30.2. Some were so enraptured with the Romans as to undermine their own influence by their unrestrained partizanship; a few of them were attracted by the justice of Roman rule, most were moved by the thought that if they displayed some especial service for the Romans they would become powerful in their own states.
30.2. principum diversa cerneres studia. pars ita in Romanos effusi erant, ut auctoritatem inmodico favore corrumperent, pauci ex is iustitia imperii Romani capti, plures ita, si praecipuam operam navassent, potentes sese in civitatibus suis futuros rati.
30.4. Another group were toadies to the king; some, because of debt and despair of their own fortunes if no change should occur, were driven headlong to the overturning of everything. Some were upset by their own windy instability of character, since the breeze of popular favour turned in Perseus' direction.
30.4. pars altera regiae adulationis erat, quos aes alienum et desperatio rerum suarum eodem manente statu praecipites ad novanda omnia agebat, quosdam ventosum ingenium, quia Perseus magis aurae popularis erat.
30.5. A third group, which was also the worthiest and wisest, if merely a choice of a dominating superior were offered them, preferred to be under the Romans rather than under the king;
30.5. tertia pars, optuma eadem et prudentissima, si utique optio domini potioris daretur, sub Romanis quam sub rege malebat esse;
30.6. but if they had a free choice of destiny in this respect, they wished neither side to become the more powerful through the downfall of the other, but rather that, the strength of both sides being unexhausted, peace on terms of equality should continue; thus the situation of the free states with respect to the two powers would be most advantageous, since one power would always protect the weak against wrongdoing by the other.
30.6. si liberum inde arbitrium fortunae esset, neutram partem volebant potentiorem altera oppressa fieri, sed inlibatis potius viribus utriusque partis pacem ex aequo manere: ita inter utrosque optimam condicionem civitatium fore protegente altero semper inopem ab alterius iniuria.
30.7. With these sentiments they watched silently from a safe position the contests of the partisans of either side.
30.7. haec sentientis certamina fautorum utriusque partis taciti ex tuto spectabant.
30.8. In accordance with a decree of the senate, the consuls, on the day of their inauguration, offered sacrifices of full-grown victims at all the temples in which a banquet for the god is usually spread during the greater part of the year; thereupon, feeling assured that their prayers were approved by the immortal gods, they reported to the senate that due sacrifice and prayer for the war had been made.
30.8. consules quo die magistratum inierunt, ex senatus consulto cum circa omnia fana, in quibus lectisternium maiorem partem anni esse solet, maioribus hostiis immolassent, inde preces suas acceptas ab diis immortalibus ominati, senatui rite sacrificatum precationemque de bello factam renuntiarunt.
30.9. The diviners gave the following report: If any new enterprise should be begun, it should be speeded on; victory, triumph, and enlargement of the realm were forecast.
30.9. haruspices ita responderunt, si quid rei novae inciperetur, id maturandum esse:
30.10. The Fathers, with the wish that it might be well and of good omen and fortune for the Roman people, instructed the consuls to present on the first possible day to the people, assembled in their Hundreds, the resolution that, whereas Perseus, son of Philip, King of Macedonia, contrary to the treaty made with his father Philip and renewed with himself after the death of his father, had invaded allies of the Roman people, had devastated their land and seized their cities, and whereas he had entered on plans for preparing war against the Roman people, and had assembled arms, soldiers and fleet for the said purpose, resolved that, unless he offered satisfaction in these matters, war against him be undertaken. This resolution was passed by the people.
30.10. victoriam, triumphum, propagationem finium portendi. patres quod faustum felixque populo Romano esset, centuriatis comitiis primo quoque die ferre ad populum consules iusserunt, ut quod Perseus, Philippi filius, Macedonum rex, adversus foedus cum patre Philippo ictum et secum post mortem eius renovatum sociis populi Romani arma intulisset, agros vastasset urbesque occupasset, quodque belli parandi adversus populum Romanum consilia inisset, arma milites classem eius rei causa comparasset, ut, nisi de iis rebus satisfecisset, bellum cum eo iniretur. haec rogatio ad populum lata est.
31.1. Thereupon a decree of the senate was passed that the consuls should with each other arrange or draw lots for the districts of Italy and Macedonia, and that the consul to whom Macedonia should fall should attack in war King Perseus and those who took his part, unless they rendered satisfaction to the Roman people.
31.1. senatus consultum inde factum est, ut consules inter se provincias Italiam et Macedoniam compararent sortirenturve; cui Macedonia obvenisset, ut is regem Persea quique eius sectam secuti essent, nisi populo Romano satisfecissent, bello persequeretur.
31.2. It was voted to enroll four new legions, two for each consul. The special arrangement was made for the district of Macedonia that, although to the legions of the other consul five thousand two hundred infantry per legion were allotted in accordance with old custom, for Macedonia six thousand infantry were ordered to be enrolled and for both forces three hundred cavalry in each legion.
31.2. legiones quattuor novas scribi placuit, binas singulis consulibus. id praecipuum provinciae Macedoniae datum, quod, cum alterius consulis legionibus quina milia et duceni pedites ex vetere instituto darentur in singulas legiones, in Macedoniam sena milia peditum scribi iussa, equites treceni aequaliter in singulas legiones.
31.3. Also the number for the force of allies was increased for the one consul; he was to take over to Macedonia sixteen thousand infantry and eight hundred cavalry besides the six hundred cavalry under the command of Gnaeus Sicinius.
31.3. et in sociali exercitu consuli alteri auctus numerus: sedecim milia peditum, octingentos equites, praeter eos, quos Cn. Sicinius duxisset, sescentos equites, in Macedoniam traiceret.
31.4. For Italy twelve thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry of the allies were judged sufficient. The following privilege was also granted to the Macedonian allotment, that the consul might at his discretion enroll former centurions and soldiers up to fifty years of age.
31.4. Italiae satis visa duodecim milia sociorum peditum, sescenti equites. illud quoque praecipuum datum sorti Macedoniae, ut centuriones militesque veteres scriberet, quos vellet consul, usque ad quinquaginta annos.
31.5. In connection with the tribunes of the soldiers, an innovation was made that year because of the Macedonian war, a change brought before the commons by the consuls in accordance with a resolution of the senate, namely, that tribunes of the soldiers should not be chosen by vote for this year but that the consuls and praetors should exercise their judgment and choice in appointing them. Commands were divided among the praetors as follows: it was decided that the praetor whose lot it was to go where the senate determined should go to the fleet at Brundisium and there inspect the sailors; after discharging any who were unfit, he was to enroll replacements from among freedmen, and see to it that two-thirds should be Roman citizens and one-third allies.
