24.10. Herophon also, who was then sent by Perseus, had similarly undertaken two previous missions to Eumenes.
24.10. Herophon quoque, qui tum missus est, duabus ad eundem Eumenen iam ante legationibus functus erat.
24.11. These conversations were secret, and the missions caused bad rumours, but there was no knowledge of what had been discussed or upon what the kings had agreed. The actual state of affairs, however, was as follows.
24.11. quae conloquia occulta et legationes infames quidem erant, sed quid actum esset quidve inter reges convenisset, ignorabatur. res autem ita sese habuit.
25.1. Eumenes did not want a victory for Perseus, nor did he intend to assist him in winning one by military means, not so much because of the mutual hostility of their fathers, as because of the hatred engendered between himself and Perseus.
25.1. Eumenes neque favit victoriae Persei neque bello eum iuvare in animo habuit, non tam quia paternae inter eos inimicitiae erant, etiam ipsorum odiis inter se accensae:
25.2. The jealousy of kings is such that Eumenes would not have viewed with calmness the attainment by Perseus of such great strength and prestige as awaited him if he defeated the Romans.
25.2. non ea regum aemulatio, ut aequo animo Persea tantas apisci opes tantamque gloriam, quanta Romanis victis eum manebat, Eumenes visurus fuerit.
25.3. Eumenes also perceived that from the very outset of the war Perseus had nurtured the hope of peace in every way and as time went on had come more and more, as the threat came closer, to treat and think of nothing else.
25.3. cernebat et Persea iam inde ab initio belli omni modo spem pacis temptasse et in dies magis, quo propior admoveretur terror, nihil neque agere aliud neque cogitare;
25.4. Since the war was dragging on longer than the Romans had hoped, they too, their commanders, and their senate would not be averse, so Eumenes thought, to ending so disturbing and difficult a war.
25.4. Romanos quoque, quia traheretur diutius spe ipsorum bellum, et ipsos duces et senatum, non abhorrere a finiendo tam incommodo ac difficili bello.
25.5. Having ascertained this willingness on either side, Eumenes was eager to put on sale his good offices in an effort to negotiate the peace which he thought might even come about automatically through the weariness of the stronger and the fears of the weaker side.
25.5. hac utriusque partis voluntate explorata, quod fieri etiam sua sponte taedio validioris, metu infirmioris credebat posse, in eo suam operam venditare concilianda gratia magis cupiit.
25.6. Therefore Eumenes tried to negotiate for a reward, now for not aiding the Romans' military effort on land or sea, now for securing peace with the Romans; for his abstention from war, his price was a thousand talents, for negotiating peace, fifteen hundred.
25.6. nam modo ne iuvaret bello Romanos terra marique, modo pacis patrandae cum Romanis paciscebatur mercedem: ne bello interesset, mille talenta, ut pacem conciliaret, mille et quingenta.
25.7. He showed himself always ready not only to pledge his word to either course of action, but even to give hostages. Perseus was very ready to undertake the attempt under pressure of fear, and as to the acceptance of hostages the discussion proceeded without delay, and it was agreed that, when accepted, the hostages should be sent to Crete.
25.7. in utrumque non fidem modo se, sed obsides quoque dare paratum esse ostendebat. Perseus ad rem inchoandam promptissimus erat cogente metu et de obsidibus accipiendis sine dilatione agebat, conveneratque, ut accepti Cretam mitterentur.
25.9. When the subject of money came up, there Perseus hesitated, and said that especially for the first alternative the payment of money was dishonourable and base for kings of so high a reputation, not only for the giver, but even more for the recipient;
25.9. ubi ad pecuniae mentionem ventum erat, ibi haesitabat et utique alteram in tanti nominis regibus turpem ac sordidam et danti et magis accipienti mercedem esse aiebat;
25.10. for the hope of peace with the Romans, he would not refuse an expenditure, but he would pay on the completion of the enterprise, and meanwhile would deposit the funds in the temple on Samothrace.
25.10. in spem Romanae pacis non recusare inpensam, sed eam pecuniam perfecta re daturum, interea Samothracae in templo depositurum.
25.11. Since this island was in Perseus' realm, Eumenes saw that it made no difference whether the money was there or at Pella; he attempted to secure some sort of down payment.
25.11. ea insula cum ipsius dicionis esset, videre Eumenes nihil interesse, in ea an Pellae pecunia esset, id agere, ut partem aliquam praesentem ferret.
25.12. And so having tried vainly to overreach each other, the kings got themselves nothing but a bad reputation.
25.12. ita nequiquam inter se captati nihil praeter infamiam movere.
26.1. This was not the only failure incurred by Perseus because of miserliness, when by payment of money he could either through Eumenes' efforts have secured peace. which he should have bought even at the price of part of his kingdom, or had he been deceived, he could have exposed his enemy with the booty on him and aroused just hostility toward him on the part of the Romans.
26.1. nec haec tantum Persei per avaritiam est dimissa res, cum pecunia soluta aut pacem habere per Eumenen, quae vel parte regni redimenda esset, aut deceptus protrahere inimicum mercede onustum et hostes merito ei Romanos posset facere;
26.2. But a previous parallel case was that of the alliance with King Gentius, ready for the taking; and at this same time Perseus lost through miserliness the tremendous assistance of the Gauls who were scattered through the region of Illyria.
26.2. sed et ante Genti regis parata societas et tum Gallorum effusorum per Illyricum ingens oblatum auxilium avaritia dimissum est.
26.3. There were on their way ten thousand cavalry and an equal number of infantry who matched their pace to that of the horses, and in turn seized the riderless horses of fallen cavalrymen for further fighting.
26.3. veniebant decem milia equitum, par numerus peditum et ipsorum iungentium cursum equis et in vicem prolapsorum equitum vacuos capientium ad pugnam equos.
26.4. These men had been pledged a cash payment of ten gold pieces per cavalryman, five per infantryman, and a thousand for their leader.
26.4. hi pacti erant eques denos praesentes aureos, pedes quinos, mille dux eorum.
26.5. When they approached, Perseus went to meet them from his camp at the Elpeüs with half of his forces and began to give orders throughout the villages and cities near the road to bring out provisions so that there would be plenty of grain, wine, and animals.
