12.7. They sailed around the cape and put in near Torone. After attempting to besiege this city too, and observing that it was defended by a strong force, they gave up their undertaking, and made for Demetrias. On approaching it they saw the walls filled with armed men, and sailed past to make a landing at Iolcus, planning to ravage the fields and then attack Demetrias too.
12.7. huius novi praesidii fama absistere oppugnatione simul Romanos regemque coegit. circumvecti promunturium ad Toronen classem appulerunt. eam quoque oppugnare adorti ubi valida defendi manu animadverterunt, inrito incepto Demetriadem petunt. ibi cum adpropinquantes repleta moenia armatis vidissent, praetervecti ad Iolcon classem appulerunt, inde agro vastato Demetriadem quoque adgressuri.
13.1. Meanwhile the consul, for his part, in order not merely to remain sluggishly idle in hostile territory, sent Marcus Popilius with five thousand soldiers to assail the city of Meliboea.
13.1. inter haec et consul, ne segnis sederet tantum in agro hostico, M. Popilium cum quinque milibus militum ad Meliboeam urbem oppugnandam mittit.
13.2. This is situated in the foothills of Mount Ossa, on the side sloping toward Thessaly, and conveniently threatening Demetrias.
13.2. sita est in radicibus Ossae montis, qua parte in Thessaliam vergit, opportune inminens super Demetriadem.
13.3. The first arrival of the enemy dismayed the inhabitants of the place; then, after rallying their spirits from the unexpected fright, they ran under arms to their posts at gates and wall, where the expected lines of attack were, and at once dispelled the hope that the town could be taken at the first rush.
13.3. primus adventus hostium perculit incolas loci; collectis deinde ex necopinato pavore animis discurrunt armati ad portas ac moenia, qua suspecti aditus erant, spemque extemplo inciderunt, capi primo impetu posse.
13.4. Preparations for a siege were therefore made and the construction of works for the assault was begun. When Perseus heard that Meliboea was being attacked by the consul's army at the same time that the fleet was anchored at Iolcus, in order to attack Demetrias from there, he sent a certain Euphranor, one of his officers, with two thousand picked soldiers to Meliboea.
13.4. obsidio igitur parabatur, et opera ad oppugnationem fieri coepta. Perseus cum audisset simul Meliboeam a consulis exercitu oppugnari, simul classem Iolci stare, ut inde Demetriadem adgrederetur, Euphranorem quendam ex ducibus cum delectis duobus milibus Meliboeam mittit.
13.5. Euphranor's orders were that if he dislodged the Romans from Meliboea, he was to enter Demetrias unobserved before the Romans brought their camp up to the city from Iolcus.
13.5. eidem imperatum, ut, si a Meliboea summovisset Romanos, Demetriadem prius occulto itinere intraret, quam ab Iolco ad urbem castra moverent Romani.
13.6. The besiegers of Meliboea, in great panic when Euphranor suddenly made his appearance on higher ground, abandoned their works and set them afire. So the siege of Meliboea was given up.
13.6. et ab oppugnatoribus Meliboeae, cum in superioribus locis repente apparuisset, cum trepidatione multa relicta opera sunt ignisque iniectus. ita a Meliboea abscessum est.
13.7. After freeing one city from siege, Euphranor at once advanced to Demetrias. He entered the walls by night and gave the inhabitants such confidence that they felt sure of their ability not only to defend their walls, but to protect their land from raids. Sallies were made against the scattered ravagers, not without casualties to the enemy.
13.7. Euphranor soluta unius urbis obsidione Demetriadem extemplo ducit. nocte moenia … modo, sed agros etiam confiderent se a populationibus tueri posse; et eruptiones in vagos populatores non sine volneribus hostium factae sunt.
13.8. However, the praetor and the king rode around the walls, reconnoitring the situation of the city, in case they could attempt an assault by works or by main force at any point.
13.8. circumvecti tamen moenia sunt praetor et rex, situm urbis contemplantes, si qua parte temptare aut opere aut vi possent.
13.9. There was a rumour that Cydas the Cretan and Antimachus, the commander in Demetrias, were agents in discussing terms of friendship between Eumenes and Perseus. At any rate, the Romans departed from Demetrias.
13.9. fama fuit per Cydantem Cretensem et Antimachum, qui Demetriadi praeerat, tractatas inter Eumenen et Persea condiciones amicitiae. ab Demetriade certe abscessum est.
13.10. Eumenes sailed to the consul, and after offering congratulations on his successful entrance into Macedonia, left for Pergamum in his own kingdom.
13.10. Eumenes ad consulem navigat; gratulatus, quod prospere Macedoniam intrasset, Pergamum in regnum abit.
13.11. The praetor Marcius Figulus sent part of his fleet into winter quarters at Sciathus, and made for Oreüs in Euboea with the rest of his ships, thinking that this city was most suitable for the forwarding of supplies to the armies in Macedonia and Thessaly. The historians give highly different accounts of King Eumenes.
13.11. Marcius Figulus praetor parte classis in hiberna Sciathum missa cum reliquis navibus Oreum Euboeae petit eam urbem aptissimam ratus, unde exercitibus, qui in Macedonia quique in Thessalia erant, mitti commeatus possent.
13.12. If you trust Valerius Antias, his account is that although the praetor summoned the king with frequent despatches, he did not even receive naval assistance from him, nor did Eumenes on his way to Asia part on good terms with the consul, being indignant because he was not permitted to encamp in the Roman area;
13.12. de Eumene rege longe diversa tradunt. si Valerio Antiati credas, nec classe adiutum ab eo praetorem esse, cum saepe eum litteris accersisset, tradit nec cum gratia ab consule profectum in Asiam, indignatum, quod, ut iisdem castris tenderet, permissum non fuerit;
13.13. Eumenes, says Valerius, could not even be persuaded to leave behind the Galatian cavalry he had brought with him.
13.13. ne ut equites quidem Gallos, quos secum adduxerat, relinqueret, impetrari ab eo potuisse.
13.14. His brother Attalus, continues Valerius, not only remained with the consul, but displayed genuine and unwavering good faith and notable exploits in this campaign.
13.14. Attalum fratrem eius et remansisse apud consulem, et sinceram eius fidem aequali tenore egregiamque operam in eo bello fuisse.
14.1. While the war was continuing in Macedonia, envoys from across the Alps from a Gallic chieftain —his name is given as Balanos, but there is no record of his tribe —came to Rome promising aid for the Macedonian campaign.