31.5. in tribunis militum novatum eo anno propter Macedonicum bellum, quod consules ex senatus consulto ad populum tulerunt, ne tribuni militum eo anno suffragiis crearentur, sed consulum praetorumque in is faciendis iudicium arbitriumque esset. inter praetores ita partita imperia: praetorem, cuius sors fuisset, ut iret quo senatus censuisset, Brundisium ad classem ire placuit atque ibi recognoscere socios navales, dimissisque, si qui parum idonei essent, supplementum legere ex libertinis et dare operam, ut duae partes civium Romanorum, tertia sociorum esset.
31.8. It was voted to instruct the praetors who should draw Sicily and Sardinia, in order that provisions from these provinces might be conveyed to the fleet and legions, that they should impose a second tithe on the Sicilians and Sardinians, this grain to be transported to the army in Macedonia.
31.8. commeatus classi legionibusque ut ex Sicilia Sardiniaque subveherentur, praetoribus, qui eas provincias sortiti essent, mandari placuit, ut alteras decumas Siculis Sardisque imperarent, quod frumentum ad exercitum in Macedoniam portaretur.
31.9. Sicily was drawn by Gaius Caninius Rebilus, Sardinia by Lucius Furius Philus, Spain by Lucius Canuleius, the jurisdiction over citizens by Gaius Sulpicius Galba, that over aliens by Lucius Villius Annalis; the lot placed Gaius Lucretius Gallus at the senate's disposal.
31.9. Siciliam C. Caninius Rebilus est sortitus, L. Furius Philus Sardiniam, L. Canuleius Hispaniam, C. Sulpicius Galba urbanam iurisdictionem, L. Villius Annalis inter peregrinos; C. Lucretio Gallo, quo senatus censuisset, sors obvenit.
32.1. Between the consuls there was an outburst of sarcasm rather than a great dispute concerning the assignment of their provinces. Cassius said he would choose Macedonia without the lot and that his colleague could not, without perjury, cast lots with him.
32.1. inter consules magis cavillatio quam magna contentio de provincia fuit. Cassius sine sorte se Macedoniam optaturum dicebat, nec posse collegam salvo iure iurando secum sortiri:
32.2. For when Licinius had been praetor, that he might not have to go to his province, he had sworn before an assembly that he had sacrifices in a fixed place and on fixed days which could not be duly performed in his absence;
32.2. praetorem eum enim, ne in provinciam iret, in contione iurasse, se stato loco statisque diebus sacrificia habere, quae absente se recte fieri non possent; quae non magis consule quam praetore absente recte fieri posse.
32.3. sacrifices could no more be duly performed in the absence of a consul than in the absence of a praetor, unless the senate thought it best to take notice of Publius Licinius' wishes as consul, rather than of the oath he had taken as praetor; however, said Cassius, he would submit himself to the senate.
32.3. si senatus, non quod vellet in consulatu potius, quam quod in praetura iuraverit P. Licinius, animadvertendum esse censeat, se tamen futurum in senatus potestate.
32.4. When the matter was laid before the Fathers, inasmuch as they thought it would be arrogant on their part to withhold a province from the man from whom the Roman people had not withheld the consulship, they ordered the consuls to cast lots.
32.4. consulti patres, cui consulatum populus Romanus non negasset, ab se provinciam negari superbum rati, sortiri consules iusserunt.
32.5. Macedonia fell to Publius Licinius, Italy to Gaius Cassius. Next the legions were allotted; the first and third were to cross to Macedonia, the second and fourth to remain in Italy.
32.5. P. Licinio Macedonia, C. Cassi Italia obvenit. legiones inde sortiti sunt; prima et tertia in Macedoniam traicerentur, secunda et quarta ut in Italia remanerent. dilectum consules multo intentiore quam alias cura habebant.
32.6. The consuls were conducting the levy with by far more painstaking care than usual. Licinius was also enrolling the veteran soldiers and centurions; likewise many enlisted voluntarily, because they saw that those who had served in the former Macedonian campaign or against Antiochus in Asia had become rich.
32.6. Licinius veteres quoque scribebat milites centurionesque; et multi voluntate nomina dabant, quia locupletes videbant, qui priore Macedonico bello aut adversus Antiochum in Asia stipendia fecerant.
32.7. When the military tribunes who were appointing centurions were assigning men as they came, twenty-three veterans who had held the rank of chief centurion on being named appealed to the tribunes of the people.
32.7. cum tribuni militum, qui centuriones …, sed primum quemque citarent, tres et viginti centuriones, qui primos pilos duxerant, citati tribunos plebis appellarunt. duo ex collegio, M. Fulvius Nobilior et M. Claudius Marcellus, ad consules reiciebant:
32.8. Two of these magistrates, Marcus Fulvius Nobilior and Marcus Claudius Marcellus, referred the matter back to the consuls; for, they said, the investigation belonged to those to whom the levy and the war had been committed; the other tribunes said they would investigate the matter of the appeal, and if wrong was being done, they would come to the aid of their fellow-citizens.
32.8. eorum cognitionem esse debere, quibus dilectus quibusque bellum mandatum esset; ceteri cognituros se, de quo appellati essent, aiebant et, si iniuria fieret, auxilium civibus laturos.
33.1. The investigation took place at the benches of the tribunes; thither came Marcus Popilius, the ex-consul, as counsel for the centurions, the centurions themselves, and the consul.
33.1. ad subsellia tribunorum res agebatur; eo M. Popilius consularis, advocatus centurionum, et centuriones et consul venerunt.
33.2. At the request of the consul that this investigation take place before an assembly, the people were summoned to an assembly.
33.2. consule inde postulanti, ut in contione ea res ageretur, populus in contionem advocatus. pro centurionibus M. Popilius, qui biennio ante consul fuerat, ita verba fecit:
33.3. On behalf of the centurions Marcus Popilius, who had been consul two years before, addressed the people as follows: These soldierly men had ended their regular military service and had also ended their physical vigour because of both age and unremitting labour; however, they offered no objection to contributing their services to the state. This one request they did make, that they should not be assigned ranks lower than those they had held during their regular service.
33.3. militares homines et stipendia iusta et corpora et aetate et adsiduis laboribus confecta habere, nihil recusare tamen, quo minus operam rei publicae dent; id tantum deprecari, ne inferiores iis ordines, quam quos, cum militassent, habuissent, adtribuerentur.
33.4. Publius Licinius the consul ordered to be read the decrees of the senate, first that in which the senate authorized the war against Perseus, then that in which it resolved that as many former centurions as possible be enrolled for this war, and no exemption from service be granted to anyone under fifty-one years of age.