26.5. venientibus his Perseus ab Elpeo ex castris profectus obviam cum dimidia copiarum parte denuntiare per vicos urbesque, quae viae propinquae sunt, coepit, ut commeatus expedirent, frumenti, vini, pecorum ut copia esset.
26.6. He himself brought horses, breast-ornaments, and capes as presents for the chief men, and a small amount of gold to distribute among a few, supposing that the rank and file could be led along by expectations.
26.6. ipse equos phalerasque et sagula donum principibus ferre et parvom auri, quod inter paucos divideret, multitudinem credens trahi spe posse.
26.7. He reached the city of Almana and pitched camp on the banks of the Axius River. The force of Gauls halted near Desudaba in Maedica, waiting for their promised pay.
26.7. ad Almanam urbem pervenit et in ripa fluminis Axi posuit castra. circa Desudabam in Maedica exercitus Gallorum consederat mercedem pactam opperiens.
26.8. Thither Perseus sent Antigonus, one of the wearers of the purple, to order the rank and file of the Gauls to shift camp to Bylazora (this is a place in Paeonia) and the leaders to come in a body to him. The Gauls were seventy-five miles from the Axius River and the king's camp.
26.8. eo mittit Antigonum, ex purpuratis unum, qui iuberet multitudinem Gallorum ad Bylazora — Paeoniae is ist locus est — castra movere, principes ad se venire frequentes. septuaginta quinque milia ab Axio flumine et castris regis aberant.
26.9. Antigonus carried this message to them and added an account of the abundance of all supplies prepared through the thoughtfulness of the king, through which they would travel, and of the gifts of garments, silver, and horses with which the king proposed to greet their leaders on their arrival. The Gauls replied that they would certainly find out about these matters from personal observation, but they asked about what had been promised for immediate delivery —whether he had brought with him the gold which was to be distributed among the individual horsemen and footmen.
26.9. haec mandata ad eos cum pertulisset Antigonus adiecissetque, per quantam omnium praeparatam cura regis copiam ituri forent quibusque muneribus principes advenientes vestis, argenti equorumque excepturus rex esset, de his quidem se coram cognituros respondent, illud, quod praesens pepigissent, interrogant, ecquid aurum, quod in singulos pedites equitesque dividendum esset, secum advexisset.
26.11. When they received no reply on this point, Clondicus, their chieftain, declared: “Go back then and report to the king that the Gauls will not move a step farther unless they receive the gold and hostages.”
26.11. cum ad id nihil responderetur, Clondicus, regulus eorum, ‘abi, renuntia ergo’ inquit ‘regi, nisi aurum obsidesque accepissent, nusquam inde Gallos longius vestigium moturos.’
26.12. When this message was reported to the king, he summoned his council, but when it became clear what everyone would advise, the king, a trustier guardian of his cash than of his kingdom, began to discourse on the treachery and savagery of the Gauls, which had been demonstrated long since by disasters to many people;
26.12. haec relata regi cum essent, advocato consilio cum, quid omnes suasuri essent, appareret, ipse pecuniae quam regni melior custos institit de perfidia et feritate Gallorum disserere multorum iam ante cladibus experta:
26.13. it was dangerous, he said, to receive such large numbers into Macedonia, for fear that they would find the Gauls more deadly as allies than the Romans were as enemies; a force of five thousand cavalry was sufficient, for these they could use for military purposes and would not themselves be overawed by their numbers.
26.13. periculosum esse tantam multitudinem in Macedoniam accipere, ne graviores eos socios habeant quam hostes Romanos. quinque milia equitum satis esse, quibus et uti ad bellum possent, et quorum multitudinem ipsi non timeant.
27.1. It was obvious to everyone that he was troubled about the pay and nothing else; but as no one dared to give him the advice he asked for, Antigonus was sent back to announce that the king could use the services of five thousand cavalry only, and would not keep the rest of the host.
27.1. apparebat omnibus mercedem in multitudine timere nec quicquam aliud; sed cum suadere consulenti nemo auderet, remittitur Antigonus, qui nuntiaret quinque milium equitum opera tantum uti regem, non tenere multitudinem aliam.
27.2. When the barbarians heard this, there was an indignant outcry from the remainder that they had been to no purpose lured away from their homes.
27.2. quod ubi audivere barbari, ceterorum quidem fremitus fuit indignantium se frustra excitos sedibus suis; Clondicus rursus interrogat, ecquid ipsis quinque milibus, quod convenisset, numeraret?
27.3. Clondicus again asked whether he would pay what had been agreed upon to these five thousand; and when he saw that to this, too, a devious reply was being concocted, the Gauls returned to the Danube, without injury to the messenger who had tricked them (a fate he had hardly hoped could befall him), but plundering that part of Thrace which adjoined their route.
27.3. cum adversus id quoque misceri ambages cerneret, inviolato fallaci nuntio, quod vix speraverat ipse posse contingere, retro ad Histrum perpopulati Threciam, qua vicina erat viae, redierunt.
27.4. This force of Gauls, even had the king remained inactive at the Elpeüs before the Romans, could if brought into Thessaly through the pass of Perrhaebia have not only stripped the fields by their ravages, so that the Romans could have looked for no provisions from there, but could even have stormed cities as long as Perseus held the Romans at the Elpeüs, in order to prevent their rescuing the cities of their allies.
27.4. quae manus quieto sedente rege ad Elpeum adversus Romanos Perrhaebiae saltum in Thessaliam traducta non agros tantum nudare populando potuit, ne quos inde Romani commeatus expectarent, sed ipsas excindere urbes tenente ad Elpeum Perseo Romanos, ne urbibus sociis opitulari possent.
27.6. The Romans would have had to consider their own plight, since they could neither remain if Thessaly, the army's source of supplies, were lost, nor could they advance while the camp of the Macedonians lay before them. By losing this added strength, Perseus weakened to no small degree the morale of the Macedonians, who had been depending on this source of hope.
27.6. ipsis quoque Romanis de se cogitandum fuisset, quando neque manere amissa Thessalia, unde exercitus alebatur, potuissent, neque progredi, cum ex adverso castra Macedonum …, qui ea pependerant spe, haud mediocriter debilitavit.
27.8. The same miserliness caused a rift with Gentius. For when Perseus had counted out three hundred talents for the envoys sent by Gentius to Pella, he permitted them to affix their seal to the money; then he sent ten talents to Pantauchus and ordered this paid at once to the king.