14.1. dum bellum in Macedonia geritur, legati Transalpini ab regulo Gallorum — Balanos ipsius traditur nomen; gentis, ex qua fuerit, non traditur — Romam venerunt pollicentes ad Macedonicum bellum auxilia.
14.2. Thanks were expressed by the senate and gifts sent the envoys, a twisted necklace of two pounds of gold and golden bowls of four pounds, a horse with ornamental trappings, and cavalry weapons.
14.2. gratiae ab senatu actae muneraque missa, torquis aureus duo pondo et paterae aureae quattuor pondo, equus phaleratus armaque equestria.
14.3. After the Gauls, Pamphylian envoys presented in the senate-house a gold crown made of twenty thousand philips and their request was granted that they be permitted to deposit this present in the temple of Jupiter, Greatest and Best, and to offer sacrifice on the Capitol; a gracious answer was given to the envoys' request for a renewal of the state of friendship, and a gift of two thousand asses apiece was sent them.
14.3. secundum Gallos Pamphylii legati coronam auream ex viginti milibus Philippeorum factam in curiam intulerunt, petentibusque iis, ut id donum in cella Iovis optimi maximi ponere et sacrificare in Capitolio liceret, permissum benigneque amicitiam renovare volentibus legatis responsum et binum milium aeris singulis missum munus.
14.5. Next, an audience was given to envoys from King Prusias, and shortly thereafter to those from the Rhodians, who made a very different presentation of the same request.
14.5. tum ab rege Prusia et paulo post ab Rhodiis de eadem re longe aliter disserentes legati auditi sunt.
14.6. Both embassies treated of making terms again with King Perseus. Prusias' attitude was more that of entreaty than demand, for he declared that up to this time he had taken the part of the Romans, and would so continue as long as the war lasted;
14.6. utraque legatio de pace reconcilianda cum rege Perseo egit. Prusiae preces magis quam postulatio fuere profitentis et ad id tempus se cum Romanis stetisse et, quoad bellum foret, staturum;
14.7. however, inasmuch as envoys from Perseus had come to him to discuss ending the war with the Romans, he had promised to plead Perseus' cause before the senate; he requested that if they could bring themselves to do so, they would put an end to their wrath, and would accord him, too, their thanks for the restoration of peace. So spoke the king's envoys.
14.7. ceterum cum ad se a Perseo legati venissent de finiendo cum Romanis bello, ei se pollicitum deprecatorem apud senatum futurum; petere, si possent inducere in animum, ut finiant iras, se quoque in gratia reconciliatae pacis ponerent.
14.8. The Rhodians haughtily reviewed their services to the Roman people, and claimed for themselves almost the greater part of the victories, especially over King Antiochus; they then added that while peace had existed between the Macedonians and Romans, they had entered upon friendship with King Perseus;
14.8. haec regii legati. Rhodii superbe commemoratis meritis suis erga populum Romanum et paene victoriae, utique de Antiocho rege, maiore parte ad se vindicata adiecerunt, cum pax inter Macedonas Romanosque esset, sibi amicitiam cum rege Perseo coeptam;
14.9. this they had broken off against their will and on account of no fault of his toward them, but because it had seemed good to the Romans to draw them into participation in the war.
14.9. eam se invitos, nullo eius in se merito, quoniam ita Romanis visum sit in societatem se belli trahere, interrupisse.
14.10. For the third year, they said, they were feeling many inconveniences from this war because of the interruption of commerce; their island was poor, and could not be inhabited without the assistance of sea-borne supplies.
14.10. tertium se annum multa eius incommoda belli sentire mari interim intercluso; inopem insulam esse, nisi ma ritimis iuvetur colendi … itaque commeatibus.
14.11. Since therefore they could no longer endure this privation, they had sent other envoys to Perseus in Macedonia, to inform him that it was the Rhodians' wish that he should arrange a peace with the Romans, and that they had sent a similar announcement to Rome.
14.11. cum id ultra pati non possent, legatos alios ad Persea in Macedoniam misisse, qui ei denuntiarent, Rhodiis placere pacem eum conponere cum Romanis; se Romam eadem nuntiatum missos.
14.12. If either party was responsible for preventing the ending of the war, the Rhodians would deliberate as to what action they ought to take against this party.
14.12. per quos stetisset, quo minus belli finis fieret, adversus eos quid sibi faciendum esset, Rhodios consideraturos esse.
14.13. I feel sure that even now these statements cannot be read or heard without indignation; from this one can judge what the senate's state of mind was as they listened.
14.13. ne nunc quidem haec sine indignatione legi audirive posse certum habeo. inde existimari potest, qui habitus animorum audientibus ea patribus fuerit.
15.1. Claudius has it that the senate returned no answer, but only had read its decree that the Roman people gave the Carians and Lycians their freedom and that despatches should be immediately sent to both peoples, on hearing which the chief of the Rhodian embassy, for whose proud language the senate-house had but a moment before seemed too small, now suffered deflation.
15.1. Claudius nihil responsum auctor est, tantum senatus consultum recitatum, quo Caras et Lycios liberos esse iuberet populus Romanus litterasque extemplo ad utramque gentem senatus consultum indicatum mitti; qua audita re principem legationis, cuius magniloquentiam vix curia paulo ante ceperat, corruisse.
15.3. Other historians record the following answer: “At the outset of this war the Roman people were informed by no trifling sources that the Rhodians had entered upon secret plots with King Perseus against the Roman state, but even had this been doubtful before, the words of the embassy just uttered have made the matter certain.” “Frequently treachery unmasks itself, even if it is more wary at first. And now the Rhodians pass judgment throughout the world as to peace and war!”
15.3. alii responsum esse tradunt, populum Romanum et principio eius belli haud vanis auctoribus conpertum habuisse, Rhodios cum Perseo rege adversus rem publicam suam occulta consilia inisse, et si id ante dubium fuisset, legatorum paulo ante verba ad certum redegisse, et plerumque ipsam se fraudem, etiamsi initio cautior fuerit, detegere.
15.5. “At the beck and call of the Rhodians will the Romans take up and lay down their arms! Now we are no longer to call upon the gods to witness treaties, but rather the Rhodians!”
15.5. Rhodios nunc in orbe terrarum arbitria belli pacisque agere, Rhodiorum nutu arma sumpturos positurosque Romanos esse. iam non deos foederum testis, sed Rhodios habituros.
