus regis castra ….

3.2. It was decided, however, to send ahead four thousand men to seize valuable advance positions; the commanders of this force were Marcus Claudius and Quintus Marcius, the son of the consul.

3.2. praemitti tamen quattuor milia armatorum ad loca opportuna praeoccupanda placuit, quis praepositi sunt M. Claudius, Q. Marcius consulis filius.

3.3. Immediately the whole Roman army followed. However, so steep, rough, and rugged was the road that the advance forces, travelling light, barely completed a two days' march of fifteen miles before pitching camp. The place they occupied is called Dierus.

3.3. confestim et universae copiae sequebantur. ceterum adeo ardua et aspera et confragosa fuit via, ut praemissi expediti biduo quindecim milium passuum aegre itinere confecto castra posuerint requieverintque.

3.4. Thence on the following day they advanced seven miles, seized a hill not far from the enemy's camp, and reported by messenger to the consul that they were in contact with the enemy, that they had occupied a place safe and suitable for all purposes, and that he should follow them as rapidly as he could march.

3.4. dierum quem cepere locum appellant. inde postero die septem milia progressi tumulo haud procul hostium castris capto nuntium ad consulem remittunt, perventum ad hostem esse, loco se tuto et ad omnia opportuno consedisse; ut, quantum extendere iter posset, consequeretur.

3.5. While the consul was worrying both over the difficulty of the journey upon which he had entered and over the fate of the small force which he had sent ahead into the midst of hostile garrisons, he was met by the messenger near Lake Ascuris.

3.5. sollicito consuli et propter itineris difficultatem, quod ingressus erat, et eorum vicem, quos paucos inter media praesidia hostium praemiserat, nuntius ad Ascuridem paludem occurrit.

3.6. The consul thereupon gained confidence, and after joining the advance force encamped beneath the hill which had been seized, in the place best adapted through the nature of the terrain.

3.6. addita igitur et ipsi fiducia est, coniunctisque copiis castra tumulo, qui tenebatur, qua aptissimum ad loci naturam erat, sunt adclinata.

3.7. Not only the enemy camp, a little over a mile away, but the whole region to Dium, Phila, and the seashore was before their eyes in the extensive view from so lofty a ridge.

3.7. non hostium modo castra, quae paulo plus mille passuum aberant, sed omnis regio ad Dium et Philam oraque maris late patente ex tam alto iugo prospectu oculis subicitur.

3.8. This sight roused the spirits of the soldiery, after they had a birds eye view of the whole campaign including all the king's forces and the land of the enemy, from so near by.

3.8. quae res accendit militi animos, postquam summam belli ac regias omnis copias terramque hostilem tam e propinquo conspexerunt.

3.9. Although the soldiers, made eager by this sight, urged the consul to lead them at once to the enemy's camp, one day's rest was given them, since they were weary from the toil of the march.

3.9. itaque cum alacres, protinus duceret ad castra hostium, consulem hortarentur, dies unus fessis labore viae ad quietem datus est.

3.10. Next day, the consul, leaving part of his forces to guard the camp, advanced against the enemy.

3.10. tertio die parte copiarum ad praesidium castrorum relicta consul ad hostem ducit.

4.1. Hippias had recently been sent by the king to guard the pass; as soon as he saw the Roman camp on its hill, he roused the spirits of his men to combat; and now he marched out against the oncoming column of the consul.

4.1. Hippias nuper ad tuendum saltum ab rege missus erat; qui ex quo castra Romana in tumulo conspexit, praeparatis ad certamen animis suorum venienti agmini consulis obvius fuit.

4.2. The Romans had come out unencumbered for battle and the enemy were light troops, a type very ready to stir up combat.

4.2. et Romani expediti ad pugnam exierant, et hostes levis armatura erat, promptissimum genus ad lacessendum certamen.

4.3. Therefore immediately on meeting they discharged their weapons; many wounds were both received and inflicted by either side in the hasty encounter; small numbers of both forces were killed.

4.3. congressi igitur extemplo tela coniecerunt. multa utrimque volnera temerario incursu et accepta et inlata; pauci utriusque partis ceciderunt.

4.4. Now that their spirits had been roused for the succeeding day, a more stubborn clash of larger forces occurred; and the decisive battle of the war would have been fought if there had been room enough to deploy the battle line; but the ridge of the mountain running up to a narrow peak barely allowed for a front of three files.

4.4. inritatis in posterum diem animis maioribus copiis atque infestius concur sum … de summa belli, si loci satis ad explicandam aciem fuisset. iugum montis in angustum dorsum cuneatum vix ternis ordinibus armatorum in fronte patuit.

4.5. And so while a few fought, the large remainder, especially the heavy-armed, stood by as onlookers of the battle.

4.5. itaque paucis pugnantibus cetera multitudo, praecipue qui gravium armorum erant, spectatores pugnae stabant.

4.6. Light forces were also able to charge forward over the rolling slopes of the ridge and engage the opposing light forces in flanking attacks over terrain favourable and unfavourable. More had been wounded than killed that day when the battle was broken off at nightfall.