33.4. P. Licinius consul senatus consulta recitari iussit, primum, quo bellum senatus Perseo iussisset, deinde, quo veteres centuriones quam plurimos ad id bellum scribi censuisset nec ulli, qui non maior annis quinquaginta esset, vacationem militiae esse.
33.5. Then he made the request that, in a new war, at so little a distance from Italy, against a very powerful king, the people should not hinder the military tribunes who were holding the levy or prevent the consul from assigning such rank to each man as was to the best interests of the state.
33.5. deprecatus est deinde, ne novo bello, tam propinquo Italiae, adversus regem potentissimum, aut tribunos militum dilectum habentis inpedirent, aut prohiberent consulem, quem cuique ordinem adsignari e re publica esset, eum adsignare.
33.6. If there were any doubtful point in this matter, let them refer it back to the senate.
33.6. si quid in ea re dubium esset, ad senatum reicerent.
34.1. After the consul had said what he wished, Spurius Ligustinus, one of the men who had appealed to the tribunes of the people, asked of the consul and the tribunes that he be permitted to address a few words to the people.
34.1. postquam consul, quae voluerat, dixit, Sp. Ligustinus ex eo numero, qui tribunos appellaverant, a consule et ab tribunis petiit, ut sibi paucis ad populum agere liceret. permissu omnium ita locutus fertur.
34.2. With everyone's permission he is said to have spoken as follows: "I, Spurius Ligustinus of the tribe of Crustumina, come of Sabine stock, fellow-citizens. My father left me an acre of land and a little hut, in which I was born and brought up, and to this day I live there.
34.2. “Sp. Ligustinus tribus Crustuminae ex Sabinis sum oriundus, Quirites. pater mihi iugerum agri reliquit et parvom tugurium, in quo natus educatusque sum; hodieque ibi habito.
34.3. When I first came of age, my father gave me as wife his brother's daughter, who brought with her nothing but her free birth and her chastity, and with these a fertility which would be enough even for a wealthy home.
34.3. cum primum in aetatem veni, pater mihi uxorem fratris sui filiam dedit, quae secum nihil adtulit praeter libertatem pudicitiamque et cum his fecunditatem, quanta vel in diti domo satis esset.
34.4. We have six sons, and two daughters, both of whom are now married. Four of our sons have assumed the toga of manhood, two wear the boys' stripe.
34.4. sex filii nobis, duae filiae sunt, utraeque iam nuptae. filii quattuor togas virilis habent, duo praetextati sunt.
34.5. I became a soldier in the consulship of Publius Sulpicius and Gaius Aurelius. In the army which was taken over to Macedonia I served two years as a private soldier against King Philip; in the third year, for my bravery, Titus Quinctius Flamininus made me centurion of the tenth maniple of the advance formation.
34.5. miles sum factus P. Sulpicio C. Aurelio consulibus. in eo exercitu, qui in Macedoniam est transportatus, biennium miles gregarius fui adversus Philippum regem; tertio anno virtutis causa mihi T. Quinctius Flamininus decumum ordinem hastatum adsignavit.
34.6. After the defeat of Philip and the Macedonians, when we had been brought back to Italy and discharged, immediately I set out for Spain as a volunteer soldier with Marcus Porcius the consul.
34.6. devicto Philippo Macedonibusque cum in Italiam portati ac dimissi essemus, continuo miles voluntarius cum M. Porcio consule in Hispaniam sum profectus.
34.7. No one, of all the generals now living, was a keener observer and judge of bravery, as those know who have had experience of him and other leaders, too, through long service. This general judged me worthy to be assigned as centurion of the forward first century of the advance formation.
34.7. neminem omnium imperatorum, qui vivant, acriorem virtutis spectatorem ac iudicem fuisse sciunt, qui et illum et alios duces longa militia experti sunt. hic me imperator dignum iudicavit, cui primum hastatum prioris centuriae adsignaret.
34.8. For the third time I enlisted, again voluntarily, in the army which was sent against the Aetolians and King Antiochus. By Manius Acilius I was given the rank of centurion of the forward first century of the main formation.
34.8. tertio iterum voluntarius miles factus sum in eum exercitum, qui adversus Aetolos et Antiochum regem est missus. a M’. Acilio mihi primus princeps prioris centuriae est adsignatus.
34.9. When King Antiochus had been driven out and the Aetolians beaten, we were brought back to Italy; and twice after that I was in campaigns where the legions served for a year. Then I campaigned twice in Spain, once when Quintus Fulvius Flaccus was praetor, and again when Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus held that office.
34.9. expulso rege Antiocho, subactis Aetolis reportati sumus in Italiam, et deinceps bis quae annua merebant legiones stipendia feci. bis deinde in Hispania militavi, semel Q. Fulvio Flacco, iterum Ti. Sempronio Graccho praetore.
34.10. I was brought home by Flaccus along with the others whom he brought with him from the province for his triumph because of their bravery; I went back to the province because Tiberius Gracchus asked me.
34.10. a Flacco inter ceteros, quos virtutis causa secum ex provincia ad triumphum deducebat, deductus sum; a Ti. Graccho rogatus in provinciam ii.
34.11. Four times within a few years I held the rank of chief centurion; thirty-four times I was rewarded for bravery by my generals; I have received six civic crowns. I have done twenty-two years of service in the army, and I am over fifty years old.
34.11. quater intra paucos annos primum pilum duxi, quater et tricies virtutis causa donatus ab imperatoribus sum, sex civicas coronas accepi. viginti duo stipendia annua in exercitu emerita habeo et maior annis sum quinquaginta.
34.12. But if all my years of service had not been completed and my age did not yet give me exemption, still, since I could give you four soldiers in my place, Publius Licinius, it would be fair to discharge me.
34.12. quod si mihi nec stipendia omnia emerita essent, necdum aetas vacationem daret, tamen, cum quattuor milites pro me uno vobis dare, P. Licini, possem, aecum erat me dimitti.
34.13. But I should like you to accept these things that I have said on my side of the case; for my part, as long as anyone who is enrolling armies considers me fit for service, I will never beg off.
34.13. sed haec pro causa mea dicta accipiatis velim: ipse me, quoad quisquam, qui exercitus scribit, idoneum militem iudicabit, numquam sum excusaturus.
34.14. Of what rank the military tribunes think me worthy is for them to decide; I shall see to it that no one in the army surpasses me in bravery; and that I have always done so, both my generals and those who have served with me are witnesses.
34.14. ordine quo me dignum iudicent tribuni militum, ipsorum est potestatis; ne quis me virtute in exercitu praestet, dabo operam, et semper ita fecisse me et imperatores mei et qui una stipendia fecerunt testes sunt.