27.8. eadem avaritia Gentium regem sibi alienavit. nam cum trecenta talenta Pellae missis a Gentio numerasset, signare eos pecuniam passus est;
27.9. His own people were transporting the rest of the money marked with the seal of the Illyrians, and he ordered them to convey it by short stages, and then when the Macedonian frontier was reached, to halt there and wait for messengers from him.
27.9. inde decem talenta ad Pantauchum missa, eaque praesentia dari regi iussit; reliquam pecuniam signatam Illyriorum signo portantibus suis praecipit, parvis itineribus veherent, dein cum ad finem Macedoniae ventum esset, subsisterent ibi ac nuntios ab se opperirentur.
27.11. After Gentius had received a scant portion of the money, he was continually spurred on by Pantauchus to assail the Romans with an act of hostility, and so he threw into prison Marcus Perpenna and Lucius Petilius, the ambassadors who happened to reach him at this time.
27.11. Gentius exigua parte pecuniae accepta cum adsidue a Pantaucho ad lacessendos hostili facto Romanos stimularetur, M. Perpennam et L. Petilium legatos, qui tum forte ad eum venerant, in custodiam coniecit.
27.12. On hearing of this Perseus thought that Gentius had committed himself to fight the Romans in any case, and sent a recall to the one conveying the money, as if his only concern was to save as much booty as possible for the Romans after his own defeat. Herophon also returned from the court of Eumenes, the secret negotiations being still unrevealed.
27.12. hoc audito Perseus contraxisse eum necessitatem ratus ad bellandum utique cum Romanis, ad revocandum, qui pecuniam portabat, misit velut nihil aliud agens, quam ut quanta maxima posset praeda ex se victo Romanis reservaretur.
27.13. The Macedonians spread the word that discussion about prisoners had taken place, and Eumenes, to avoid suspicion, informed the consul to this same effect.
27.13. et ab Eumene Herophon ignotis, quae occulte acta erant, redit. de captivis actum esse et ipsi evolgaverant et Eumenes consulem vitandae suspicionis causa certiorem fecit.
28.1. After the disappointment of Herophon's return from the court of Eumenes, Perseus sent Antenor and Callippus, his naval commanders, with forty scout-ships —there were five cutters added to this number —to Tenedos, in order to protect from that base the ships scattered through the Cyclades islands on their way to Macedonia with grain.
28.1. Perseus post reditum ab Eumene Herophontis spe deiectus Antenorem et Callippum praefectos classis cum quadraginta lembis — adiectae ad hunc numerum quinque pristis erant — Tenedum mittit, ut inde sparsas per Cycladas insulas naves Macedoniam cum frumento petentes tutarentur.
28.3. The ships were launched at Cassandrea, and after crossing first to the harbours under Mount Athos and thence on a calm sea to Tenedos, they sent away unharmed and even with kind addresses some undecked Rhodian ships which were at the port with Eudamus their commander.
28.3. Cassandreae deductae naves in portus primum, qui sub Atho monte sunt, inde Tenedum placido mari cum traiecissent, stantis in portu Rhodias apertas naves Eudamumque, praefectum earum, inviolatos atque etiam benigne appellatos dimiserunt.
28.4. Then Antenor discovered that on the other side of the island fifty of their freight ships were blockaded by warships of Eumenes, under command of Damius, which were stationed at the mouth of the harbour. Antenor promptly sailed around and by threat caused the enemy ships to retreat; the freight ships were sent to Macedonia under convoy of ten scout-ships, which were instructed to return to Tenedos after seeing them safe.
28.4. cognito deinde in latere altero quinquaginta onerarias suarum stantibus in ostio portus Eumenis rostratis, quibus Damius praeerat, inclusas esse, circumvectus propere ac summotis terrore hostium navibus, onerarias datis, qui prosequerentur, decem lembis in Macedoniam mittit, ita ut in tutum prosecuti redirent Tenedum.
28.6. On the ninth day thereafter they returned to the fleet, which was now anchored at Sigeum. Thence they crossed to Subota, an island lying between Elaea and Chios.
28.6. nono post die ad classem iam ad Sigeum stantem redierunt. inde Subota — insula est interiecta Elaeae et Chio — traiciunt.
28.7. On the day after the arrival of the fleet at Subota, thirty-five of the ships called horse-transports, setting out from Elaea with Galatian cavalry and their mounts, were making for Phanae, a cape of Chios, from which they could cross to Macedonia. They were being sent to Attalus by Eumenes.
28.7. forte postero die, quam Subota classis tenuit, quinque et triginta naves, quas hippagogus vocant, ab Elaea profectae cum equitibus Gallis equisque Phanas promunturium Chiorum petebant, unde transmittere in Macedoniam possent.
28.8. When a signal reached Antenor from a lookout post that these ships were at sea, he started from Subota and met them between the cape of Erythrae and Chios, where the strait is narrowest.
28.8. Attalo ab Eumene mittebantur. has naves per altum ferri cum ex specula signum datum Antenori esset, profectus ab Subotis inter Erythrarum promunturium Chiumque, qua artissimum fretum est, iis occurrit.
28.9. Eumenes' officers least of all suspected that a Macedonian fleet was at large in that sea; now they thought them to be Romans, now Attalus, or some men sent back by Attalus from the Roman camp and on their way to Pergamum. But when the shape of the approaching scout-ships was unmistakable and the rapid motion of the oars and the pointing of the prows head-on revealed that enemies were approaching, then panic fell upon them.
28.9. nihil minus credere praefecti Eumenis, quam Macedonum classem in illo vagari mari: nunc Romanos esse, nunc Attalum aut remissos aliquos ab Attalo ex castris Romanis Pergamum petere.
28.10. Since there was no hope of resistance, both because of the unwieldly type of vessel and because the Galatians could hardly withstand an undisturbed voyage, some of them, who were nearer to the mainland, swam ashore at Erythrae and some set sail for Chios, ran their ships aground, and abandoning their horses fled in rout to the city. But as the scoutships put troops ashore nearer the city at a more convenient landing-place, the Macedonians overtook the Galatians and cut them down, partly as they fled along the road and partly when they were shut out of the city gates.