4.6. levis armatura etiam per anfractus iugi procurrere et ab lateribus cum levi armatura conserere per iniqua atque aequa loca pugnam poterat. pluribus ea die volneratis quam interfectis proelium nocte diremptum est.

4.7. On the third day the Roman commander was at a loss; for he could neither remain on the ridge without supplies nor retire without disgrace and even danger, if the enemy pursued his retreat from the higher ground. There remained indeed no alternative to amending a bold undertaking by persistent boldness, which is occasionally wise in the long run.

4.7. tertio die egere consilio Romanus imperator; nam neque manere in iugo inopi neque regredi sine flagitio atque etiam periculo, si cedenti ex superioribus locis instaret hostis, poterat;

4.8. In fact, the position was such that, had the consul confronted an enemy like to the old-time kings of Macedonia, he might have suffered a great disaster.

4.8. nec aliud restabat quam audacter commissum pertinaci audacia, quae prudens interdum in exitu est, corrigere.

4.9. But though the king was scouring the shore near Dium with cavalry, and at a distance of twelve miles could almost hear the shouts and din of the fighting men, he neither added to his forces by reinforcing his weary men with fresh troops, nor did he himself appear on the battle-field —a matter of greatest moment —although the Roman commander, aged over sixty and overburdened with flesh, performed vigorously in person all the duties of a soldier. Magnificently he pursued his bold undertaking to the end;

4.9. ventum quidem erat eo, ut si hostem similem antiquis Macedonum regibus habuisset consul, magna clades accipi potuerit. sed cum ad Dium per litora cum equitibus vagaretur rex et ab duodecim milibus prope clamorem et strepitum pugnantium audiret, nec auxit copias integros fessis summittendo neque ipse, quod plurimum intererat, certamini adfuit, cum Romanus imperator, maior sexaginta annis et praegravis corpore, omnia militaria munera ipse inpigre obiret.

4.11. he left Popilius to guard the ridge during his advance over pathless ground, sent ahead men to clear out a road, and ordered Attalus and Misagenes, each with the auxiliaries of his own nation, to act as guard for the men clearing the pass.

4.11. egregie ad ultimum in audaciter commisso perseveravit et Popilio relicto in custodia iugi per invia transgressurus praemissis, qui repurgarent iter, Attalum et Misagenem cum suae gentis utrumque auxiliaribus praesidio esse saltum aperientibus iubet;

4.12. The consul himself sent the cavalry and baggage ahead of him and brought up the rear with the legions.

4.12. ipse equites impedimentaque prae se habens cum legionibus agmen cogit.

5.1. The toil of the descent and the damage to baggage-animals and their loads cannot be put into words. After they had advanced a mere four miles, they would have given anything to return as they had come, if they but could.

5.1. inenarrabilis labor descendentibus cum ruina iumentorum sarcinarumque. progressis vixdum quattuor milia passuum nihil optabilius esse quam redire, qua venerant, si possent.

5.2. The confusion of an attack by an enemy was caused by the elephants, which on arriving at the pathless places cast off their mahouts and with horrible trumpetings caused a great panic, especially among the horses, until a plan was devised for getting them through.

5.2. hostilem prope tumultum agmini elephanti praebebant, qui ubi ad invia venerant, deiectis rectoribus cum horrendo stridore pavorem ingentem equis maxime incutiebant, donec traducendi eos ratio inita est.

5.3. On the steep hillside the slope was marked off, and at the lower end two long strong posts were set in the ground, separated by a distance slightly greater than the width of one of the beasts;

5.3. per proclive sumpto fastigio longi duo validi asseres ex inferiore parte in terra defigebantur, distantes inter se paulo plus, quam quanta beluae latitudo est;

5.4. on a cross-beam laid upon these posts, planks, each thirty feet long, were fastened together to form a runway, and earth thrown on top of them.

5.4. in eos transverso incumbente tigno … tricenos longi pedes, ut pons esset, iniungebantur humusque insuper iniciebatur.

5.5. Next, at a slight interval below, a second runway of the same sort was built, then a third, and others one after the other, where the cliffs were sheer.

5.5. modico deinde infra intervallo similis alter pons, dein tertius et plures ex ordine, qua rupes abscisae erant, fiebant.

5.6. From firm ground an elephant would advance on to the runway; before he could proceed to its end, the posts were cut and the tilting of the runway forced the animal to slide gently to the head of the next runway.

5.6. solido procedebat elephantus in pontem; cuius priusquam in extremum pro cederet, succisis asseribus conlapsus pons usque ad alterius initium pontis prolabi eum leniter cogebat.

5.7. Some of the elephants would slide standing erect, others would squat on their haunches. Whenever they were met with the level expanse of another runway, they were again carried down by a like collapse of the lower structure, until they arrived at the more passable valley.

5.7. alii elephanti pedibus insistentes, alii clunibus subsidentes prolabebantur. ubi planities altera pontis excepisset eos, rursus simili ruina inferioris pontis deferebantur, donec ad aequiorem vallem perventum est.

5.8. The Romans advanced on that day hardly more than seven miles. Very little of the journey did they accomplish on their feet. Usually they advanced by casting themselves down, arms, baggage, and all, while meeting with every kind of difficulty, so that even the leader who had chosen the route could not deny that a small force could have destroyed the whole army.