15.6. “Unless obedience is rendered them, and our armies are removed from Macedonia, the Rhodians will see, will they, what they must do?”
15.6. itane tandem? ni pareatur iis exercitusque de Macedonia deportentur, visuros esse, quid sibi faciendum sit?
15.7. “What the Rhodians will see, they themselves know. But surely the Roman people, after their conquest of Perseus, which they hope will take place any day, will see that they repay a suitable reward for the actions of each state during the war.”
15.7. quid Rhodii visuri sint, ipsos scire; populum certe Romanum devicto Perseo, quod prope diem sperent fore, visurum, ut pro meritis cuiusque in eo bello civitatis gratiam dignam referat.
15.8. Nevertheless, a present of two thousand sesterces apiece was sent to the envoys, which they refused.
15.8. munus tamen legatis in singulos binum milium aeris missum est, quod ii non acceperunt.
16.1. Thereafter despatches from Quintus Marcius the consul were read, describing his crossing over into Macedonia, by forcing the pass;
16.1. litterae deinde recitatae Q. Marci consulis sunt, quem ad modum saltu superato in Macedoniam transisset:
16.2. in Macedonia he had procured supplies in advance of winter from various localities, and in particular had received twenty thousand bushels of wheat and ten thousand of barley from the Epirotes, so that payment for this grain should be arranged with their envoys at Rome.
16.2. ibi et ex aliis locis commeatus prospectos in hiemem habere et ab Epirotis viginti milia modium tritici, decem hordei sumpsisse, ut pro eo frumento pecunia Romae legatis eorum curaretur.
16.3. Clothes, said the consul, should be sent to the army from Rome; there was need for about two hundred horses, especially Numidians, and he had no supply of them where he was. A decree of the senate was passed to carry out these requests of the consul.
16.3. vestimenta militibus ab Roma mittenda esse; equis ducentis ferme opus esse, maxime Numidis, nec sibi in his locis ullam copiam esse.
16.4. Gaius Sulpicius the praetor let a contract for transporting to Macedonia six thousand togas, thirty thousand tunics, and two hundred horses, and for depositing them where the consul chose. Sulpicius also paid the envoys of the Epirotes the price of the grain, and brought before the senate Onesimus, son of Pytho, a Macedonian noble.
16.4. senatus consultum, ut ea omnia ex litteris consulis fierent, factum est. C. Sulpicius praetor sex milia togarum, triginta tunicarum, equos ducentos deportanda in Macedoniam praebendaque arbitratu consulis locavit et legatis Epirotarum pecuniam pro frumento solvit et Onesimum Pythonis filium, nobilem Macedonem, in senatum introduxit.
16.5. He had always been a proponent of peace to the king, and had advised him to adopt frequently, if not regularly, the practice which his father Philip had begun and continued to the last day of his life —namely, that of reading through twice daily the treaty he had made with the Romans. After Onesimus had been unable to discourage the king from war, Onesimus began at first to withdraw on one excuse or another, so as not to be associated with projects of which he disapproved.
16.5. is pacis semper auctor regi fuerat monueratque, sicut pater eius Philippus institutum usque ad ultimum vitae diem servarat cotidie, bis in die, foederis icti cum Romanis perlegendi, ut eum morem, si non semper, crebro tamen usurparet.
16.6. Finally, when he saw that he was an object of suspicion and that occasionally he was being charged by innuendo with treachery, he deserted to the Romans and made himself very useful to the consul.
16.6. postquam deterrere eum a bello nequiit, primo subtrahere sese per alias atque alias causas, ne interesset iis, quae non probabat, coepit; postremo cum suspectum se esse cerneret et proditionis interdum crimine insimulari, ad Romanos transfugit et magno usui consuli fuit.
16.7. On being introduced to the senate, he recited these facts, and the senate ordered that he be enrolled in the category of allies, that a residence and entertainment be provided for him, that two hundred acres of the public land of the Roman people in the district of Tarentum be given him, and that a house be bought for him at Tarentum. Gaius Decimius the praetor was entrusted with the execution of these orders.
16.7. ea introductus in curiam cum memorasset, senatus in formulam sociorum eum referri iussit, locum, lautia praeberi, agri Tarentini, qui publicus populi Romani esset, ducenta iugera dari, et aedes Tarenti emi. uti ea curaret, C. Decimio praetori mandatum.
16.8. The censors conducted the census on the thirteenth of December more strictly than before. Many were deprived of their rank of knights, among them Publius Rutilius who as tribune of the commons had violently assailed the censors; he was also removed from his tribe and disenfranchised.
16.8. censum idibus Decembribus severius quam ante habuerunt: multis equi adempti, inter quos P. Rutilio, qui tribunus plebis eos violenter accusarat; tribu quoque is motus et aerarius factus.
16.9. As half the revenues of the year had by decree of the senate been assigned by the quaestors to the censors for the construction of public works, Titus Sempronius, out of the funds assigned to him, bought for the state the house of Publius Africanus behind the Old Shops in the direction of the statue of Vortumnus, as well as the butcher's stalls and the shops adjacent, and saw to the construction of the basilica which afterward received the name of Sempronian.
16.9. ad opera publica facienda cum eis dimidium ex vectigalibus eius anni adtributum ex senatus consulto a quaestoribus esset, Ti. Sempronius ex ea pecunia, quae ipsi adtributa erat, aedes P. Africani pone Veteres ad Vortumni signum lanienasque et tabernas coniunctas in publicum emit basilicamque faciendam curavit, quae postea Sempronia appellata est.
17.1. The year was drawing to its close, and because of concern, especially for the war with Macedonia, men were discussing what consuls they should elect for this year, to bring this war at last to an end.
17.1. iam in exitu annus erat, et propter Macedonici maxime belli curam in sermonibus homines habebant, quos in annum consules ad finiendum tandem id bellum crearent.
17.2. A resolution of the senate was therefore passed, that Gnaeus Servilius should come as promptly as possible to hold the elections.
17.2. itaque senatus consultum factum est, ut Cn. Servilius primo quoque tempore ad comitia habenda veniret.
17.3. The praetor Sulpicius forwarded the resolution to the consul, and read to the senate a few days later the return despatch from that officer. In this, he set the day for the elections as..., and announced his return to the city previous to that time. The consul made haste, and the elections were completed on the day set.