28.10. sed cum iam adpropinquantium forma lemborum haud dubia esset et concitatio remorum derectaeque in se prorae hostis adpropinquare aperuissent, tunc iniecta trepidatio est. cum resistendi spes nulla esset inhabilique navium genere et Gallis vix quietem ferentibus in mari, pars eorum, qui propiores continenti litori erant, in Erythraeam enarunt, pars velis datis ad Chium naves eiecere relictisque equis effusa fuga urbem petebant.
28.13. For the Chians had closed their gates, not knowing who were fleeing or who pursuing. About eight hundred of the Galatians were killed and two hundred taken alive; some of the horses were destroyed in the sea as the ships were wrecked, some were hamstrung on shore by the Macedonians.
28.13. sed propius urbem lembi accessuque commodiore cum exposuissent armatos, partim in via fugientes Gallos adepti Macedones ceciderunt, partim ante portam exclusos. clauserant enim Chii portas ignari, qui fugerent aut sequerentur.
28.14. Antenor ordered twenty horses of exceptional beauty, along with the prisoners, to be taken to Thessalonica by the same ten scout-ships he had sent before, which he ordered to return as soon as possible to the fleet;
28.14. octingenti ferme Gallorum occisi, ducenti vivi capti; equi pars in mari fractis navibus absumpti, parti nervos succiderunt in litore Macedones.
28.15. he said he would await them at Phanae. For about three days the fleet anchored before the city. Then they moved on to Phanae, and setting sail on the unexpectedly early arrival of the ten scout-ships, crossed the Aegean Sea to Delos.
28.15. viginti eximiae equos formae cum captivis eosdem decem lembos, quos ante miserat, Antenor devehere Thessalonicam iussit et primo quoque tempore ad classem reverti: Phanis se eos expectaturum. triduum ferme classis ad urbem stetit. Phanas inde progressi sunt et spe celerius regressis decem lembis evecti Aegaeo mari Delum traiecerunt.
29.1. While these events were taking place, the Roman envoys, Gaius Popilius, Gaius Decimius, and Gaius Hostilius, set out from Chalcis in three five-banked ships and on arriving at Delos found there forty Macedonian scout-ships and five five-bankers of King Eumenes.
29.1. dum haec geruntur, legati Romani, C. Popilius et C. Decimius et C. Hostilius, a Chalcide profecti tribus quinqueremibus Delum cum venissent, lembos ibi Macedonum quadraginta et quinque regis Eumenis quinqueremis invenerunt.
29.2. The holiness of the temple and the island kept them all from harm. And so the Roman, the Macedonian, and Eumenes' sailors mingled in the temple under the truce provided by the sacredness of the place.
29.2. sanctitas templi insulaeque inviolatos praestabat omnes. itaque permixti Romanique et Macedones et Eumenis navales socii … et in templo, indutias religione loci praebente, versabantur.
29.3. Whenever signals came from the lookouts that any freight-ships were passing out at sea, Antenor, Perseus' officer, would himself pursue with some ships, while others of his ships were distributed among the Cyclades, and either sank or plundered every ship not sailing for Macedonia. Popilius would come to the rescue with what ships he had either of his own or Eumenes'; but the Macedonians would evade him by sailing at night mostly in groups of two or three ships.
29.3. Antenor, Persei praefectus, cum aliquas alto praeferri onerarias naves ex speculis significatum foret, parte lemborum ipse insequens, parte per Cyclades disposita, praeterquam si quae Macedoniam peterent, omnes aut supprimebat aut spoliabat naves.
29.5. At about this same time, the envoys from Macedonia and Illyria arrived together at Rhodes, and weight was lent their words not only by the arrival of the scoutships roaming all around the Cyclades and the Aegean Sea, but also by the very fact of the combination between the kings Perseus and Gentius, and the rumour of the arrival of the Gauls in great numbers both of infantry and cavalry.
29.5. quibus poterat Popilius aut suis aut Eumenis navibus succurrebat; sed vecti nocte binis aut ternis plerumque lembis Macedones fallebant. per id fere tempus legati Macedones Illyriique simul Rhodum venerunt, quibus auctoritatem addidit non lemborum modo adventus passim per Cycladas atque Aegaeum vagantium mare, sed etiam coniunctio ipsa regum Persei Gentique et fama cum magno numero peditum equitumque venientium Gallorum.
29.7. Since, then, the boldness of Dinon and Polyaratus, who sided with Perseus, was on the increase, not only was a cordial response given to the kings, but the flat statement was made that the Rhodians would by their influence bring an end to the war, and that therefore the kings themselves should make up their minds calmly to accept peace.
29.7. et iam cum accessissent animi Dinoni ac Polyarato, qui Persei partium erant, non benigne modo responsum regibus est, sed palam pronuntiatum bello finem se auctoritate sua inposituros esse: itaque ipsi quoque reges aequos adhiberent animos ad pacem accipiendam.
30.1. By now spring was beginning and the new commanders arrived in the field, the consul Aemilius in Macedonia, Octavius with the fleet at Oreüs, and in the region of Illyria, Anicius, whose task was the campaign against Gentius. This king, the son of Pleuratus, king of the Illyrians, and Eurydice, had two brothers, Plator, a full brother, and Caravantius, born of the same mother.
30.1. iam veris principium erat novique duces in provincias venerant, consul Aemilius in Macedoniam, Octavius Oreum ad classem, Anicius in Illyricum, cui bellandum adversus Gentium erat. Gentius patre Pleurato, rege Illyriorum, et matre Eurydica genitus fratres duos, Platorem utroque parente, Caravantium matre eadem natum, habuit.
30.3. The latter Gentius suspected less because of the obscurity of his father, but the king killed Plator and two friends of his, Ettritus and Epicadus, energetic men, for the greater security of his reign.
30.3. hoc propter ignobilitatem paternam minus suspecto Platorem occidit et duos amicos eius, Ettritum et Epicadum, impigros viros, quo tutius regnaret.
30.4. The rumour was that he envied his brother his betrothal to Etuta, daughter of Monunius the chieftain of the Dardani, since by this marriage Plator would secure the support of the Dardani; and Gentius made this really very probable by marrying the girl after the murder of Plator.
30.4. fama fuit Monuni, Dardanorum principis, filiam Etutam pacto fratri eum invidisse tamquam his nuptiis adiungenti sibi Dardanorum gentem; et simillimum id vero fecit ducta ea virgo Platore interfecto.