34.15. It is fair for you too, fellow-soldiers, even though you are within your rights in this appeal, since, when you were young you never did anything against the authority of the magistrates and the senate, now also to submit to the consuls and the senate, and to consider every place honourable in which you will be defending the state."
34.15. vos quoque aecum est, commilitones, etsi appellatione [vos] usurpatis ius, cum adulescentes nihil adversus magistratuum senatusque auctoritatem usquam feceritis, nunc quoque in potestate senatus ac consulum esse et omnia honesta loca ducere, quibus rem publicam defensuri sitis.
35.1. When he had said this, Publius Licinius the consul praised him at some length and took him from the assembly to the senate.
35.1. ” haec ubi dixit, conlaudatum multis verbis P. Licinius consul ex contione in senatum duxit.
35.2. There also thanks were expressed to him by authorization of the senate, and the military tribunes gave him for his bravery a chief centurionship in the first legion. The other centurions gave up their appeal and obediently responded to the levy.
35.2. ibi quoque ei ex auctoritate senatus gratiae actae tribunique militares in legione prima primum pilum virtutis causa ei adsignarunt. ceteri centuriones remissa appellatione ad dilectum oboedienter responderunt.
35.3. In order that the magistrates might set out sooner for their provinces, the Latin Festival was held on the first of June; and after this ceremony had been completed the praetor Gaius Lucretius, having sent ahead everything needed for the fleet, set out for Brundisium.
35.3. quo maturius in provincias magistratus proficiscerentur, Latinae kal. Iuniis fuere; eoque sollemni perfecto C. Lucretius praetor omnibus, quae ad classem opus erant, praemissis Brundisium est profectus.
35.4. Besides those armies which the consuls were raising, the task was given the praetor Gaius Sulpicius Galba of enrolling four city legions of the regular number of infantry and cavalry, and of choosing for them from the senate four military tribunes as commanders;
35.4. praeter eos exercitus, quos consules conparabant, C. Sulpicio Galbae praetori negotium datum, ut quattuor legiones scriberet urbanas iusto numero peditum equitumque, iisque quattuor tribunos militum ex senatu legeret qui praeessent;
35.5. he was to order from the allies of the Latin Name fifteen thousand infantry and twelve hundred cavalry, this force to assemble at a place which the senate should determine.
35.5. sociis Latini nominis imperaret quindecim milia peditum, mille et ducentos equites: is exercitus uti paratus esset, quo senatus censuisset.
35.6. At the request of the consul Publius Licinius, to his army of citizens and allies there were added auxiliary troops, two thousand Ligurians, archers from Crete — the number which the Cretans sent on request is not certain —and also Numidian cavalry and elephants.
35.6. P. Licinio consuli ad exercitum civilem socialemque petenti addita auxilia Ligurum duo milia, Cretenses sagittarii — incertus numerus, quantum rogati auxilia Cretenses misissent — , Numidae item equites elephantique.
35.7. For this purpose there were sent as envoys to Masinissa and the Carthaginians Lucius Postumius Albinus, Quintus Terentius Culleo and Gaius Aburius. It was also decided that three envoys should go to Crete, Aulus Postumius Albinus, Gaius Decimius and Aulus Licinius Nerva.
35.7. in eam rem legati ad Masinissam Carthaginiensesque missi L. Postumius Albinus Q. Terentius Culleo C. Aburius. in Cretam item legatos tres ire placuit, A. Postumium Albinum C. Decimium A. Licinium Nervam.
36.1. During the same time envoys from King Perseus arrived. It was decided not to admit them to the city, since the senate had decreed and the people had ordered war with their king and the Macedonians.
36.1. per idem tempus legati ab rege Perseo venerunt. eos in oppidum intromitti non placuit, cum iam bellum regi eorum et Macedonibus et senatus decresset et populus iussisset.
36.2. On being presented before the senate in the temple of Bellona they spoke as follows: King Perseus wondered why armies had been carried across to Macedonia;
36.2. in aedem Bellonae in senatum introducti ita verba fecerunt: mirari Persea regem, quid in Macedoniam exercitus transportati essent;
36.3. if he might persuade the senate to recall them, the king would make amends at the discretion of the senate for any wrongs done to their allies, of which they might complain. Spurius Carvilius, who had been sent back from Greece by Gnaeus Sicinius for this very purpose, was in the senate.
36.3. si impetrari a senatu posset, ut ii revocentur, regem de iniuriis, si quas sociis factas quererentur, arbitratu senatus satisfacturum esse.
36.4. When he had complained of Perrhaebia's having been stormed by force of arms, of the capture of several Thessalian cities, and of other things which the king was either doing or about to do, the envoys were ordered to make a reply thereto.
36.4. Sp. Carvilius ad eam ipsam rem ex Graecia remissus ab Cn. Sicinio in senatu erat. is Perrhaebiam expugnatam armis, Thessaliae aliquot urbes captas, cetera, quae aut ageret aut pararet rex, cum argueret, respondere ad ea legati iussi.
36.5. After they hesitated, saying that they had no further instructions, they were ordered to report to the king that the consul Publius Licinius would shortly be in Macedonia with an army; let the king, if giving satisfaction was his purpose, send envoys to him.
36.5. postquam haesitabant, negantes sibi ultra quidquam mandatum esse, iussi renuntiare regi consulem P. Licinium brevi cum exercitu futurum in Macedonia esse:
36.6. There was no further reason, the senate declared, for his sending envoys to Rome; for none of them would be permitted to pass through Italy.
36.6. ad eum, si satisfacere in animo esset, mitteret legatos; Romam quod praeterea mitteret, non esse: neminem eorum per Italiam ire liciturum.
36.7. After they were thus dismissed, instructions were given to Publius Licinius the consul to order them to depart from Italy within eleven days, and that he should send Spurius Carvilius to guard them until they boarded ship. These things took place at Rome before the consuls took the field.
36.7. ita dimissis P. Licinio consuli mandatum, intra undecimum diem iuberet eos Italia excedere, et Sp. Carvilium mitteret, qui, donec navem conscendissent, custodiret.
36.8. By this time Gnaeus Sicinius, who before giving up his office had been sent ahead to Brundisium to the fleet and army, had transported to Epirus five thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry and had encamped near the Place of the Nymphs in the territory of Apollonia.
36.8. haec Romae acta nondum profectis in provinciam consulibus. iam Cn. Sicinius, qui, priusquam magistratu abiret, Brundisium ad classem et ad exercitum praemissus erat, traiectis in Epirum quinque milibus peditum, trecentis equitibus, ad Nymphaeum in agro Apolloniati castra habebat.
36.9. Thence he sent tribunes with two thousand soldiers to hold forts of the Dassaretii and of the Illyrians, since these people themselves requested garrisons, in order that they might be better protected against attack by their neighbours the Macedonians.