17.3. senatus consultum Sulpicius praetor ad consulem misit litterasque receptas a consule post paucos dies recitavit, quibus ante diem … in urbem venturum. et consul maturavit et comitia eo die, qui dictus erat, sunt perfecta.
17.4. There were elected as consuls Lucius Aemilius Paulus for the second time, in the fourteenth year after his first term, and Gaius Licinius Crassus.
17.4. consules creati L. Aemilius Paulus iterum, quarto decumo anno postquam primo consul fuerat, et C. Licinius Crassus.
17.5. On the following day, there were elected to the praetorship Gnaeus Baebius Tamphilus, Lucius Anicius Gallus, Gnaeus Octavius, Publius Fonteius Balbus, Marcus Aebutius Helva, and Gaius Papirius Carbo. Concern for the war with Macedonia induced the speeding up of the whole procedure.
17.5. praetores postero die facti Cn. Baebius Tamphilus, L. Anicius Gallus, Cn. Octavius, P. Fonteius Balbus, M. Aebutius Helva, C. Papirius Carbo.
17.6. Therefore it was voted that these magistrates-elect should be allotted their fields of operation immediately, so that when it was known which consul had received Macedonia and which praetor the fleet, the designated men might begin their plans and preparations of the supplies necessary for war and might consult the senate if there was need for consultation on any subject.
17.6. omnia ut maturius agerentur, belli Macedonici stimulabat cura. itaque designatos extemplo sortiri placuit provincias, ut, cum, utri Macedonia consuli cuique praetori classis evenisset, sciretur, ut iam inde cogitarent pararentque, quae bello usui forent senatumque consulerent, si qua de re consulto opus esset.
17.8. It was determined to hold the Latin Festival as soon as was possible on religious grounds after the entrance upon office of the magistrates, to avoid any delay to the consul who was to set out for Macedonia.
17.8. Latinas, ubi magistratum inissent, quod per religiones posset, primo quoque tempore fieri placere, ne quid consulem, cui eundum in Macedoniam esset, teneret.
17.9. In these decrees, the fields of operation for the consuls were designated as Macedonia and Italy; those for the praetors were, besides the two jurisdictions in the city, the fleet, Spain, Sicily, and Sardinia. Macedonia fell to the lot of the consul Aemilius, Italy to Licinius.
17.9. his decretis, consulibus Italia et Macedonia, praetoribus praeter duas iurisdictiones in urbe classis et Hispania et Sicilia et Sardinia provinciae nominatae sunt.
17.10. Of the praetors, Gnaeus Baebius received the jurisdiction over citizens, Lucius Anicius was given that over aliens and was placed at the disposal of the senate, Gnaeus Octavius received the fleet, Publius Fonteius Spain, Marcus Aebutius Sicily, and Gaius Papirius Sardinia.
17.10. consulum Aemilio Macedonia, Licinio Italia evenit. praetores Cn. Baebius urbanam, L. Anicius peregrinam et si quo senatus censuisset, Cn. Octavius classem, P. Fonteius Hispaniam, M. Aebutius Siciliam, C. Papirius Sardiniam est sortitus.
18.1. It was at once obvious to everyone that Lucius Aemilius was going to prosecute this war in no sluggish fashion, not only because he was a warlike man, but also because without relaxing by day or night he turned over in his mind nothing but what concerned this war.
18.1. extemplo apparuit omnibus non segniter id bellum L. Aemilium gesturum, praeterquam quod … aliis vir erat, etiam quod dies noctesque intentus ea sola, quae ad id bellum pertinerent, animo agitabat.
18.2. First of all he requested the senate to send envoys to Macedonia to inspect the armies and the fleet and to report their findings as to what was needed by way of forces on land or sea;
18.2. iam omnium primum a senatu petiit, ut legatos in Macedoniam mitterent ad exercitus visendos classemque et conperta referenda, quid aut terrestribus aut navalibus copiis opus esset;
18.3. moreover, they were to collect information as far as possible about the king's forces and about the terrain under our control and under that of the enemy.
18.3. praeterea ut explorarent copias regias, quantum possent, quaque provincia nostra, qua hostium foret; utrum intra saltus castra Romani haberent, an iam omnes angustiae exsuperatae, et in aequa loca pervenissent;
18.4. They were to investigate the following: whether the Romans were encamped among the mountains or whether all the narrows had been passed and the plains reached; which of the allies were loyal to us, which were wavering and of a loyalty dependent on fortune, and which seemed definitely hostile; how large a supply of provisions had been prepared and whence they could be brought, by a land route or by ships, respectively; what had been achieved on land and sea during this summer.
18.4. qui fideles nobis socii, qui dubii suspensaeque ex fortuna fidei, qui certi hostes viderentur; quanti praeparati commeatus, et unde terrestri itinere, unde navibus supportarentur; quid ea aestate terra marique rerum gestarum esset: ex his bene cognitis certa in futurum consilia capi posse.
18.5. From good information on these points sure decisions might be made for the future, said Aemilius. The senate gave the consul Gnaeus Servilius the task of choosing three men satisfactory to Lucius Aemilius as envoys to Macedonia. Two days later the envoys set out —Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, Aulus Licinius Nerva, and Lucius Baebius. Report was made of two showers of stones near the end of this year, one on Roman land, one on that of Veii. On both occasions a nine-day rite was performed.
18.5. senatus Cn. Servilio consuli negotium dedit, ut tris in Macedoniam, quos L. Aemilio videretur, legaret. legati biduo post profecti Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, A. Licinius Nerva, L. Baebius. in Romano agro, semel in Veienti; bis novendiale sacrum factum est.
18.7. The priests who died during this year were Publius Quinctilius Varus, the flamen of Mars, and Marcus Claudius Marcellus of the Board of Ten. Gnaeus Octavius replaced the latter.
18.7. sacerdotes eo anno mortui sunt P. Quinctilius Varus flamen Martialis et M. Claudius Marcellus decemvir, in cuius locum Cn. Octavius suffectus est.
18.8. Display being now on the increase, it is recorded that at the games in the arena by the curule aediles Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica and Publius Lentulus, sixty-three leopards and forty bears and elephants participated.
18.8. iam magnificentia crescente notatum est, ludis circensibus P. Corneli Scipionis Nasicae et P. Lentuli aedilium curulium sexaginta tres Africanas et quadraginta ursos et elephantos lusisse.