5.8. paulo plus septem milia eo die Romani processerunt. minimum pedibus itineris confectum; plerumque provolventes se simul cum armis aliisque oneribus cum omni genere vexationis processerunt, adeo ut ne dux quidem et auctor itineris infitiaretur parva manu deleri omnem exercitum potuisse.

5.9. By nightfall they reached a scant level area, nor did men who had unexpectedly at long last found a place which offered sure footing, have the leisure to observe the unfriendly nature of the place, hemmed in as it was on all sides.

5.9. nocte ad modicam planitiem pervenerunt, nec quam infestus is locus esset saeptus undique, circumspiciendi spatium fuit vix tandem ex insperato stabilem ad insistendum nanctis locum.

5.10. For the next day as well they were compelled to wait in the depths of this valley for Popilius and the troops left behind with him. These troops too, though threatened from no direction by the enemy, were harassed as by an enemy by the ruggedness of the terrain.

5.10. postero quoque die in tam cava valle opperiri Popilium ac relictas cum eo copias necesse fuit; quos et ipsos, cum ab nulla parte hostis terruisset, locorum asperitas hostiliter vexavit.

5.11. On the third day, they proceeded with the united forces through the pass called Callipeuce by the natives.

5.11. tertio die coniunctis copiis eunt per saltum, quem incolae Callipeucen appellant.

5.12. On the fourth day, they descended through country as pathless as before, but their skill was greater through practice, and their morale was higher, since the enemy had not showed himself anywhere and they were reaching the sea. On reaching the plains between Heracleum and Libethrum they pitched a camp, most of which occupied hills.

5.12. quarto inde die per aeque invia, sed adsuetudine peritius et meliore cum spe, quod nec hostis usquam apparebat et mari adpropinquabant, degressi in campos inter Heracleum et Libethrum posuerunt castra.

5.13. This was the infantry camp; they embraced part of the plain too within the rampart, where the cavalry might encamp.

5.13. peditum, quorum pars maior tumulos tenebat, … ibi vallo campi quoque partem, ubi eques tenderet, amplectebantur.

6.1. The king was in his bath, they say, when the presence of the enemy was announced. At this message he leapt in terror from his tub and dashed out crying that he had been beaten without a battle.

6.1. lavanti regi dicitur nuntiatum hostis adesse. quo nuntio cum pavidus exiluisset e solio, victum se sine proelio clamitans proripuit;

6.2. And thereafter, as his terror drove him to a succession of fear-struck plans and orders, he sent out two of his friends, one to Pella to cast into the sea the money stored in Phacus, the other to Thessalonica to burn the dockyards. He recalled Asclepiodotus and Hippias and their forces from outpost duty and opened every approach for attack.

6.2. et subinde per alia atque alia pavida consilia et imperia trepidans duos ex amicis, Pellam alterum, ut, quae ad Phacum pecunia deposita erat, … ex praesidiis revocat omnisque aditus aperit bello.

6.3. The king ran off with all the gilded statues at Dium, to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy, and compelled the inhabitants of that region to move to Pydna. Thereby what might have seemed the rashness of the consul in advancing to a position from which he could not retire without the consent of the enemy, was turned by the king into well-calculated boldness. For the Romans had two passes by which they could extricate themselves: one through Tempe into Thessaly, the other into Macedonia past Dium.

6.3. ipse ab Dio auratis statuis omnibus raptis, ne praeda hosti essent, incolas eius loci demigrare Pydnam cogit, et quae temeritas consulis videri potuisset, quod eo processisset, unde invito hoste regredi nequiret, eam non inconsultam audaciam fecit.

6.5. Both of the passes were being held by the king's forces; therefore if the king, by fearlessly holding his own, had resisted the first false appearance of approaching danger, he would have left the Romans no retreat through Tempe to Thessaly, nor any route for bringing up provisions from that direction.

6.5. duos enim saltus, per quos inde evadere possent, habebant Romani, unum per Tempe in Thessaliam, alterum in Macedoniam praeter Dium; quae utraque regiis tenebantur praesidiis. itaque si dux intrepidus decem dies primam speciem adpropinquantis terroris sustinuisset, neque receptus Romanis per Tempe in Thessaliam neque commeatibus pervehendis ea patuisset iter.

6.7. For even without the opposition of an enemy Tempe is a defile difficult of passage; for besides five miles of narrows through which the road is cramped for a loaded animal, the cliffs on either side are so sheer that one can hardly look down without some dizziness of eye and brain. An additional source of fear is the roar and depth of the Peneüs River flowing through the midst of the canyon. This place, so unfriendly by its very nature, was blocked at four separate points by the king's garrisons.

6.7. sunt enim Tempe saltus, etiamsi non bello fiat infestus, transitu difficilis. nam praeter angustias per quinque milia, qua exiguum iumento onusto iter est, rupes utrimque ita abscisae sunt, ut despici vix sine vertigine quadam simul oculorum animique possit. terret et sonitus et altitudo per mediam vallem fluentis Penei amnis.