30.5. Once the fear of his brother was removed, Gentius began to be oppressive to his people, and the violence innate in his character was inflamed by overuse of wine.
30.5. gravis deinde dempto a fratre metu popularibus esse coepit, et violentiam insitam ingenio intemperantia vini accendebat.
30.6. However, when he had been stirred up to fight the Romans, as has been related above, he collected all his forces at Lissus. These were fifteen thousand men.
30.6. ceterum, sicut ante dictum est, ad Romanum incitatus bellum Lissum omnis copias contraxit.
30.7. From there he sent his brother with a thousand infantry and fifty cavalry to subdue the tribe of the Cavii either by force or threats, while he himself advanced from Lissus five miles to the city of Bassania.
30.7. quindecim milia armatorum fuerunt. inde fratre in Caviorum gentem vi aut terrore subigendam cum mille peditibus et quinquaginta equitibus misso ipse ad Bassaniam urbem quinque milia ab Lisso ducit.
30.8. The inhabitants were allied to the Romans; and so when overtures were made by messengers sent ahead of Gentius, they preferred to stand siege rather than to surrender.
30.8. socii erant Romanorum; itaque per praemissos nuntios prius temptati obsidionem pati quam dedere sese maluerunt.
30.9. As Caravantius arrived among the Cavii, the town of Durnium received him hospitably; Caravandis, another city, shut him out; and while he was ravaging their territory far and wide, a few scattered soldiers were killed by the rallying farmers.
30.9. Caravantium in Caviis Durnium oppidum advenientem benigne accepit; Caravandis, altera urbs, exclusit; et cum agros eorum effuse vastaret, aliquot palati milites agrestium concursu interfecti sunt.
30.10. By now Appius Claudius too had added auxiliaries of the Bullini and the citizens of Apollonia and Dyrrachium to the army he had with him, and had set out from winter quarters to a camp by the Genusus River, since he had heard of the treaty between Perseus and Gentius and was incensed by the mistreatment of the molested envoys, so that he was bent on campaigning against Gentius.
30.10. iam et Ap. Claudius adsumptis ad eum exercitum, quem habebat, Bullinorum et Apolloniatium et Dyrrachinorum auxiliis profectus ex hibernis circa Genusum amnem castra habebat, audito foedere inter Persea et Gentium et.
30.11. About this time Anicius the praetor heard at Apollonia of affairs in the region of Illyria, and sending ahead orders to Appius to wait for him at the Genusus, he himself arrived in camp in three days.
30.11. legatorum violatorum iniuria accensus bellum haud dubie adversus eum gesturus.
30.12. He added to the auxiliaries he had two thousand infantry and two hundred cavalry of the young men of the Parthini —Epicadus commanded the infantry, Algalsus the cavalry —and made ready to march into the region of Illyria, especially in order to relieve the siege of Bassania. His urgency was restrained by a rumour of scout-ships ravaging the coast.
30.12. Anicius praetor eo tempore Apolloniae auditis, quae in Illyrico gererentur, praemissisque ad Appium litteris, ut se ad Genusum opperiretur, triduo et ipse in castra venit et ad ea, quae habebat, auxilia Parthinorum iuventute adiuncta, duobus milibus peditum et equitibus ducentis — peditibus Epicadus, equitibus Algalsus praeerat — parabat ducere in Illyricum, maxime ut Bassanitas solveret obsidione.
30.13. There were eighty of these ships, sent by Gentius at the suggestion of Pantauchus to plunder the territory of Dyrrachium and Apollonia.
30.13. tenuit impetum eius fama lemborum vastantium maritimam oram.
30.14. Then a fleet at...... they surrendered. Thereafter the cities of the region did the same, the turn of their thoughts being assisted by the mildness and justice of the Roman praetor.
30.14. octoginta erant lembi, auctore Pantaucho missi a Gentio ad Dyrrachinorum et Apolloniatium Appolloniatium agros populandos. tum classis ad … to eo tradiderunt se. deinceps et urbes regionis eius idem faciebant, adiuvante inclinationem animorum clementia in omnis et iustitia praetoris Romani.
31.2. Next he arrived at Scodra, the centre of resistance not only because Gentius had appropriated it as the citadel for his whole kingdom, but also because it is the best-fortified town of the Labeate tribe, and is hard to approach.
31.2. ad Scodram inde ventum est, quod belli caput erat, non eo solum quod Gentius eam sibi ceperat velut regni totius arcem, sed etiam quod Labeatium gentis munitissima longe est et difficilis aditu.
31.3. Two rivers surround it, the Clausal flowing by on the side of the city which faces eastward, the Barbanna on the west side, flowing from the Labeate Lake. (These two streams after joining fall into the Oriundes River which rises on Mount Scordus, is swelled by many other streams, and falls into the Adriatic Sea.
31.3. duo cingunt eam flumina, Clausal a latere urbis, quod in orientem patet, praefluens, Barbanna ab regione occidentis, ex Labeatide palude oriens.
31.4. Mount Scordus, by far the highest of that region, overlooks Dardania to the eastward, Macedonia to the south, and the Illyrian region to the west.)
31.4. hi duo amnes confluentes incidunt Oriundi flumini, quod ortum ex monte Scordo, multis et aliis auctum aquis, mari Hadriatico infertur.
31.5. Although the town was fortified by its surroundings and the whole nation of the Illyrians, as well as their, king, was defending it, nevertheless the Roman praetor decided that since his first moves had met with success, good fortune in the campaign as a whole would follow these beginnings, and that a fast-moving threat would be efficacious;
31.5. mons Scordus, longe altissimus regionis eius, ab oriente Dardaniam subiectam habet, a meridie Macedoniam, ab occasu Illyricum.
31.6. so he advanced to the wall with his army in formation. If well-placed forces had shut the gates and defended the walls and gate-towers, they would have routed the Romans from the wall and made their attempt worthless; as it was, they sallied from the gate and on level ground joined battle with more spirit than they maintained.