19.1. In the consulship of Lucius Aemilius Paulus and Gaius Licinius, on the fifteenth of March, at the beginning of the new year, the senators were on the qui vive, especially as to what the consul in charge of Macedonia would bring before them about his field of operations.
19.1. L. Aemilio Paulo C. Licinio consulibus, idibus Martiis, principio insequentis anni, cum in expectatione patres fuissent, maxime quidnam consul de Macedonia, cuius ea provincia esset, referret, nihil se habere Paulus, quod referret, cum nondum inde legati redissent, dixit.
19.2. But Paulus said that he had nothing to present until the envoys returned, but that the envoys were now at Brundisium, after having been blown back twice to Dyrrachium on their voyage.
19.2. ceterum Brundisi legatos iam esse, bis ex cursu Dyrrachium reiectos.
19.3. As soon as he acquired the information which was the first necessity, he would lay matters before the senate, and this would take place within a very few days.
19.3. cognitis mox, quae nosci prius in rem esset, relaturum;
19.4. In order to avoid any delay to his settingout, said Paulus, the day for the Latin Festival had been set at April twelfth; after the proper performance of the sacrifice, if the senate concurred, he and Gnaeus Octavius would both set out.
19.4. id fore intra perpaucos dies. et ne quid profectionem suam teneret, pridie idus Apriles Latinis esse constitutam diem. sacrificio rite perfecto et se et Cn. Octavium, simul senatus censuisset, exituros esse;
19.5. His colleague Gaius Licinius would take care, in his absence, to get ready and send out what should be made ready and sent to the war; meanwhile, said Paulus, the embassies of foreign nations might be given audience.
19.5. C. Licinio collegae suo fore curae se absente, ut, si qua parari mittive ad id bellum opus sit, parentur mittanturque. interea legationes exterarum nationum audiri posse.
19.6. First the envoys from King Ptolemy and Queen Cleopatra at Alexandria were announced.
19.6. primi Alexandrini legati ab Ptolemaeo et Cleo patra regibus vocati sunt.
19.7. Grimy, with untrimmed beard and hair, they entered the senate-house bearing olive-branches, and prostrated themselves; their speech was more pitiable than their array.
19.7. sordidati, barba et capillo promisso, cum ramis oleae ingressi curiam procubuerunt, et oratio quam habitus fuit miserabilior.
19.8. Antiochus, the king of Syria, who had been a hostage at Rome, under the decent pretext of restoring the elder Ptolemy to his throne, was waging war against the younger brother, who was then in possession of Alexandria. Antiochus had won a naval battle at Pelusium and, after leading his forces across the Nile on a hastily-constructed bridge, was overawing Alexandria with his siege and seemed to be on the very point of laying his hands on a very rich kingdom. Complaining of this attack, the envoys begged the senate to come to the rescue of a kingdom and a royal pair who were friends of Roman rule.
19.8. Antiochus Syriae rex, qui obses Romae fuerat, per honestam speciem maioris Ptolemaei reducendi in regnum bellum cum minore fratre eius, qui tum Alexandriam tenebat, gerens et ad Pelusium navali proelio superior fuerat et tumultuario opere ponte per Nilum facto transgressus cum exercitu obsidione ipsam Alexandream terrebat, nec procul abesse, quin poteretur regno opulentissimo, videbatur.
19.10. Such, they argued, were the benefits conferred on Antiochus by the Roman people, and such their influence with all kings and nations that, if they sent envoys to declare to Antiochus that the senate did not wish war to be made on kings allied to it, Antiochus would at once depart from the walls of Alexandria and would lead his army back into Syria.
19.10. ea legati querentes orabant senatum, ut opem regno regibusque amicis imperio ferrent. ea merita populi Romani in Antiochum, eam apud omnes reges gentesque auctoritatem esse, ut, si legatos misissent, qui denuntiarent non placere senatui sociis regibus bellum fieri, extemplo abscessurus a moenibus Alexandreae abducturusque exercitum in Syriam esset.
19.12. If they hesitated to do this, shortly Ptolemy and Cleopatra, robbed of their kingdom, would arrive in Rome, somewhat to the shame of the Roman people, because they had offered no aid in the final crisis of their fortunes.
19.12. quod si cunctentur facere, brevi extorres regno Ptolemaeum et Cleopatram Romam venturos cum pudore quodam populi Romani, quod nullam opem in ultimo discrimine fortunarum tulissent.
19.13. The senators, stirred by the entreaties of the Alexandrines, at once sent Gaius Popilius Laenas, Gaius Decimius, and Gaius Hostilius as envoys to bring an end to the war between the kings.
19.13. moti patres precibus Alexandrinorum extemplo C. Popilium Laenatem et C. Decimium et C. Hostilium legatos ad finiendum inter reges bellum miserunt.
19.14. They were instructed to approach first Antiochus and then Ptolemy, and to proclaim that if war was not concluded, the party constituting the obstacle would not be considered either a friend or an ally to the Romans.
19.14. prius Antiochum, dein Ptolemaeum adire iussi et nuntiare, ni absistatur bello, per utrum stetisset, eum non pro amico nec pro socio habituros esse.
20.1. This embassy left within three days along with the envoys from Alexandria. The mission from Macedonia arrived on the last day of the Quinquatrus amid such eagerness that, had it not been evening, the consuls would have summoned the senate at once.
20.1. his intra triduum simul cum legatis Alexandrinis profectis legati ex Macedonia Quinquatribus ultimis adeo expectati venerunt, ut, nisi vesper esset, extemplo senatum vocaturi consules fuerint.
20.2. Next day the session was held and the envoys were heard. They reported as follows: “The army has been led into Macedonia by trackless passes at a risk disproportionate to the gain.”
20.2. postero die senatus fuit legatique auditi sunt. ii nuntiant maiore periculo quam emolumento exercitum per invios saltus in Macedoniam inductum.
20.3. “Pieria, which the army has reached, is in the hands of the king; the encampments are so nearly in contact that hardly more than the Elpeüs River separates them.”
20.3. Pieriam, quo processisset, regem tenere; castra castris prope ita conlata esse, ut flumine Elpeo interiecto arceantur. neque regem pugnandi potestatem facere, nec nostris vim ad cogendum esse.
20.4. “The king does not offer battle, and our forces have not the strength to compel him to do so. Also the winter is an added obstacle to an active campaign. The soldiers are being supported in idleness and have grain for no more than six days.”