6.9. One was at the very entrance near Gonnus, the second at Condylus, an impregnable fort, the third in the vicinity of Lapathus, which they call the Palisade, the fourth set by the road itself where the canyon, in the middle of its course, is at its narrowest.

6.9. hic locus tam suapte natura infestus per quattuor distantia loca praesidiis regiis fuit insessus.

6.10. where it can easily be defended by no more than ten soldiers. If the Romans' access to supplies through Tempe, as well as their line of retreat, had been cut off, they would have had to return to the mountains through which they had descended.

6.10. unum in primo aditu ad Gonnum erat, alterum in Condylo, castello inexpugnabili, tertium circa Lapathunta, quem Characa appellant, quartum viae ipsi, qua et media et angustissima vallis est, impositum, quam vel decem armatis tueri facile est.

6.12. As they had deceived the enemy in this by stealth, they could not duplicate the feat without concealment and while the enemy were in possession of the higher summits; and the difficulty they had undergone would have laid low all hope.

6.12. intercluso per Tempe simul aditu commeatibus, simul reditu ipsis, montes, per quos descenderant, repetendi erant.

6.13. There was no alternative left in this rash enterprise but to get out into Macedonia past Dium in the teeth of the enemy, and this undertaking, had not the gods deprived the king of his wits, would itself have been of the utmost difficulty.

6.13. quod, ut furto fefellerant, ita propalam, tenentibus superiora cacumina hostibus, non poterant;

6.14. For between the foothills of Mount Olympus and the sea lies an interval of a little more than a mile, half of which space is taken up with the broad estuary of the Baphyrus River, while part of the plain is obstructed by either the temple of Jupiter or the town.

6.14. et experta difficultas spem omnem incidisset. supererat nihil aliud in temere commisso quam in Macedoniam ad Dium per medios evadere hostis; quod, nisi di mentem regi ademissent, et ipsum ingentis difficultatis erat.

6.15. The very small remainder could have been barred off by a ditch of no extravagant size and a palisade, and there was such an abundance of stone and of forest timber at hand that even a wall could have been thrown up and towers erected. Since none of these possibilities revealed themselves to a mind blinded by sudden panic, the king stripped away all his defences and opened every approach to assault before taking refuge in Pydna.

6.15. nam cum Olympi radices montis paulo plus quam mille passuum ad mare relinquant spatium, cuius dimidium loci occupat ostium late restagnans Baphyri amnis, partem planitiae aut Iovis templum aut oppidum tenet, relicum perexiguum fossa modica valloque claudi poterat, et saxorum ad manum silvestrisque materiae tantum erat, ut vel murus obici turresque excitari potuerint. quorum nihil cum dispexisset caecata mens subito terrore, nudatis omnibus praesidiis patefactisque bello ad Pydnam refugit.

7.1. The consul sighted much security as well as hope in the folly and inaction of the king; he sent back a message to Spurius Lucretius at Larisa to seize the forts abandoned by the enemy in the region of Tempe, and sending Popilius to reconnoitre the crossings around Dium, arrived at that city in two days' march, since he learned that everything lay open in all directions.

7.1. consul plurimum et praesidii et spei cernens in stultitia et segnitia hostis, remisso nuntio ad Sp. Lucretium Larisam, ut castella relicta ab hoste circa Tempe occuparet, praemisso Popilio ad explorandos transitus circa Dium, postquam patere omnia in omnis partes animadvertit, secundis castris pervenit ad Dium metarique sub ipso templo, ne quid sacro in loco violaretur, iussit.

7.2. He ordered his camp to be pitched next to the temple itself, so that no sacrilege against the sacred precinct might be committed.

7.2. ipse urbem ingressus sicut non magnam, ita exornatam publicis locis et multitudine statuarum munitamque egregie, vix satis credere in tantis rebus sine causa relictis non aliquem subesse dolum.

7.3. On personally inspecting the city which, though not large, was adorned with public installations and an abundance of statues and was magnificently fortified, the consul could hardly convince himself that no ruse lurked in the unreasonable abandonment of such remarkable objects.

7.3. unum diem ad exploranda circa omnia moratus castra movet; satisque credens in Pieria frumenti copiam fore, eo die ad amnem nomine Mityn processit.

7.4. After a day's delay for general reconnaissance all around, he advanced, and being convinced that there would be abundant grain in Pieria, he proceeded on that day to a river named Mitys.

7.4. postero die progressus Agassas urbem tradentibus sese ipsis recepit et ut reliquorum Macedonum animos sibi conciliaret, obsidibus contentus sine praesidio relinquere se iis urbem inmunesque ac suis legibus victuros est pollicitus.

7.5. Continuing on the following day, he accepted the surrender of the city of Agassae by its inhabitants; and to win over the hearts of the other Macedonians, he contented himself with hostages and promised to leave the city to its people without garrison, and to accord them autonomy and freedom from tribute. Advancing thence a day's journey, he encamped by the Ascordus River. Because he felt more strongly the want of every sort of supplies the further he advanced from Thessaly, he retired to Dium, thereby demonstrating beyond a doubt to everyone what he would have suffered had he been cut off from Thessaly, since he found it unsafe to advance far from there.