31.6. quamquam munitum situ naturali oppidum erat gensque id tota Illyriorum et rex ipse tuebatur, tamen praetor Romanus, quia prima successerant prospere, fortunam totius rei principia secuturam esse ratus et repentinum valiturum terrorem, instructo exercitu ad moenia succedit. quod si clausis portis muros portarumque turris dispositi armati defendissent, vano cum incepto moenibus pepulissent Romanos;
31.8. For they were routed and huddled in flight, while over two hundred fell in the very mouth of the gate, and they brought in with them such panic that Gentius at once sent representatives named Teuticus and Bellus, leading men of the nation, to the praetor to ask for a truce so that the king might deliberate over his situation.
31.8. nunc porta egressi proelium loco aequo maiore animo commiserunt quam sustinuerunt. pulsi enim et fuga conglobati, cum ducenti amplius in ipsis faucibus portae cecidissent, tantum intulerunt terrorem, ut oratores extemplo ad praetorem mitteret Gentius Teuticum et Bellum, principes gentis, per quos indutias peteret, ut deliberare de statu rerum suarum posset.
31.10. When he was given three days for this purpose, he boarded a ship, since the Roman camp was about half a mile from the city, and sailed up the Barbanna River to Lake Labeate, as if seeking a secluded spot for taking council; actually, as became evident, he was stirred by an unfounded hope that his brother Caravantius would arrive with many thousands of soldiers gathered in the region to which he had been sent. After the talk about this had evaporated, on the third day he brought the same ship downstream to Scodra.
31.10. triduo in hoc dato, cum castra Romana quingentos ferme passus ab urbe abessent, navem conscendit et flumine Barbanna navigat in lacum Labeatum, velut secretum locum petens ad consultandum, sed, ut apparuit, falsa spe excitus Caravantium fratrem multis milibus armatorum coactis ea regione, in quam missus erat, adventare.
31.12. First sending messengers to secure an opportunity for addressing the praetor and on being given the opportunity, he came into camp. At the outset of his speech he began by blaming his own stupidity, and at the end gave himself up to entreaties and a flood of tears, and falling at the praetor's knees, put himself into his hands.
31.12. qui postquam evanuit rumor, tertio post die navem eandem secundo amni Scodram demisit praemissisque nuntiis, ut sibi appellandi praetoris potestas fieret, copia facta in castra venit.
31.13. Immediately he was bidden to take heart, and after being invited to dinner, returned to his own people in the city.
31.13. et principium orationis ab accusatione stultitiae orsus suae, postremo ad preces lacrimasque effusus, genibus praetoris accidens in potestatem sese dedit.
31.14. On that day he was banqueted with marks of distinction by the praetor, and then put under the guard of Gaius Cassius, tribune of the soldiers, after having received a mere ten talents, hardly the fee of a gladiator, though he was a king dealing with a king, to induce him to sink to such misfortune.
31.14. primo bonum animum habere iussus, ad cenam etiam invitatus in urbem ad suos rediit et cum praetore eo die honorifice est epulatus, deinde in custodiam C. Cassio tribuno militum traditus, vix gladiatorio accepto, decem talentis, ab rege rex, ut in eam fortunam recideret.
32.1. On taking over Scodra, Anicius' very first order was that the ambassadors Petilius and Perpenna should be searched out and brought to him.
32.1. Anicius Scodra recepta nihil prius quam requisitos Petilium Perpennamque legatos ad se duci iussit.
32.2. When they had been restored to a properly dignified state, he immediately sent Perpenna to arrest the friends and relatives of the king.
32.2. quibus splendore suo restituto Perpennam extemplo mittit ad conprehendendos amicos cognatosque regis;
32.3. Perpenna set out for Meteon, the city of the Labeate tribe, and brought to camp at Scodra Etleva, the queen, with her two children, Scerdilaedus and Pleuratus, and Caravantius the king's brother.
32.3. qui Meteonem, Labeatium gentis urbem, profectus Etlevam uxorem cum filiis duobus, Scerdilaedo Pleuratoque, et Caravantium fratrem Scodram in castra adduxit.
32.4. After completing the Illyrian campaign within thirty days, Anicius sent Perpenna to Rome as messenger of this victory, and a few days later sent on King Gentius himself with his mother, wife, children, and brother, as well as other leading Illyrians.
32.4. Anicius bello Illyrico intra triginta dies perfecto nuntium victoriae Perpennam Romam misit et post dies paucos Gentium regem ipsum cum parente, coniuge ac liberis ac fratre aliisque principibus Illyriorum.
32.5. This campaign was unique in that its conclusion was reported at Rome before its beginning. During the time that this was going on, Perseus also was in great fear because of the arrival not only of Aemilius the new consul, who he heard had come on the scene bringing dire threats, but also of Octavius the praetor.
32.5. hoc unum bellum prius perpetratum quam coeptum Romae auditum est. quibus diebus haec agebantur, Perseus quoque in magno terrore erat propter adventum simul Aemili novi consulis, quem cum ingentibus minis adventare audiebat, simul Octavi praetoris.
32.6. The king was feeling equally keenly the threat from the Roman fleet and the danger to the coastal area. At Thessalonica, Eumenes and Athenagoras were in command with a small garrison of two thousand light infantry.
32.6. nec minus terroris a classe Romana et periculo maritumae orae habebat. Thessalonicae Eumenes et Athenagoras praeerant cum parvo praesidio duorum milium cetratorum.
32.7. To that place Perseus sent the officer Androcles also, under orders to encamp right by the dockyards. To Aenea a thousand cavalry under Creon of Antigonea were sent to protect the coastal area, in order to come at once to the aid of the country folk at any point on the shore where they heard that enemy ships had put in.
32.7. eo et Androclen praefectum mittit, iussum sub ipsis navalibus castra habere. Aenean mille equites cum Creonte Antigonensi misit ad tutandam maritumam oram, ut quocumque litore adplicuisse naves hostium audissent, extemplo ferrent agrestibus opem.
32.9. Five thousand Macedonians were sent to garrison Pythoüs and Petra, the commanders being Histiaeus, Theogenes, and Midon.
32.9. quinque milia Macedonum missa ad praesidium Pythoi et Petrae, quibus praepositi erant Histiaeus et Theogenes et Midon.
32.10. When these forces had left, Perseus set himself to fortifying the bank of the Elpeüs, because its dry bed could be crossed. In order that his entire force might be free for this operation, women gathered from the near-by cities brought foodstuffs into camp;
32.10. his profectis ripam munire Elpei fluminis adgressus est, quia sicco alveo transiri poterat.