20.4. hiemem etiam insuper rebus gerendis intervenisse. in otio militem ali, nec plus quam sex … frumentum habere. Macedonum dici triginta milia armatorum esse.
20.5. “The Macedonian forces are said to number thirty thousand. If Appius Claudius had sufficient strength in the region of Lychnidus, he could have distracted the king with a second front; as it is, Appius and the force with him are in the greatest danger unless either a full-fledged army is quickly sent him or his present force is extricated.”
20.5. si Ap. Claudio circa Lychnidum satis validus exercitus foret, potuisse ancipiti bello distineri regem; nunc et Appium, et quod cum eo praesidii sit, in summo periculo esse, nisi propere aut iustus exercitus eo mittatur, aut illi inde deducantur.
20.6. “As to the fleet, we heard after we left the camp that some of the sailors have been lost by disease, and some, especially the Sicilians, have gone home, so that the ships lack crews. Those who are there have not received their pay and are insufficiently clothed.”
20.6. ad classem se ex castris profectos sociorum navalium partem morbo audisse absumptam, partem, maxime qui ex Sicilia fuerint, domos suas abisse, et homines navibus deesse; qui sint, neque stipendium accepisse neque vestimenta habere.
20.7. “Eumenes and his fleet have come and gone for no good reason, as if his ships were drifting before the wind; and there is no good evidence that the spirit of this king is unwavering.” The envoys reported that Attalus was as gallantly unswerving as Eumenes was entirely undependable.
20.7. Eumenen classemque eius, tamquam vento adlatas naves, sine causa et venisse et abisse, nec animum eius regis constare satis visum. sicut omnia de Eumene dubia, ita Attali egregie constantem fidem nuntiabant.
21.1. After hearing the envoys, Lucius Aemilius laid before the senate the question of the conduct of the war.
21.1. legatis auditis tunc de bello referre sese L. Aemilius dixit.
21.2. The senate decreed that the consuls and the people should each choose half of the tribunes for eight legions; however, it was voted that no one who had not held office should be chosen that year.
21.2. senatus decrevit, ut in octo legiones parem numerum tribunorum consules et populus crearet; creari autem neminem eo anno placere, nisi qui honorem gessisset.
21.3. Then from among the tribunes Lucius Aemilius was to choose whomever he preferred for the two legions for Macedonia. It was further voted that after the completion of the Latin Festival, the consul Lucius Aemilius and Gnaeus Octavius, the praetor to whom the fleet had been allotted, should depart for their field of operations.
21.3. tum ex omnibus tribunis militum uti L. Aemilius in duas legiones in Macedoniam, quos eorum velit, eligat, et ut sollemni Latinarum perfecto L. Aemilius consul, Cn. Octavius praetor, cui classis obtigisset, in provinciam proficiscantur.
21.4. To them was added the praetor Lucius Anicius, whose post was the court for aliens; it was voted that he should succeed Appius Claudius in the Illyrian theatre near Lychnidus.
21.4. additus est his tertius L. Anicius praetor, cuius inter peregrinos iurisdictio erat; eum in provinciam Illyricum circa Lychnidum Ap. Claudio succedere placuit.
21.5. Charge over the levy was given to the consul Gaius Licinius. He was instructed to enroll seven thousand Roman citizens and two hundred horsemen and to demand of the allies of the Latin Name seven thousand infantry and four hundred cavalry, and he was to send a despatch to
21.5. dilectus cura C. Licinio consuli inposita. is septem milia civium Romanorum et equites ducentos scribere iussus et sociis nominis Latini septem milia peditum imperare, quadringentos equites, et Cn.
21.7. Gnaeus Servilius the commander in the province of Gaul, instructing him to enroll six hundred cavalry.
21.7. Servilio Galliam obtinenti provinciam litteras mittere, ut sescentos equites conscriberet.
21.8. This force Licinius was ordered to send as promptly as possible to his colleague in Macedonia; a limit of two legions was placed on the army on that front, and each legion was to be reinforced till it contained six thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry; the surplus infantry and cavalry were to be distributed as garrisons.
21.8. hunc exercitum ad collegam primo quoque tempore mittere in Macedoniam iussus; neque in ea provincia plus quam duas legiones esse; eas repleri, ut sena milia peditum, trecenos haberent equites; ceteros pedites equites que in praesidiis disponi;
21.9. Men unfit for military service were to be discharged. An added levy was imposed on the allies of ten thousand infantry and eight hundred cavalry.
21.9. qui eorum idonei ad militandum non essent, dimitti. decem praeterea milia peditum imperata sociis et octingenti equites.
21.10. This force was given to Anicius besides the two legions which he was ordered to transport to Macedonia, each legion having five thousand two hundred infantry and three hundred cavalry. Moreover, five thousand sailors were enrolled for the fleet.
21.10. id praesidii additum Anicio praeter duas legiones, quas portare in Macedoniam est iussus, quina milia peditum et ducenos habentes, trecenos equites. et in classem quinque milia navalium socium sunt scripta.
21.11. Licinius the consul was ordered to hold his area with two legions, and to add to them ten thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry of the allies.
21.11. Licinius consul duabus legionibus obtinere provinciam iussus; eo addere sociorum decem milia peditum et sescentos equites.
22.1. When the senate had finished its voting, the consul Lucius Aemilius went from the senate-house to a public meeting and made the following speech: “I seem to have noticed, fellow-citizens, that greater congratulations were offered me when I was allotted Macedonia as my field of operations than when my election as consul was announced, or on the day when I entered upon office. The reason for this was none other, I believe, than that you regard me as capable of bringing the long-drawn-out war in Macedonia to an end worthy of the high position of the Roman people.”
22.1. senatus consultis perfectis L. Aemilius consul e curia in contionem processit orationemque talem habuit. ‘animadvertisse videor, Quirites, maiorem mihi sortito Macedoniam provinciam gratulationem factam, quam cum aut consul sum consalutatus, aut quo die magistratum inii,
22.3. “The gods too, I hope, approve this fall of the lot and will likewise be at my side in action.” “So far I can partly prophesy, and partly hope; another matter I dare to assert as sure namely, that I will strive with every effort that the hope you have conceived for me shall not be vain.”
22.3. neque id ob aliam causam, quam quia bello in Macedonia, quod diu trahitur, existimastis dignum maiestate populi Romani exitum per me imponi posse. deos quoque huic favisse sorti spero eosdemque in rebus gerendis adfuturos esse. haec partim ominari, partim sperare possum; illud adfirmare pro certo audeo, me omni ope adnisurum esse, ne frustra vos hanc spem de me conceperitis.