36.9. inde tribunos cum duobus milibus militum ad occupanda Dassaretiorum et Illyriorum castella, ipsis accersentibus praesidia, ut tutiores a finitimorum impetu Macedonum essent, misit.
37.1. A few days later, Quintus Marcius, Aulus Atilius, Publius and Servius Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Decimius, who had been sent as envoys to Greece, brought a thousand infantry with them to Corcyra; there they divided among themselves both the districts they were to approach, and the soldiers.
37.1. paucis post diebus Q. Marcius A. Atilius et P. et Servius Cornelii Lentuli et L. Decimius, legati in Graeciam missi, Corcyram peditum mille secum advexerunt; ibi inter se et regiones, quas obirent, et milites diviserunt.
37.2. Lucius Decimius was sent to Gentius, king of the Illyrians; if he saw that the king had any regard for friendship with the Roman people, he was ordered to try also to induce him to become an ally in the war.
37.2. Decimius missus est ad Gentium regem Illyriorum, quem si aliquem respectum amicitiae cum … habere cerneret, temptare, ut … etiam ad belli societatem perliceret, iussus.
37.3. The Lentuli were sent to Cephallania, so that they might cross to the Peloponnese and before winter make the circuit of the coast of the westward sea.
37.3. Lentuli in Cephallaniam missi, ut in Peloponnesum traicerent oramque maris in occidentem versi ante hiemem circumirent.
37.4. To Marcius and Atilius, the task of making the circuit of Epirus, Aetolia and Thessaly was assigned; after that, they were ordered to investigate Boeotia and Euboea, and then to cross to the Peloponnese; there they agreed to meet the Lentuli.
37.4. Marcio et Atilio Epirus, Aetolia, Thessalia circumeundae adsignantur; inde Boeotiam atque Euboeam aspicere iussi, tum in Peloponnesum traicere;
37.5. Before they left Corcyra, a letter from Perseus was brought them, in which he asked what reason the Romans had for either sending troops over to Greece or garrisoning cities.
37.5. ibi congressuros se cum Lentulis constituunt. priusquam digrederentur a Corcyra, litterae a Perseo adlatae sunt, quibus quaerebat, quae causa Romanis aut in Graeciam traiciendi copias aut urbes occupandi esset.
37.6. It was decided not to answer him in writing, but to say to the king's messenger, who had brought the letter, that the Romans were acting for the protection of the cities themselves. As the Lentuli went about the towns of the Peloponnese, exhorting all cities indiscriminately to aid the Romans against Perseus with the same good will and loyalty with which they had assisted them first in the war against Philip, then in that against Antiochus, they aroused an unfriendly murmur in the assemblies, because the Achaeans were angered that they, who had offered every assistance to the Romans from the first beginnings of war against Macedonia, should be placed on a level with the peoples of Messene and Elis, who in the war with Philip the Macedonian had been enemies of the Romans and later had borne arms for Antiochus against the Roman people, and, having been recently assigned to the Achaean League, were complaining that they were being handed over as spoils of war to the victorious Achaeans.
37.6. cui rescribi non placuit, nuntio ipsius, qui litteras attulerat, dici praesidii causa ipsarum urbium Romanos facere. Lentuli circumeuntes Peloponnesi oppida, cum sine discrimine omnes civitates adhortarentur, ut quo animo, qua fide adiuvissent Romanos Philippi primum, deinde Antiochi bello, eodem adversus Persea iuvarent, fremitum in contionibus audiebant Achaeis indignantibus eodem se loco esse, qui omnia a principiis Macedonici belli praestitissent Romanis et Macedonis Philippi [bello] hostes fuissent, quo Messenii atque Elei, qui pro Antiocho hoste arma adversus populum Romanum tulissent ac, nuper in Achaicum contributi. concilium, velut praemium belli se victoribus Achaeis tradi quererentur.
38.1. Marcius and Atilius went up to Gitana, a town of Epirus, ten miles from the sea, called a conference of Epirotes, and were heard with great and universal approval; and they sent four hundred native young men to the Orestans to be a guard for those who had been freed from the Macedonians.
38.1. Marcius et Atilius ad Gitanas Epiri oppidum decem milia a mari cum escenderent, concilio Epirotarum habito cum magno omnium adsensu auditi sunt et quadringentos iuventutis eorum in Orestas, ut praesidio essent liberatis ab senatu Macedonibus, miserunt.
38.2. Thence the Romans proceeded to Aetolia, and, after a stay of a few days there, while a general was being elected in place of the one who had died, upon the election of Lyciscus, who, it was quite certain, favoured the Roman side, the envoys crossed to Thessaly. There Acarnanian envoys and Boeotian exiles came to them.
38.2. inde in Aetoliam progressi ac paucos ibi morati dies, dum in praetoris mortui locum alius sufficeretur, et Lycisco praetore facto, quem Romanorum favere rebus satis conpertum erat, transierunt in Thessaliam, eo legati Acarnanes et Boeotorum exules venerunt.
38.3. The Acarnanians were ordered to report that an opportunity had presented itself to them of making amends for the acts of hostility done by them against the Roman people because they had been deceived by the kings' promises, first in the war with Philip, then in that with Antiochus.
38.3. Acarnanes nuntiare iussi, quae Philippi primum, Antiochi deinde bello, decepti pollicitationibus regiis adversus populum Romanum commisissent, ea corrigendi occasionem illis oblatam;
38.4. If, when they had ill deserved it, they had experienced the mercy of the Roman people, let them by deserving well experience the Romans' generosity. The Boeotians were reproached for having entered into an alliance with Perseus.
38.4. si male meriti clementiam populi Romani experti essent, bene merendo liberalitatem experirentur.
38.5. When they placed the blame on Ismenias, the leader of the opposite faction, and said that certain cities had been drawn into the affair against their will, Marcius replied that this was about to be made clear; for they were about to give the individual cities an opportunity of providing for their own welfare.
38.5. Boeotis exprobratum societatem eos cum Perseo iunxisse. cum culpam in Ismeniam principem alterius partis conferrent et quasdam civitates dissentientis in causam deductas, appariturum id esse Marcius respondit: singulis enim civitatibus de se ipsis consulendi potestatem facturos.
38.6. A council of the Thessalians was held at Larisa. Both parties found there a pleasant opportunity to express their thanks, the Thessalians for the Romans' gift to them of freedom, and the Roman envoys for the vigorous help from the Thessalian confederacy, first in the war with Philip and again later in that with Antiochus.