32.11. the soldiers, under orders, from the woods near by generously... ... to gather, and finally he ordered the water-carriers to follow him to the sea, which was less than three-tenths of a mile away, and to dig wells on the beach, some here, some there, at slight intervals.
32.11. huic operi ut omnis multitudo vacaret, feminae ex propinquis urbibus cocta cibaria in castra adferebant; miles iussus ex propinquis silvis benigne … … conferre, postremo sequi se putearios ad mare, quod minus trecentos passus aberat, iussit et in litore alios alibi modicis intervallis fodere.
33.2. The immense height of the mountains, especially inasmuch as they produced no visible rivers, gave him the hope that underneath were hidden streams, the veins of which trickled through to the sea and mingled with the salt water.
33.2. montes ingentis altitudinis spem faciebant, eo magis quia nullos apertos emergerent rivos, occultos contineri latices, quorum venae in mare permanantes undae miscerentur.
33.3. Hardly had the uppermost sand been penetrated when jets of water spurted out, at first muddy and slight, but then proceeding to pour out, as if by a miracle, with clear and copious water.
33.3. vix diducta summa harena erat, cum scaturiges turbidae primo et tenues emicare, dein liquidam multamque fundere aquam velut deum dono coeperunt.
33.4. This success too gave the commander no little glory and power of leadership with the soldiers. Then when the soldiers were ordered to put their weapons in condition, the consul with the tribunes and ranking centurions went forward to reconnoitre the crossings, in order to find out where the way down was easy for men under arms and where on the farther bank there was the least unfavourable way up.
33.4. aliquantum ea quoque res duci famae et auctoritatis apud milites adiecit. iussis deinde militibus expedire arma ipse cum tribunis primisque ordinibus ad contemplandos transitus est progressus, qua descensus facilis armatis, qua in ulteriorem ripam minime inicus ascensus esset.
33.5. After gathering sufficient information on these points, he introduced other changes, too; in the first place, he saw to it that everything in the column should take place in good order and without confusion at the beck and call of the commander;
33.5. his satis exploratis illa quoque …; primum, ut ordine ac sine tumultu omnia in agmine ad nutum imperiumque ducis fierent, providit:
33.6. when orders were given to the whole army at once and not all were within hearing, he said, some, after receiving an unclear order, made additions of their own and did more than was bidden, while others did less; hence discordant outcries arose everywhere and the enemy found out what was afoot sooner than one's own men.
33.6. ubi omnibus simul pronuntiaretur, quod fieret, neque omnes exaudirent, incerto imperio accepto alios, ab se adicientes, plus eo, quod imperatum sit, alios minus facere; clamores deinde dissonos oriri omnibus locis, et prius hostes quam ipsos, quid paretur, scire.
33.7. Therefore the consul decided that the tribune of the soldiers should first give an order privately to the chief centurion of the legion, and he and his subordinates in rank should then each tell to the next in rank what was to be done, whether the order was to be passed from the head of the column to the rear, or from the last to the first.
33.7. placere igitur tribunum militum primo pilo legionis secretum edere imperium, illum et dein singulos proximo cuique in ordine centurioni dicere, quid opus facto sit, sive a primis signis ad novissimum agmen, sive ab extremis ad primos perferundum imperium sit.
33.8. The consul also made the innovation of forbidding sentries to carry a shield on post; for he said that a sentry is not going into combat to use his weapons, but is to keep on guard so that when he perceives the approach of the enemy, he may retire and rouse the others to arms.
33.8. vigiles etiam novo more scutum in vigiliam ferre vetuit: non enim in pugnam vigilem ire, ut armis utatur, sed ad vigilandum, ut, cum senserit hostium adventum, recipiat se excitetque ad arma alios.
33.9. Men set the shield before them and stand there, helmet on head; then when they are tired, they lean on the spear, rest the head on the shield-rim, and stand there drowsing, so that with their shining armour they can be detected by the enemy from afar, while they themselves do not see ahead at all. The consul also changed the practice of the outposts.
33.9. scuto prae se erecto stare galeatos; deinde, ubi fessi sint, innixos pilo, capite super marginem scuti posito, sopito stare, ut fulgentibus armis procul conspici ab hoste possint, ipsi nihil provideant.
33.10. All were used to spending the entire day under arms, cavalry with their horses bridled; when this took place on summer days under an unremitting -and burning sun, after so many hours of heat and weariness the tired men and horses were often attacked by fresh enemy troops and superior numbers thrown into confusion by even a few.
33.10. stationum quoque morem mutavit. armati omnes, et frenatis equis equites, diem totum perstabant; id cum aestivis diebus urente adsiduo sole fieret, tot horarum aestu et languore ipsos equosque fessos integri saepe adorti hostes vel pauci plures vexabant.
33.11. So he gave orders that men on duty in the morning should be relieved at noon by a different afternoon detail; in this way a fresh enemy could never attack tired men.
33.11. itaque ex matutina statione ad meridiem decedi et in postmeridianam succedere alios iussit; ita numquam fatigatos recens hostis adgredi poterat.
34.1. After he had announced to an assembly of the soldiers the decision to adopt these measures, the consul added a speech in the vein of his address in Rome:
34.1. haec cum ita fieri placere contione advocata pronuntiasset, adiecit urbanae contioni convenientem orationem:
34.2. “There should be a single general in an army who foresees and plans what should be done, sometimes by himself, sometimes with the advisers he calls into council. Those who are not called into council should not air their own views publicly or privately.”
34.2. unum imperatorem in exercitu providere et consulere, quid agendum sit, debere nunc per se, nunc cum iis, quos advocarit in consilium; qui non sint advocati, eos nec palam nec secreto iactare consilia sua.
34.3. “A soldier should concern himself with the following: his body, to keep it as strong and as nimble as possible; the good condition of his weapons; and the readiness of his food-supply for unexpected orders.”
34.3. militem haec tria curare debere, corpus ut quam validissimum et pernicissimum habeat, arma apta, cibum paratum ad subita imperia;
34.4. “For the rest, he should realize that the immortal gods and his general are taking care of him. In an army in which the soldiers deliberate and the general is led about by the gossip of the rank and file, conditions are utterly unsound.”