22.5. “What is required for the war has been voted by the senate, and since it is determined that I shall set out at once, for which I am not reluctant, the preparations will be made by that excellent man, my colleague Gaius Licinius, as vigorously as if he were going to conduct the campaign.”
22.5. quae ad bellum opus sunt et senatus decrevit, et, quoniam extemplo proficisci placet neque ego in mora sum, C. Licinius collega, vir egregius, aeque enixe parabit ac si ipse id bellum gesturus esset.
22.6. “For your part, see to it that you have confidence only in the reports I make to the senate and to you, and beware of nourishing by your credulity the gossip for which no sponsor will appear.”
22.6. vos, quae scripsero senatui aut vobis … ru mores credulitate vestra alatis, quorum auctor nemo extabit.
22.7. “For I have noticed that, as is commonly the case, so now especially in this war no one is so scornful of rumour that his spirit cannot be weakened.”
22.7. nam nunc quidem, quod vulgo fieri, hoc praecipue bello animadverti, nemo tam famae contemptor est, cuius non debilitari animus possit.
22.8. “In all the clubs and even —God save us! —at dinner-tables there are experts who lead armies to Macedonia, who know where camp should be pitched, what places should be held with garrisons, when or by what pass Macedonia should be invaded, where granaries should be set up, by what routes on land or sea provisions should be supplied, when we must join battle with the enemy and when it is better to remain inactive.”
22.8. in omnibus circulis atque etiam, si dis placet, in conviviis sunt, qui exercitus in Macedoniam ducant, ubi castra locanda sint sciant, quae loca praesidiis occupanda, quando aut quo saltu intranda Macedonia, ubi horrea ponenda, qua terra, mari subvehantur commeatus, quando cum hoste manus conserendae, quando quiesse sit melius.
22.9. “Not only do they decide what should be done, but when anything is done contrary to their opinion, they accuse the consul as if he were in the dock. Such behaviour is a great obstacle to the men in the field.”
22.9. nec, quid faciendum sit, modo statuunt, sed, quidquid aliter, quam ipsi censuere, factum est, consulem veluti dicta die accusant.
22.10. “For not everyone is as unwavering and as steadfast of spirit against hostile gossip as was Quintus Fabius, who preferred to have his independence of command lessened by popular folly rather than to neglect the best interests of the state for the sake of acclaim.”
22.10. haec magna impedimenta res gerentibus sunt; neque enim omnes tam firmi et constantis animi contra adversum rumorem esse possunt, quam Q. Fabius fuit, qui suum imperium minui per vanitatem populi maluit quam secunda fama male rem publicam gerere.
22.11. “I am not, fellow-citizens, one who believes that no advice may be given to leaders; nay rather I judge him to be not a sage, but haughty, who conducts everything according to his own opinion alone. What therefore is my conclusion?”
22.11. non sum is, qui non existumem admonendos duces esse; immo eum, qui de sua unius sententia omnia gerat, superbum iudico magis quam sapientem.
22.12. “Generals should receive advice, in the first place from the experts who are both specially skilled in military matters and have learned from experience; secondly, from those who are on the scene of action, who see the terrain, the enemy, the fitness of the occasion, who are sharers in the danger, as it were aboard the same vessel.”
22.12. quid ergo est? primum a prudentibus et proprie rei militaris peritis et usu doctis monendi imperatores sunt; deinde ab iis, qui intersunt gerendis rebus, qui loca, qui hostem, qui temporum opportunitatem vident, qui in eodem velut navigio participes sunt periculi.
22.13. “Thus, if there is anyone who is confident that he can advise me as to the best advantage of the state in this campaign which I am about to conduct, let him not refuse his services to the state, but come with me into Macedonia. I will furnish him with his sea-passage, with a horse, a tent, and even travel-funds. If anyone is reluctant to do this and prefers the leisure of the city to the hardships of campaigning, let him not steer the ship from on shore.”
22.13. itaque si quis est, qui, quod e re publica sit, suadere se mihi in eo bello, quod gesturus sum, confidat, is ne deneget operam rei publicae et in Macedoniam mecum veniat. nave, equo, tabernaculo, viatico etiam a me iuvabitur;
22.14. “The city itself provides enough subjects for conversation; let him confine his garrulity to these; and let him be aware that I shall be satisfied with the advice originating in camp.”
22.14. si quem id facere piget et otium urbanum militiae laboribus praeoptat, e terra ne gubernaverit.
22.15. After this address and the due completion of the sacrifice at the Latin Festival, which was held on March 31 on the Alban Mount, both the consul and the praetor Gnaeus Octavius immediately set out for Macedonia.
22.15. sermonum satis ipsa praebet urbs; iis loquacitatem suam contineat; nos castrensibus consilis contentos futuros esse sciat. ’ ab hac contione, Latinis, quae pridie kal. Apriles fuerunt, in monte sacrificio rite perpetrato protinus inde et consul et praetor Cn. Octavius in Macedoniam profecti sunt.
22.17. History records that the consul was escorted by an unusually great throng of persons paying their respects to him, and that men prophesied with almost sure expectation that the Macedonian war would come to an end, and that the return of the consul would be prompt and in great triumph.
22.17. traditum memoriae est maiore quam solita frequentia prosequentium consulem celebratum, ac prope certa spe ominatos esse homines adesse finem Macedonico bello maturumque reditum cum egregio triumpho consulis fore.
23.1. While these events were occurring in Italy, Perseus decided that since he had discovered that the Romans had entered the pass and that the final crisis of the war impended, he must no longer postpone the project which he could not bring himself to complete because expenditure of money was required-namely, gaining the adherence of Gentius, king of Illyria. Inasmuch as Perseus had agreed through his envoy Hippias on a payment of three hundred talents of silver, on condition of an exchange of hostages, he sent Pantauchus, one of his most trusty friends, to complete the agreement.
23.1. dum haec in Italia geruntur, Perseus quod iam inchoatum perficere, quia inpensa pecuniae facienda erat, non inducebat in animum, ut Gentium Illyriorum regem sibi adiungeret, hoc, postquam intrasse saltum Romanos et adesse discrimen ultimum belli animadvertit, non ultra differendum ratus cum per Hippiam legatum trecenta argenti talenta pactus esset, ita ut obsides ultro citroque darentur, Pantauchum misit ex fidissimis amicis ad ea perficienda.