7.5. progressus inde diei iter ad Ascordum flumen posuit castra; et quantum procederet longius a Thessalia, eo maiorem rerum omnium inopiam sentiens, regressus ad Dium est dubitatione omnibus exempta, quid intercluso ab Thessalia patiendum fuisset, cui procul inde abscedere tutum non esset.

7.7. After Perseus had assembled all his forces and officers, he blamed the commanders of his outposts, above all Asclepiodotus and Hippias;

7.7. Perseus coactis in unum omnibus copiis ducibusque increpare praefectos praesidiorum, ante omnes Asclepiodotum atque Hippiam;

7.8. they, he said, had surrendered the keys to Macedonia to the Romans —a crime for which no one would have been more justly prosecuted than himself.

7.8. ab his dicere claustra Macedoniae tradita Romanis esse;

7.9. After the sight of the Roman fleet at sea had brought to the consul hope that the ships were bringing provisions —for there was a great scarcity of grain and almost a famine —he heard from the men just come into port that the freight ships had been left in Magnesia.

7.9. cuius culpae reus nemo iustius quam ipse fuisset. consuli postquam ex alto conspecta classis spem fecit cum commeatu naves venire — ingens enim caritas annonae ac prope inopia erat —, ab invectis iam portum audit onerarias naves Magnesiae relictas esse. incerto inde, quidnam agendum foret — adeo sine ulla ope hostis, quae adgravaret, cum ipsa difficultate rerum pugnandum erat — , peropportune litterae a Sp.

7.11. As the consul was debating what should be done —so completely was his struggle directed against the mere difficulty of the situation, without the slightest effort on the part of the enemy to make matters worse —in the nick of time a despatch arrived from Spurius Lucretius that he was in possession of the forts above Tempe and around Phila, and that he had found a supply of grain and other useful materials in them.

7.11. Lucretio adlatae sunt castella se, quae super Tempe essent et circa Philan, tenere omnia frumentique in iis et aliarum in usum rerum copiam invenisse.

8.1. Greatly pleased by this news, the consul moved from Dium to Phila, both to strengthen its garrison and to distribute to the soldiers the grain, transportation of which was slow.

8.1. his magno opere laetus consul ab Dio ad Philan ducit, simul ut praesidium eius firmaret, simul ut militi frumentum, cuius tarda subvectio erat, divideret.

8.2. This march started unpleasant rumours; for some put it that he had retired from before the enemy out of fear, because he would have had to fight a battle if he had remained in Pieria, while others said that in his ignorance of the daily fluctuations in the fortunes of war, and as if events were awaiting his signal, he had dropped from his grasp advantages which presently could not be recovered.

8.2. ea profectio famam haudquaquam secundam habuit. nam alii metu recessisse eum ab hoste ferebant, quia manenti in Pieria proelio dimicandum foret, alii ignarum, belli quae in dies fortuna novaret, ut opperientibus sese rebus emisisse de manibus ea, quae mox repeti non possent.

8.4. For at one move he had lost his grip on Dium and had stirred up the enemy to perceiving at long last that he must recover what previously he had shamefully lost.

8.4. simul enim cessit possessione Dii, excitavit hostem, ut tunc tandem sentiret recuperanda esse, quae prius culpa amissa forent.

8.5. For on hearing of the departure of the consul, the king returned to Dium, rebuilt what had been cast down and despoiled by the Romans, replaced the battlements knocked off the walls, and strengthened the walls all around. Then he placed his camp five miles from the city on the nearer bank of the Elpeüs River, intending to use the river itself as a fortification since it was very hard to cross.

8.5. audita enim profectione consulis regressus Dium, quae disiecta ac vastata ab Romanis erant, reficit; pinnas moenium decussas reponit, ab omni parte muros firmat, deinde quinque milia passuum ab urbe citra ripam Elpei amnis castra ponit amnem ipsum transitu perdifficilem pro munimento habiturus.

8.6. It flows from a ravine of Mount Olympus, is scanty in summer, but again in winter is swollen by rains; it forms great rapids above its boulders, and below, by carrying off the eroded earth to the sea, produces great abysses and banks sheer on either side above a deeply-hollowed channel.

8.6. fluit ex valle Olympi montis, aestate exiguus, hibernis idem incitatus pluviis et supra rupes ingentis gurgites facit et infra prorutam in mare evolvendo terram praealtas voragines cavatoque medio alveo ripas utrimque praecipitis.

8.7. Thinking that the enemy's advance was barred by this river, the king intended to use up the rest of the summer.

8.7. hoc flumine obsaeptum iter hostis credens extrahere relicum tempus aestatis in animo habebat.

8.8. Meanwhile the consul sent Popilius with two thousand soldiers from Phila to Heracleum.

8.8. inter haec consul a Phila Popilium cum duobus milibus armatorum Heracleum mittit.

8.9. This is about five miles from Phila, on a cliff overhanging the river midway between Dium and Tempe.

8.9. abest a Phila quinque milia ferme passuum, media regione inter Dium Tempeque in rupe amni inminente positum.

9.1. Before Popilius brought his men against the walls, he sent envoys to persuade the magistrates and chief citizens to prefer making trial of the good faith and mildness of the Romans rather than of their force.