34.4. cetera scire de se dis immortalibus et imperatori suo curae esse. in quo exercitu milites consultent, imperator rumoribus volgi circumagatur, ibi nihil salutare esse.
34.5. “For my part, I shall do the duty of a general —that is, see to it that you have an opportunity for successful action. You ought not to ask what is going to happen, but when the signal is given, then do your duty as soldiers.” After these instructions, he dismissed the assembly, while throughout the army even the veterans admitted that they, like raw recruits, had for the first time learned how military matters should be handled.
34.5. se, quod sit officium imperatoris, provisurum, ut bene gerendae rei occasionem iis praebeat; illos nihil, quid futurum sit, quaerere, ubi datum signum sit, tum militarem navare operam debere.
34.6. Not only did they show by such remarks with how much approval they had heard the words of the consul, but there was also an immediate response in action.
34.6. ab his praeceptis contionem dimisit volgo etiam veteranis fatentibus se illo primum die tamquam tirones, quid agendum esset in re militari, didicisse.
34.7. Soon you could have seen no one idle in the whole camp; some were sharpening swords, others were polishing helmets and cheek-pieces, still others shields and coats of mail;
34.7. non sermonibus tantum his, cum quanto adsensu audissent verba consulis, ostenderunt, sed rerum praesens effectus erat.
34.8. some were fitting their armour to their bodies and trying the nimbleness of their bodies under arms, others were brandishing spears, others fencing with their swords and inspecting the point; so that anyone could easily see that as soon as an opportunity of joining battle with the enemy had been given, they would put an end to the war either by a glorious victory or by a death that would go down in history.
34.8. neminem totis mox castris quietum videres; acuere alii gladios, alii galeas bucculasque, scutorum alii … alii loricas tergere, alii aptare corpori arma experirique sub his membrorum agilitatem, quatere alii pila, alii micare gladiis mucronemque intueri, ut facile quis cerneret, ubi primum conserendi manum cum hoste data occasio esset, aut victoria egregia aut morte memorabili finituros bellum.
34.10. When Perseus, too, noticed that on the arrival of the consul and the beginning of spring everything in the enemy camp was full of noise and bustle as if the war were just beginning, that the camp had been shifted from Phila to the bank opposite the Macedonians, and the hostile commander was now going about to view Perseus' defences, no doubt because he was reconnoitring a passage, now.... of the Romans was.
34.10. Perseus quoque, cum adventu consulis simul et veris principio strepere omnia moverique apud hostes velut novo bello cerneret, mota a Phila castra in adversa ripa posita, nunc ad contemplanda opera sua circumire ducem haud dubie transitus speculan tem, nunc … … Roma norum esse;
35.1. This affair raised the spirits of the Romans. It also brought no little panic to the Macedonians and their king.
35.1. quae res Romanis auxit animos, Macedonibus regique eorum haud mediocrem attulit terrorem.
35.2. At first he tried to hide the report of the event in secret, by sending men to forbid Pantauchus, who was coming from there, to approach the camp.
35.2. et primo supprimere in occulto famam eius rei est conatus missis, qui Pantauchum inde venientem adpropinquare castris vetarent.
35.3. But now some boys were seen by their relatives being led along with the Illyrian hostages and the more carefully the various details were concealed, the more easily they leaked out through the garrulity of the king's servants.
35.3. sed iam et pueri quidam visi ab suis erant inter obsidis Illyrios ducti, et quo quaeque accuratius celantur, eo facilius loquacitate regiorum ministrorum emanant.
35.4. About the same time envoys from Rhodes came into camp with the same message about peace which had aroused great wrath in the senators at Rome. They received a much less favourable audience from the council in the camp.
35.4. sub idem tempus Rhodii legati in castra venerunt cum iisdem de pace mandatis, quae Romae ingentem iram patrum excitavere.
35.5. So while some advised that the envoys be thrown into chains, others that they be driven headlong out of camp without an answer, the consul announced that he would make a reply a fortnight later. Meanwhile, to make it clear how much influence the Rhodian peace-makers had succeeded in exerting, he began to hold consultations as to the plan of campaign.
35.5. multo iniquioribus animis a castrensi consilio auditi sunt. itaque cum alii … alii praecipites sine responso agendos castris, pronuntiavit post diem quintum decimum se responsum daturum.
35.6. Some, especially the younger, wished to force a way through the bank of the Elpeüs and the fortifications;
35.6. interim, ut appareret, quantum pacificantium Rhodiorum auctoritas valuisset, consultare de ratione belli gerendi coepit.
35.7. a solid formation, they said, attacking in single column would be irresistible to the Macedonians, who had the previous year been driven out of so many forts, rather higher and better fortified and held with strong garrisons.
35.7. placebat quibusdam et maxime minoribus natu per Elpei ripam munitionesque vim facere: confertis et uno … facientibus resistere Macedonas non posse, ex tot castellis aliquanto altioribus ac munitioribus, quae validis praesidiis insedissent, priore anno deiectos.
35.8. Others advised that Octavius with his fleet should make for Thessalonica and by ravaging the coastal area create a diversion of the king's forces, so that on the appearance of another attack in his rear the king would be pulled about to guard the inner part of his kingdom and be compelled to open a crossing somewhere over the Elpeüs. The consul himself regarded the riverbank as impregnable by nature and by fortification and, besides the fact that artillery had been placed everywhere, he had heard that the enemy employed missile weapons better and with more deadly aim.
35.8. aliis placebat Octavium cum classe Thessalonicam petere et populatione maritumae orae distringere copias regias, ut altero ab tergo se ostendente bello circumactus ad interiorem partem regni tuendam nudare aliqua parte transitus Elpei cogeretur.
35.9. The whole thought of the Roman commander inclined in a different direction; and dismissing his council, he summoned the Perrhaebian merchants Coenus and Menophilus, men already known to him for loyalty and wisdom, and secretly inquired what the passes into Perrhaebia were like.
35.9. ipsi natura et operibus inexsuperabilis ripa videbatur, et praeterquam quod tormenta ubique disposita essent, missilibus etiam melius et certiore ictu hostis uti audierat. alio spectabat mens tota ducis; dimissoque consilio Perrhaebos mercatores Coenum et Menophilum, notae iam sibi et fidei et prudentiae homines, accersitos secreto percunctatur, quales ad Perrhaebiam transitus sint.