23.3. At Meteon in the region of Labeatis, Pantauchus met the Illyrian king; there he received the king's oath and his hostages. Gentius too sent an envoy named Olympio to require the oath and the hostages of Perseus.'
23.3. Meteone Labeatidis terrae Pantauchus regi Illyrio occurrit; ibi et ius iurandum ab rege et obsides accepit. missus et a Gentio est legatus nomine Olympio, qui ius iurandum a Perseo obsidesque exigeret.
23.4. Others were sent with him to receive the money; and, at Pantauchus' suggestion, Parmenio and Morcus were named as envoys to go with the Macedonians to Rhodes.
23.4. cum eodem ad pecuniam accipiendam missi sunt, et auctore Pantaucho, qui Rhodum legati cum Macedonibus irent, Parmenio et Morcus destinantur.
23.5. To them instructions were given to set out for Rhodes only after the oath, the hostages, and the money had been received; it was thought that by the prestige of two kings at once the Rhodians could be induced to war with the Romans, and that once the kings were joined by the state to which belonged a unique reputation for sea-power, no hope on land or sea would be left the Romans.
23.5. quibus ita mandatum, ut iure iurando obsidibusque et pecunia accepta tum demum Rhodum proficiscerentur: duorum simul regum nomine incitari Rhodios ad bellum Romanum posse. adiunctam civitatem, penes quam unam tum rei navalis gloria esset, nec terra nec mari spem relicturam Romanis.
23.7. On the arrival of the Illyrians, Perseus left his camp at the Elpeüs River with all his cavalry and met them at Dium.
23.7. venientibus Illyriis Perseus ab Elpeo amni ex castris cum omni equitatu profectus ad Dium occurrit.
23.8. There the terms agreed upon were executed in the presence of the surrounding column of cavalry, whom the king wished to be present at the ratification of the alliance with Gentius, thinking that it would somewhat raise their spirits.
23.8. ibi ea, quae convenerant, circumfuso agmine equitum facta, quos adesse foederi sancitae cum Gentio societatis volebat rex, aliquantum eam rem ratus animorum iis adiecturam.
23.9. The hostages were also given and received in the sight of all, those who were to receive the money were sent to the royal treasury at Pella and those who were to accompany the Illyrian envoys to Rhodes were ordered to take ship at Thessalonica.
23.9. et obsides in conspectu omnium dati acceptique, et Pellam ad thensauros regios missis, qui pecuniam acciperent, qui Rhodum irent cum Illyriis legatis Thessalonicae conscendere iussi.
23.10. Metrodorus was at that port, a recent arrival from Rhodes, who stated, on the authority of Dinon and Polyaratus, the heads of the state, that the Rhodians were ready for war. Metrodorus was assigned as the leader of the combined embassy with the Illyrians.
23.10. ibi Metrodorus erat, qui nuper ab Rhodo venerat, auctoribusque Dinone et Polyarato, principibus civitatis eius, adfirmabat Rhodios paratos ad bellum esse. is princeps iunctae cum Illyriis legationis datus est.
24.1. At the same time, identical messages, suggested by the state of affairs, were sent both to Eumenes and to Antiochus, as follows: by nature a free state and a king were things hostile to each other; the Roman people attacked kings one by one, and —an unjust state of affairs —assailed kings with the help of kings; Perseus' father had been overcome with the aid of Attalus;
24.1. eodem tempore ad Eumenen et ad Antiochum communia mandata, quae subicere condicio rerum poterat: natura inimica inter se esse liberam civitatem et regem. singulos populum Romanum adgredi et, quod indignius sit, regum viribus reges oppugnare.
24.3. with Eumenes helping, and to a certain extent Perseus' father Philip as well, Antiochus had been assailed; now both Eumenes and Prusias were in arms against Perseus;
24.3. Attalo adiutore patrem suum oppressum; Eumene adiuvante et quadam ex parte etiam Philippo patre suo Antiochum oppugnatum; in se nunc et Eumenen et Prusiam armatos esse.
24.4. if the kingdom of Macedonia were out of the way, next would come Asia Minor, which the Romans had already made their own to some extent under pretext of freeing communities, and after Asia Minor, Syria.
24.4. si Macedoniae regnum sublatum foret, proxumam Asiam esse, quam iam ex parte sub specie liberandi civitates suam fecerint, deinde Syriam.
24.5. Already Prusias was being given a position above Eumenes, already Antiochus, though victorious, was being barred from Egypt, his prize of war.
24.5. iam Prusiam Eumeni honore praeferri, iam Antiochum victorem praemio belli, Aegypto arceri.
24.6. Perseus bade each king, on considering these facts, to take such steps that either he might force the Romans to make peace with Perseus, or if Rome persevered in an unjust war might regard the Romans as the common enemy of all kings.
24.6. haec cogitantem providere iubebat, ut aut ad pacem secum faciendam conpelleret Romanos, aut perseverantes in bello iniusto communes duceret omnium regum hostes.
24.7. The message to Antiochus was open; to Eumenes the envoy was sent under guise of ransoming prisoners, but in fact certain more secret matters were under discussion, which for the time being embarrassed Eumenes, who was already an object of hatred and suspicion to the Romans, with false and more serious charges; for he was already regarded as a traitor and almost an enemy, while the two kings with grasping hands vied with each other in guile and greed.
24.7. ad Antiochum aperta mandata erant; ad Eumenen per speciem captivorum redimendorum missus legatus erat; re vera occultiora quaedam agebantur, quae in praesentia invisum quidem et suspectum Romanis Eumenen falsis gravioribus …; proditor enim ac prope hostis habitus, dum inter se duo reges captantes fraude et avaritia certant.
24.9. There was a Cretan, Cydas, one of Eumenes' henchmen. He had held conversations, first at Amphipolis with a certain Chimarus, a fellow-countryman who was serving in Perseus' army, then later at Demetrias, beneath the very walls of the city, once with a certain Menecrates and again with Antimachus, both of whom were officers of the king.
24.9. Cydas erat Cretensis, ex intimis Eumenis. hic prius ad Amphipolim cum Chimaro quodam populari suo, militante apud Persea, inde postea ad Demetriadem semel cum Menecrate quodam, iterum cum Antimacho, regiis ducibus, sub ipsis moenibus urbis conlocutus fuerat.