38.6. Thessalorum Larisae fuit concilium, ibi et Thessalis benigna materia gratias agendi Romanis pro libertatis munere fuit, et legatis, quod et Philippi prius et post Antiochi bello enixe adiuti a gente Thessalorum essent.
38.7. By this mutual recital of benefits the minds of the gathering were fired to vote everything which the Romans wished.
38.7. hac mutua commemoratione meritorum accensi animi multitudinis ad omnia decernenda, quae Romani vellent.
38.8. Following this council, envoys came from King Perseus, relying especially on the personal guest-friendship which existed between his father and the father of Marcius. Beginning with a mention of this relationship, the envoys asked that he give the king the opportunity of coming to confer with him.
38.8. secundum hoc concilium legati a Perseo rege venerunt, privati maxime hospitii fiducia, quod ei paternum cum Marcio erat. ab huius necessitudinis commemoratione orsi petierunt legati, in conloquium veniendi regi potestatem faceret.
38.9. Marcius said both that he had been told by his father that a relationship of amity and hospitality had existed with Philip, and also that he had been by no means forgetful of this relationship when he undertook this embassy.
38.9. Marcius et se ita a patre suo accepisse dixit, amicitiam hospitiumque cum Philippo fuisse, et minime immemorem necessitudinis eius legationem eam suscepisse;
38.10. As for a conference, if he were in sufficiently good health he would not think of deferring it; as it was, they would come, as soon as he was able, to the Peneus river, at the crossing between Homolium and Dium, after sending ahead messengers to inform the king.
38.10. conloquium, si satis commode valeret, non fuisse se dilaturum; nunc, ubi primum posset, ad Peneum flumen, qua transitus ab Homolio Dium esset, praemissis qui nuntiarent regi, venturos.
39.1. And for the time being Perseus retired from Dium to the interior of his kingdom, a faint breath of hope presenting itself, because Marcius had said he had undertaken the embassy on Perseus' account; a few days later they met at the spot agreed upon.
39.1. et tum quidem ab Dio Perseus in interiora regni recepit se levi aura spei obiecta, quod Marcius ipsius causa suscepisse se legationem dixisset; post dies paucos ad constitutum locum venerunt.
39.2. The royal retinue was large, a crowd, both of friends and attendants, thronging about him. With no less a train came the envoys, for many escorted them from Larisa, besides the embassies of certain cities which had assembled at Larisa and wanted to report home facts which they had heard.
39.2. magnus comitatus fuit regius cum amicorum tum satellitum turba stipante. non minore agmine legati venerunt, et ab Larisa multis prosequentibus et legationibus civitatium, quae convenerant Larisam et renuntiare domum certa, quae audissent, volebant.
39.3. There was a desire, natural to mankind, to see the meeting of a famous king and the envoys of the people foremost in the whole world.
39.3. inerat cura insita mortalibus videndi congredientis nobilem regem et populi principis terrarum omnium legatos.
39.4. When they stood in sight of each other, with the river between, there was a brief delay for exchange of messages, as to which party should cross over. The one group felt that some consideration was due to the dignity of the king, the other group, to the reputation of the Roman people, especially since Perseus had sought the conference.
39.4. ut in conspectu steterunt dirimente amni, paulisper internuntiando cunctatio fuit, utri transgrederentur. aliquid illi regiae maiestati, hi aliquid populi Romani nomini, cum praesertim Perseus petisset conloquium, existumabant deberi.
39.5. A jest from Marcius also influenced the undecided: “Let the younger,” said he, “cross over to his elders, and” —for his own personal name was Philip —“the son to his father.” This solution easily recommended itself to the king.
39.5. ioco etiam Marcius cunctantis movit. “minor” inquit “ad maiorem et” — quod Philippo ipsi cognomen erat — “filius ad patrem transeat.”
39.6. Then another problem arose, as to how large an escort should cross with him. The king thought it proper to cross with his entire suite; the envoys bade him either to come with three attendants, or, if he should bring over so large a train, to give hostages that there would be no treachery during the conference.
39.6. facile persuasum id regi est. aliud deinde ambigebatur, cum quam multis transiret. rex cum omni comitatu transire aecum censebat; legati vel cum tribus venire iubebant vel, si tantum agmen traduceret, obsides dare nihil fraudis fore in conloquio.
39.7. He gave as hostages Hippias and Pantauchus, his leading friends, whom he had also sent as envoys. However, hostages were not desired so much as a pledge of good faith, as to show the allies that the king was meeting with the envoys on no terms of equality.
39.7. Hippian et Pantauchum, quos et legatos miserat, principes amicorum, obsides dedit. nec tam in pignus fidei obsides desiderati erant, quam ut appareret sociis nequaquam ex dignitate pari congredi regem cum legatis.
39.8. The greetings were not like those of enemies, but welcoming and kindly, and when seats had been placed, they sat down.
39.8. salutatio non tamquam hostium, sed hospitalis ac benigna fuit, positisque sedibus consederunt.
40.1. After there had been a silence for a moment, “What is awaited, I suppose,” said Marcius, “is a reply from us to your letter which you sent to Corcyra, in which you ask why we have ” “come in this fashion as envoys with soldiers and are sending garrisons to the several cities.”
40.1. cum paulisper silentium fuisset, “expectari nos” inquit Marcius “arbitror, ut respondeamus litteris tuis, quas Corcyram misisti, in quibus quaeris, quid ita legati cum militibus venerimus et praesidia in singulas urbes dimittamus. ad hanc interrogationem tuam et non respondere vereor, ne superbum sit, et vera respondere, ne nimis acerbum audienti tibi videatur.
40.3. “I hesitate to make no reply to this inquiry of yours, for fear of acting arrogantly, and also to reply truly, lest the reply seem to you, as you hear it, too harsh.”
40.3. sed cum aut verbis castigandus aut armis sit, qui foedus rumpit, sicut bellum adversus te alii quam mihi mandatum malim, ita orationis acerbitatem adversus hospitem, utcumque est, subibo, sicut medici, cum salutis causa tristiora remedia adhibent.
40.4. “But since one who breaks a treaty must be rebuked either with words or with arms, as on the one hand I should prefer war against you to be entrusted to some other rather than to me, so on the other hand I shall take upon myself the harshness of this speech to a guest-friend, however it may ” “be, as physicians do in applying somewhat painful remedies for the sake of a cure.
40.4. ex quo regnum adeptus es, unam rem te, quae facienda fuerit, senatus fecisse censet, quod legatos Romam ad renovandum … iudicat potius quam, cum renovatum esset, violandum.