9.1. Popilius priusquam armatos muris admoveret, misit, qui magistratibus principibusque suaderent, fidem clementiamque Romanorum quam vim experiri mallent.

9.2. This advice availed nothing, because the fires of the king's camp at the Elpeüs were in sight. Then the siege began, both with assaults and with field-works and engines, both from land and sea, for the fleet, too, had arrived and occupied the shore side.

9.2. nihil ea consilia moverunt, quia ignes ad Elpeum ex regis castris apparebant. tum terra marique — et classis adpulsa ab litore stabat — simul armis, simul operibus machinisque oppugnari coepti.

9.3. The younger Romans even captured the lowest part of the wall by turning to military use a performance of the arena.

9.3. iuvenes etiam quidam Romani ludicro circensi ad usum belli verso partem humillimam muri ceperunt.

9.4. It was the custom then, before there had been introduced the present extravagance of cramming the arena with animals from all over the earth, to hunt out various sorts of spectacles, for one race with four-horse chariots and one with bareback riders hardly occupied the space of an hour for the two events.

9.4. mos erat tum, nondum hac effusione inducta bestiis omnium gentium circum conplendi, varia spectaculorum conquirere genera; nam semel quadrigis, semel desultore misso vix unius horae tempus utrumque curriculum conplebat.

9.5. As one of these performances, groups of about sixty youths (occasionally more at more elaborate games) entered under arms. Their entrance was in some respects an imitation of military manoeuvres, but in other respects was of a style more showy than the military and more akin to the fashion of gladiatorial combats.

9.5. inter cetera sexageni ferme iuvenes, interdum plures apparatioribus ludis, armati inducebantur. horum inductio ex parte simulacrum decurrentis exercitus erat, ex parte elegantioris [exercitus] quam militaris artis propiorque gladiatorium armorum usum.

9.6. After passing through various evolutions in this manoeuvre, they would form in ranks, with shields close-set over their heads, the front rank erect, the second somewhat stooped, the third and fourth more so, and the rear rank down on their knees, so that they would form a “tortoise” sloped like the roof of a house.

9.6. cum alios decursu edidissent motus, quadrato agmine facto, scutis super capita densatis, stantibus primis, secundis summissioribus, tertiis magis et quartis, postremis etiam genu nixis, fastigatam, sicut tecta aedificiorum sunt, testudinem faciebant.

9.7. Next two armed men, separated by an interval of some fifty feet, would rush out, feint at each other, and mount from bottom to top of the “tortoise” over the close-set shields. They would then act as if skirmishing at the outer edges of the “tortoise,” now clash with each other in the centre, and leap about just as if they were on solid ground. A “tortoise” like this was brought up to the lowest part of the wall.

9.7. hinc quinquaginta ferme pedum spatio distantes duo armati procurrebant comminatique inter se, ab ima in summam testudinem per densata scuta cum evasissent, nunc velut propugnantes per oras extremae testudinis, nunc in media inter se concurrentes, haud secus quam stabili solo persultabant.

9.8. When soldiers on top came up to the wall, they were at their highest elevation level with the defenders of the wall; the defenders were routed and the soldiers of two maniples crossed into the city.

9.8. huic testudo similis humillimae parti muri admota. cum armati superstantes subissent, propugnatoribus muri fastigio altitudinis aequabantur; depulsisque iis in urbem duorum signorum milites transcenderunt.

9.9. The only difference from the show was that the front rank and those exposed on the flanks did not raise their shields over their heads, but held them out in the usual position for battle in order not to expose their bodies. In this way the missiles hurled from the wall did not injure the men as they approached and those cast on the “tortoise” slid harmlessly like rain down to the bottom of the slippery slope.

9.9. id tantum dissimile fuit, quod et in fronte extremi et ex lateribus soli non habebant super capita elata scuta, ne nudarent corpora, sed praetenta pugnantium more. ita nec ipsos tela ex muro missa subeuntis laeserunt et testudini iniecta imbris in modum lubrico fastigio innoxia ad imum labebantur.

9.10. On capturing Heracleum, the consul advanced his camp there, as if he were going to advance to Dium and thence, after dislodging the king, into Pieria as well.

9.10. et consul capto iam Heracleo castra eo protulit tamquam Dium atque inde summoto rege in Pieriam etiam progressurus.

9.11. But as he was already making ready for wintering, he ordered the roads from Thessaly to be repaired for the transport of provisions and suitable sites for granaries to be chosen and houses built where those transporting the provisions could lodge.

9.11. sed hiberna iam praeparans vias commeatibus subvehendis ex Thessalia muniri iubet et eligi horreis opportuna loca tectaque aedificari, ubi deversari portantes commeatus possent.

10.1. Perseus at length recovered his courage from the panic which had struck him down. and would have preferred that his commands had not been obeyed when he ordered the treasure at Pella to be cast into the sea and the dockyards at Thessalonica to be burned.

10.1. Perseus tandem a pavore eo, quo attonitus fuerat, recepto animo malle imperiis suis non obtemperatum esse, cum trepidans gazam in mare deici Pellae, Thessalonicae navalia iusserat incendi.

10.2. Andronicus, the envoy to Thessalonica, had killed time to allow for the very thing which happened, a change of mind.

10.2. Adronicus Thessalonicam missus traxerat tempus, id ipsum quod accidit, paenitentiae relinquens locum. incautior Nicias Pellae proiciendo pecuniae partem, quae fuerat ad Phacum;

10.3. Nicias at Pella was less wary in casting away part of the money which was in Phacus, but he seemed to have made his mistake in a manner not irreparable, since almost all the money was brought up by divers.

10.3. sed in re emendabili visus lapsus esse, quod per urinatores omne ferme extractum est.

10.4. So great was the king's shame at this panic of his that he ordered the divers secretly to be put to death, and after them Andronicus and Nicias, too, so that there should be no one having knowledge of so crazy an order.

10.4. tantusque pudor regi pavoris eius fuit, ut urinatores clam interfici iusserit, deinde Andronicum quoque et Nician, ne quis tam dementis imperii conscius existeret.

10.5. Meanwhile, Gaius Marcius set out with the fleet from Heracleum for Thessalonica, ravaged the countryside far and wide by setting ashore forces at several points, and in several successful battles drove back those who sallied from the city headlong within their walls.

10.5. inter haec C. Marcius cum classe ab Heracleo Thessalonicam profectus et agrum pluribus locis expositis per litora armatis late vastavit et procurrentes ab urbe secundis aliquot proeliis trepidos intra moenia conpulit.

10.6. He was striking terror into the city itself, when from the engines of all types which were distributed about, stones shot by machine struck down not only the skirmishers about the walls who rashly approached, but even the men in the ships.

10.6. iamque ipsi urbi terribilis erat, cum dispositis omnis generis tormentis non vagi modo circa muros, temere adpropinquantes, sed etiam qui in navibus erant, saxis tormento emicantibus percutiebantur.

10.7. Recalling the soldiers to the ships and abandoning the siege of Thessalonica, they made thence for Aenea. This city is fifteen miles away, set opposite Pydna in fertile land.

10.7. revocatis igitur in naves militibus omissaque Thessalonicae oppugnatione Aeniam inde petunt. quindecim milia passuum ea urbs abest, adversus Pydnam posita, fertili agro.

10.8. After devastating its territory they followed the shore and arrived at Antigonea. There they disembarked and for a time both ravaged the fields round about and carried some booty off to their ships.

10.8. pervastatis finibus eius legentes oram Antigoneam perveniunt. ibi egressi in terram primo et vastarunt agros passim et aliquantum praedae contulerunt ad naves.

10.9. Then the Macedonians, cavalry and infantry together, attacked the scattered raiders and pursuing as they fled in disorder, killed about five hundred and captured as many.

10.9. dein palatos eos adorti Macedones, mixti pedites equitesque, fugientes effuse ad mare persecuti quingentos ferme occiderunt et non minus ceperunt.

10.10. Nothing but utter necessity, when they were kept from finding safety in their ships, aroused the spirits of the Roman soldiers, both by despair of other means of safety and by indignation. The fight was renewed on the shore; those aboard the ships came to the rescue.

10.10. nec aliud quam ultima necessitas, cum recipere se tuto ad naves prohiberentur, animos militum Romanorum simul desperatione alia salutis, simul indignitate inritavit.

10.11. Here about two hundred of the Macedonians were slain and an equal number captured. From Antigonea the fleet sailed to the peninsula of Pallene and landed troops to ravage it. This land belonged to the territory of Cassandrea and was by far the most fertile of all the coast they had passed.

10.11. redintegrata in litore pugna est; adiuvere, qui in navibus erant. ibi Macedonum ducenti ferme caesi, par numerus captus. ab Antigonea classis profecta ad agrum Pallenensem escensionem ad populandum fecit.

10.12. Here they were met by King Eumenes, who had set out from Elaea with twenty decked ships, as well as by five decked ships sent by King Prusias.

10.12. finium is ager Cassandrensium erat, longe fertilissimus omnis orae, quam praetervecti fuerant. ibi Eumenes rex viginti tectis navibus ab Elaea profectus obvius fuit et quinque missae a Prusia rege tectae naves.

11.1. With this accession of strength, the praetor's spirits rose to the point of attacking Cassandrea.

11.1. hac virium accessione animus crevit praetori, ut Cassandream oppugnaret.

11.2. This was founded by King Cassander precisely in the narrows which connect the peninsula of Pallene with the rest of Macedonia and are bounded on the one side by the Gulf of Macedonia, and on the other by that of Torone.

11.2. condita est a Cassandro rege in ipsis faucibus, quae Pallenensem agrum ceterae Macedoniae iungunt, hinc Toronaico, hinc Macedonico saepta mari.

11.3. For the peninsula on which this city is situated rises high and projects into the sea quite as far as Mount Athos, which is noted for its size; it forms, opposite to the district of Magnesia, two unequal promontories, the larger named Posideum and the smaller Canastraeum.

11.3. eminet namque in altum lingua, in qua sita est, nec minus quam inclitus magnitudine Atho mons excurrit, obversa in regionem Magnesiae duobus inparibus promunturiis, quorum maiori Posideum est nomen, minori Canastraeum.