40.5. From the time when you attained the throne the senate believes you have done one thing which you should have done, in that you sent envoys to Rome to renew the treaty;”
40.5. Abrupolim, socium atque amicum populi Romani, regno expulisti; Arthetauri interfectores, ut caede, ne quid ultra dicam, laetatum appareret, recepisti, qui omnium Illyriorum fidissimum Romano nomini regulum occiderant;
40.6. “yet even this, the senate considers, you should have failed to renew instead of breaking it after it had been renewed.” “Abrupolis, the ally and friend of the Roman people, you drove from his kingdom; the assassins of Arthetaurus you sheltered, so that it was obvious that you rejoiced, to say nothing more, in the ” “crime of those who had killed the prince most faithful of all the Illyrians to Rome; you went to Delphi with an army through Thessalian and Malian territory, contrary to the treaty;”
40.6. per Thessaliam et Maliensem agrum cum exercitu contra foedus Delphos isti; Byzantiis item contra foedus misisti auxilia; cum Boeotis, sociis nostris, secretam tibi ipsi societatem, quam non licebat, iureiurando pepigisti; Thebanos legatos, Euersam et Callicritum, venientis ad nos, quaerere malo, quis interfecerit, quam arguere. in Aetolia bellum intestinum et caedes principum, per quos nisi per tuos factae videri possunt? Dolopes a te ipso evastati sunt. Eumenes rex ab Roma cum in regnum rediret, prope ut victuma Delphis in sacrato loco ante aras mactatus, quem insimulet, piget referre;
40.9. “again, you sent help to the Byzantines, contrary to the treaty; you pledged by oath a secret alliance between yourself and the Boeotians, our allies, which was not permitted;”
40.9. quae hospes Brundisinus occulta facinora indicet, certum habeo et scripta tibi omnia ab Roma esse et legatos tuos renuntiasse.
40.10. “as for the Theban envoys, Eversa and Callicritus, who were on their way to us, I prefer to ask who killed them than to make an accusation.”
40.10. haec ne dicerentur a me, uno modo vitare potuisti, non quaerendo, quam ob causam exercitus in Macedoniam traicerentur, aut praesidia in sociorum urbes mitteremus. quaerenti tibi superbius tacuissemus, quam vera respondimus.
40.11. “In Aetolia, who, if not your men, can seem to have brought about the civil war and slaughter of leading men?”
40.11. equidem pro paterno nostro hospitio faveo orationi tuae, et opto, ut aliquid mihi materiae praebeas agendae tuae apud senatum causae.”
41.1. “The Dolopians were utterly ravaged by you yourself. King Eumenes, on his return from Rome to his kingdom, was almost slaughtered like a beast for sacrifice on consecrated ground before the altars of Delphi —and ” “I am reluctant to mention whom he accuses; about the secret crimes of which your guest-friend at Brundisium informs us, I am sure that everything has been written you from Rome and also that your own envoys have reported.”
41.1. ad ea rex “bonam causam, si apud iudices aequos ageretur, apud eosdem et accusatores et iudices agam. eorum autem, quae obiecta sunt mihi, partim ea sunt, quibus nescio an gloriari debeam, partim ea, quae fateri non erubescam, partim quae verbo obiecta verbo negare sit.
41.3. “You could have avoided my saying these things in one way, and that was by not asking for what reason armies were being brought across to Macedonia or why we were sending garrisons to the cities of our allies. Since you did inquire, we should have been more arrogant in keeping silence than we are in replying truthfully. Indeed, on account of our inherited guest-friendship, I am eager to hear what you have to say and hope that you will give me some foundation for pleading your cause before the senate.” XLI. To this the king replied: "A cause, which would be good if it were pled before impartial judges, I shall plead before men who are at once accusers and judges.
41.3. quid enim, si legibus vestris hodie reus sim, aut index Brundisinus aut Eumenes mihi obiciat, ut accusare potius vere quam convitiari videantur? scilicet nec Eumenes, cum tam multis gravis publice ac privatim sit, alium quam me inimicum habuit; neque ego potiorem quemquam ad ministeria facinorum quam Rammium, quem neque umquam ante videram nec eram postea visurus, invenire potui.
41.5. However, of the charges made against me, some are such that I should perhaps boast of them, not such that I should blush to confess them, others are such that, since they are made in a word, it is enough to deny them in a word.
41.5. et Thebanorum, quos naufragio perisse constat, et Arthetauri caedis mihi reddenda ratio est; in qua tamen nihil ultra obicitur quam interfectores eius in regno exulasse meo.
41.6. For with what, if I should be a defendant to-day under your laws, could either the informer at Brundisium or Eumenes charge me, so that they might seem truly to accuse me rather than to revile me? Doubtless Eumenes, although he is offensive to so many people because of personal reasons or those of state, had no other enemy than me! Nor could I find anyone superior as a tool in crime to Rammius, whom I had never seen previously nor was to see afterwards!
41.6. cuius condicionis iniquitatem ita non sum recusaturus, si vos quoque accipitis, ut quicumque exules in Italiam aut Romam se contulerunt, his facinorum, propter quae damnati sunt, auctores vos fuisse fateamini.
41.7. Even for the Thebans, who, it is known, perished by shipwreck, and for the murder of Arthetaurus I must give an accounting! In this latter case, however, no charge is brought against me except that his assassins went into exile in my kingdom.
41.7. si hoc et vos recusabitis et omnes aliae gentes, ego quoque inter ceteros ero. et hercule, quid adtinet cuiquam exilium patere. si nusquam exuli futurus locus est?
41.8. The unfairness of this situation I shall not protest, on condition that you too agree that whenever exiles betake themselves to Italy or Rome you will confess that you were sponsors of the crimes for which they have been condemned.
41.8. ego tamen istos, ut primum in Macedonia esse admonitus a vobis conperi, requisitos abire ex regno iussi et in perpetuum interdixi finibus meis.
41.9. If both you and all other peoples will protest against this, I too shall be among the others. And, heavens, what use is there for exile to be allowed to anyone, if there is to be nowhere room for the fugitive?
41.9. et haec quidem mihi tamquam causam dicenti reo objecta sunt, illa tamquam regi et quae de foedere, quod mihi est vobiscum, disceptationem habeant.
41.10. However, as soon as I had learned, on advices from you, that these men were in Macedonia, I had them searched out, ordered them to depart from my kingdom, and banished them forever from my territory. And these charges have been made against me as if I were a prisoner at the bar; the other charges are made as against a king, and are such as to involve interpretation of the treaty between you and me.
41.10. nam si est in foedere ita scriptum, ut ne si bellum quidem quis inferat, tueri me regnumque meum liceat, mihi fatendum est, quod me armis adversus Abrupolim, socium populi Romani, defenderim, foedus violatum esse.
41.11. For if it is written in the treaty that I may not be permitted to protect myself and my kingdom, even if someone attacks me, then I must confess that, inasmuch as I have defended myself with arms against Abrupolis, an ally of the Roman people, the treaty has been broken. But if, on the other hand, it is both permitted by the treaty and is arranged by the law of nations that arms may be beaten back by arms, what, pray, was it proper for me to do when Abrupolis devastated the confines of my kingdom even to Amphipolis, and carried off many free persons, a great abundance of slaves, and many thousand cattle?
41.11. sin autem hoc et ex foedere licuit et iure gentium ita conparatum est, ut arma armis propulsentur, quid tandem me facere decuit, cum Abrupolis finis mei regni usque ad Amphipolim pervastasset, multa libera capita, magnam vim mancipiorum, multa milia pecorum abegisset?
41.12. Should I have kept quiet and suffered, until he came armed to Pella and into my palace? But, you say, I proceeded against him in a just war indeed, but he should not have been conquered, nor have suffered the further consequences which befall the conquered; since I, who was assailed with arms, suffered the misfortune of like disasters, how can he who was the cause of the war complain that they happened to him?
41.12. quiescerem et paterer, donec Pellam et in regiam meam armatus pervenisset? at enim bello quidem iusto sum persecutus, sed vinci non oportuit eum neque ea, quae victis accidunt, pati; quorum casum cum ego subierim, qui sum armis lacessitus, quid potest queri sibi accidisse, qui causa belli fuit?
41.13. I will not use the same defence, Romans, for having checked the Dolopians with arms; since, even had they not deserved it, I acted within my rights, since they were in my kingdom and under my sway, having been assigned by your decree to my father.
41.13. non sum eodem modo defensurus, Romani, quod Dolopas armis coercuerim, quia etsi non merito eorum, iure feci meo, cum mei regni, meae dicionis essent, vestro decreto patri adtributi meo.
41.14. Moreover, if it were proper for me to give an accounting, I could not seem, I will not say to you and your allies, but even to those who do not approve harsh and unjust exercise of authority even over slaves, to have exceeded justice and virtue in punishing them; inasmuch as they killed Euphranor, the governor placed over them by me, in such fashion that death would have been the lightest of vengeance for him.
41.14. nec, si causa reddenda sit, non vobis nec foederatis, sed iis, qui ne in servos quidem saeva atque iniusta imperia probant, plus aequo et bono saevisse in eos videri possum, quippe Euphranorem praefectum a me inpositum ita occiderunt, ut mors poenarum eius levissima fuerit.
42.1. "But when I proceeded thence to see Larisa and Antronae and Pteleon, by a way near which is Delphi, I went up to Delphi to offer sacrifice in order to pay vows long overdue.
42.1. at cum processissem inde ad visendas Larisam et Antronas et Pteleon, quia in propinquo Delphis, … sacrificandi causa, ut multo ante debita vota persolverem, Delphos escendi.
42.2. And to this charge —that the accusation may be greater —is added the further charge that I went with an army; as if indeed it was in order to seize cities, as I now am complaining of your doing, and to place garrisons in the citadels.
42.2. et his criminis augendi causa cum exercitu me isse adicitur; scilicet ut, quod nunc vos facere queror, urbes occuparem, arcibus imponerem praesidia.
42.3. Call to conference the cities of Greece through which I made my way, let any single person complain of injury from a soldier of mine; I shall not protest against being thought to have, by a pretence of sacrifice, sought ulterior ends.
42.3. vocate in concilium Graeciae civitates, per quas iter feci; queratur unus quilibet militis mei iniuriam: non recusabo, quin simulato sacrificio aliud petisse videar.
42.4. To the Aetolians and Byzantines we have sent military forces, and with the Boeotians we have made a treaty of friendship. These acts, such as they are, have been frequently not only announced but even defended by my envoys in your senate, where I usually found certain critics not as fair-minded as you, Quintus Marcius, a friend and guest by inheritance.
42.4. Aetolis et Byzantiis praesidia misimus et cum Boeotis amicitiam fecimus. haec qualiacumque sunt, per legatos meos non solum indicata, sed etiam excusata sunt saepe in senatu vestro, ubi aliquos ego disceptatores non tam aequos quam te, Q. Marci, paternum amicum et hospitem, habebam.
42.5. But Eumenes had not as yet come to Rome as accuser, in order by slandering and distorting everything to arouse general suspicion and hatred and to try to persuade you that it is impossible for Greece to be free and to enjoy your bounty as long as the kingdom of Macedonia is intact.
42.5. sed nondum Romam accusator Eumenes venerat, qui calumniando omnia detorquendoque suspecta et invisa efficeret et persuadere vobis conaretur, non posse Graeciam in libertate esse et vestro munere frui, quoad regnum Macedoniae incolume esset.
42.6. This argument will be brought around full circle; soon there will be one to charge that Antiochus was to no avail driven beyond the range of Taurus; a far worse tyrant over Asia than Antiochus had been exists in Eumenes; your allies cannot take their ease as long as the palace of Pergamum stands; that looms like a citadel over the heads of neighbouring states.
42.6. circumagetur hic orbis; erit mox, qui arguat nequidquam Antiochum ultra iuga Tauri emotum; graviorem multo Asiae, quam Antiochus fuerit, Eumenen esse; conquiescere socios vestros non posse, quoad regia Pergami sit: eam arcem supra capita finitimarum civitatium impositam.
42.7. I am aware, Quintus Marcius and Aulus Atilius, that these charges which have either been made by you or answered by me are such as the ears and minds of the hearers are, and that it does not so much matter what I have done or with what intent as how you will receive the action.
42.7. ego haec, Q. Marci et A. Atili, quae aut a vobis obiecta aut purgata a me sunt, talia esse scio, ut aures, ut animi audientium sint, nec tam referre, quid ego aut qua mente fecerim, quam quo modo id vos factum accipiatis.
42.8. I am confident that I have done no wrong knowingly and that if I have done anything through an unintentional slip, I can be corrected and bettered by this rebuke.
42.8. conscius mihi sum nihil me scientem deliquisse et, si quid fecerim inprudentia lapsus, corrigi me et emendari castigatione hac posse.
42.9. Certainly I have done nothing irreparable, nor such that you should think it must be avenged by war and arms; or else the fame of your mercy and poise has been spread abroad among the nations all in vain, if for such causes, which are hardly worthy of complaint and protest, you rush to arms and declare war on your royal allies."
42.9. nihil certe insanabile nec quod bello et armis persequendum esse censeatis commisi, aut frustra clementiae gravitatisque vestrae fama volgata per gentes est, si talibus de causis, quae vix querella et expostulatione dignae sunt, arma capitis et regibus sociis bella infertis.”