11.4. The siege was begun in separate divisions. The Roman commander constructed works, including chevaux-de-frise, extending from the Macedonian to the Toronaic gulf, in the quarter called Clitae, in order to cut off the highway. On the other side is a narrow strait; there Eumenes was attacking.

11.4. divisis partibus oppugnare adorti. Romanus ad Clitas, quas vocant, munimenta, cervis etiam obiectis, ut viam intercluderet, a Macedonico ad Toronaicum mare perducit. ab altera parte euripus est;

11.5. The Romans found that their greatest task was filling the moat which Perseus had lately built as a defence. When the praetor inquired why there were no mounds to be seen, where the earth dug from the moat would be, he was shown certain arches. These, he heard, were built up not to the same strength as the old wall, but only to the thickness of a single brick. He therefore adopted the plan of opening a path into the city by piercing the brickwork.

11.5. inde Eumenes oppugnabat. Romanis in fossa conplenda, quam nuper obiecerat Perseus, plurimum erat laboris. ibi quaerenti praetori, quia nusquam cumuli apparebant, quo regesta e fossa terra foret, monstrati sunt fornices: non ad eandem crassitudinem, qua veterem murum, sed simplici laterum ordine structos esse.

11.6. He further expected to effect surprise in this move if he attacked the walls elsewhere with scaling ladders and, by raising confusion, drew off the defenders of the city to the protection of this second spot.

11.6. consilium igitur cepit transfosso pariete iter in urbem patefacere. fallere autem ita se posse, si muros a parte alia scalis adortus tumultu iniecto in custodiam eius loci propugnatores urbis avertisset.

11.7. In the garrison of Cassandrea there were, besides a respectable contingent of young citizens, eight hundred Agrianes and two thousand Illyrian Penestae sent from their home by Pleuratus —both peoples being good fighters. They were defending the walls as the Romans struggled with the utmost energy to mount them, when the piercing of the brickwork of the arches in the twinkling of an eye, laid open the city.

11.7. erant in praesidio Cassandreae praeter non contemnendam iuventutem oppidanorum octingenti Agrianes et duo milia Penestarum Illyriorum, a Pleurato inde missi, bellicosum utrumque genus.

11.8. If men had been there to dash in armed, they would have taken the town at once. When the accomplishment of this breakthrough was reported to the Roman soldiers, they at once eagerly raised a shout of joy, expecting to burst into the city at several points.

11.8. his tuentibus muros, cum subire Romani summa vi niterentur, momento temporis parietes fornicum perfossi urbem patefecerunt. quod si, qui inrumperent, armati fuissent, extemplo cepissent. hoc ubi perfectum esse opus militibus nuntiatum est, clamorem alacres gaudio repente tollunt, aliis parte alia in urbem inrupturis.

12.1. The enemy were first struck with wonder as to the meaning of this sudden uproar.

12.1. hostis primum admiratio cepit, quidnam sibi repentinus clamor vellet.

12.2. After the commanders of the garrison, Pytho and Philip, had been informed that the city lay open, they considered that the work had been done for the benefit of the side first to press the attack, and made a sally with a strong force of Agrianes and Illyrians.

12.2. postquam patere urbem accepere praefecti praesidii Pytho et Philippus, pro eo, qui occupasset adgredi, opus factum esse rati cum valida manu Agrianum Illyriorumque erumpunt Romanosque, qui alii aliunde coibant convocabanturque, ut signa in urbem inferrent, inconpositos atque inordinatos fugant persecunturque ad fossam, in quam conpulsos ruina cumulant.

12.3. The Romans, who were coming up and being summoned from various points to advance into the city, were routed in their scattered and unorganized state and chased to the moat, into which they were driven and which they filled with the fallen. About six hundred were killed there and almost to a man those caught between the wall and the moat were wounded. The praetor, being so grievously dashed by his own undertaking, had become less eager to form other plans. Not even Eumenes, who was attacking both by sea and land, gained any worth-while advantage.

12.3. sescenti ferme ibi interfecti, omnesque prope, qui inter murum fossamque deprensi erant, volnerantur. ita suo ipse conatu perculsus praetor segnior ad alia factus consilia erat. et ne Eumeni quidem simul a mari, simul a terra adgredienti quicquam satis procedebat.

12.5. Both commanders therefore determined to strengthen the forces on guard, so that no reinforcement from Macedonia might be sent in, and since open assault was unsuccessful, to attack the fortifications with siege-works.

12.5. placuit igitur utrique custodiis firmatis, ne quod praesidium ex Macedonia intromitti posset, quoniam vis aperta non processisset, operibus moenia oppugnare.

12.6. During the preparation of these works, ten Macedonian scout-ships, sent from Thessalonica with picked Gallic auxiliaries, saw that the besieging ships were anchored out to sea, and in the dead of night, in single column, hugging the shore as closely as possible, entered the city. Report of this new defence force compelled both the Romans and the king to abandon the siege.

12.6. haec parantibus iis decem regii lembi ab Thessalonica cum delectis Gallorum auxiliaribus missi, cum in salo stantes hostium naves conspexissent, ipsi obscura nocte, simplici ordine, quam poterant proxime litus tenentes intrarunt urbem.