15.4. It was generally known that Eumenes was intending to go up to Delphi to offer sacrifices to Apollo. The plotters, led by Evander, going in advance and carefully reconnoitering the ground, were searching for nothing else than a suitable place at which to accomplish their purpose.
15.4. satis constabat Eumenem, ut sacrificaret Apollini, Delphos escensurum. praegressi cum Euandro insidiatores nihil aliud ad peragendum inceptum quam loci opportunitatem, omnia circumeuntes, quaerebant.
15.5. As travellers ascend to the temple from Cirrha, before they reach the districts where buildings abound, there was a wall on the left beside a path which stood out only a little distance from the lower courses of the wall, where men could only pass in single file; the right side, in consequence of a land-slide, had fallen away to a considerable depth.
15.5. ascendentibus ad templum a Cirrha, priusquam perveniretur ad frequentia aedificiis loca, maceria erat ab laeva juxta semitam paulum extantem a fundamento, qua singuli transirent, dextra pars labe terrae in aliquantum altitudinis derupta erat.
15.6. They concealed themselves behind the wall, building up steps so that they might hurl their missiles, as from a rampart, upon the king as he passed.
15.6. post maceriam se abdiderunt gradibus adstructis, ut ex ea velut e muro tela in praetereuntem coicerent.
15.7. At first he approached from the sea surrounded by a crowd of his friends and courtiers, then the narrowness of the road gradually thinned out the line.
15.7. primo a mari circumfusa turba amicorum ac satellitum procedebat, deinde extenuabant paulatim angustiae agmen.
15.8. When they came to that place where they had to walk in single file, the first to enter the path was Pantaleon, a leading citizen of Aetolia, with whom the king had begun a conversation.
15.8. ubi ad eum locum ventum est, qua singulis eundum erat, primus semitam ingressus Pantaleon Aetoliae princeps, cum quo institutus regi sermo erat.
15.9. Then the plotters, springing up, rolled down two huge stones, one of which struck the king's head, the other his shoulder; and being stunned he fell from the path down the slope, and many stones were heaped upon him as he now lay prostrate.
15.9. tum insidiatores exorti saxa duo ingentia devolvunt, quorum altero caput ictum est regi, altero umerus;
15.10. And the rest, even the crowd of his friends and courtiers, scattered after they saw his fall; Pantaleon on the other hand courageously remained to defend the king.
15.10. sopitusque ex semita proclivi ruit in declive, multis super prolapsum iam satis congestis. et ceteri quidem etiam amicorum et satellitum, postquam cadentem videre, diffugiunt; Pantaleon constanter inpavidus mansit ad protegendum regem.
16.1. The assassins might have made a short detour around the end of the wall and have run down to kill the wounded man, but, as if their task was completed, they fled toward the ridge of Parnassus with such speed that when one of them, finding it difficult to keep up with the others on the pathless and difficult ground, was delaying their escape, they in order that no information might be got from him in case he were caught, killed him, their companion.
16.1. latrones cum brevi circumitu maceriae decurrere ad conficiendum saucium possent, velut perfecta re in iugum Parnasi refugerunt eo cursu, ut, cum unus non facile sequendo per invia atque ardua moraretur fugam eorum, ne ex conprenso indicium emanaret, occiderint comitem. ad corpus regis primo amici, deinde satellites ac servi concurrerunt. tollentes sopitum volnere ac nihil sentientem, vivere tamen ex calore et spiritu remanente in praecordiis senserunt;
16.3. First the king's friends, then his courtiers and slaves, gathered around his body; lifting him up, still stunned by the blow and unconscious, they nevertheless, from the warmth and the breath which remained in his chest, perceived that he was alive; there was slight hope —almost no hope at all —that he would recover. Some of the courtiers, following the trail of the murderers, when, wearying themselves in vain, they had reached the ridge of Parnassus, returned without accomplishing anything.
16.3. victurum exigua ac prope nulla spes erat. quidam ex satellitibus secuti latronum vestigia, cum usque ad iugum Parnasi nequiquam fatigati pervenissent, re infecta redierunt.
16.5. The Macedonians, although they planned their crime not injudiciously and boldly, yet abandoned their undertaking injudiciously and cravenly.
16.5. adgressi facinus Macedones ut inconsulte ita audacter, coeptum nec consulte et timide reliquerunt.
16.6. The next day the king, having recovered consciousness, was carried aboard ship by his friends; thence they proceeded to Corinth and from Corinth, the ships having been drawn over the ridge of the Isthmus, to Aegina.
16.6. conpotem iam sui regem amici postero die deferunt ad navem; inde Corinthum, ab Corintho per Isthmi iugum navibus traductis Aeginam traiciunt.
16.7. There his treatment was conducted so secretly, no one being admitted to his presence, that the rumour reached Asia that he was dead.
16.7. ibi adeo secreta eius curatio fuit, admittentibus neminem, ut fama mortuum in Asiam perferret. Attalus quoque celerius, quam dignum concordia fraterna erat, credidit;
16.8. Even Attalus believed it more readily than was worthy of their fraternal harmony; for he conferred with his brother's wife and with the commander of the citadel as if he were now beyond doubt heir to the throne.
16.8. nam et cum uxore fratris et praefecto arci tamquam iam haud dubius regni heres est locutus.
16.9. Later on this did not escape the knowledge of Eumenes; and although he decided to ignore it and pass over it in silence and to endure it, he yet at their first meeting did not refrain from reproaching his brother for his excessive haste to woo his wife. To Rome also the report of the death of Eumenes spread.
16.9. quae postea non fefellere Eumenen; et quamquam dissimulare et tacita habere et pati statuerat, tamen in primo congressu non temperavit, quin uxoris petendae immaturam festinationem fratri obiceret. Romam quoque fama de morte Eumenis perlata est.
17.1. About the same time Gaius Valerius, who had gone to Greece as commissioner to investigate the condition of the region and to enquire into the designs of Perseus, returned from thence, and his reports agreed in all respects with the charges brought by Eumenes.
17.1. sub idem tempus C. Valerius ex Graecia, qui legatus ad visendum statum regionis eius speculandaque consilia Persei regis missus erat, rediit, congruentiaque omnia criminibus ab Eumene adlatis referebat, simul et adduxerat secum Praxo a Delphis, cuius domus receptaculum latronum fuerat, et L.
17.2. At the same time, too, he had brought with him Praxo from Delphi, whose house had been the shelter of the assassins, and Lucius Rammius of Brundisium, who was the bearer of the following information. Rammius was a prominent citizen of Brundisium, and he entertained hospitably all Romans, both generals and ambassadors, as well as distinguished personages of foreign states and especially members of princely houses.
17.2. Rammium Brundisinum, qui talis indicii delator erat. princeps Brundisii Rammius fuit, hospitioque et duces Romanos omnes et legatos, exterarum quoque gentium insignis, praecipue regios, accipiebat.
17.4. In consequence he had formed an acquaintance with Perseus, though he was far away; and when a letter roused in him the hope of a more intimate friendship and of great prosperity as a result, he went to visit the king and in a short time began to be regarded as his confidant and to be drawn into his secret conferences to a greater degree than he desired.
17.4. ex eo notitia ei cum absente Perseo fuerat; litterisque spem amicitiae interioris magnaeque inde fortunae facientibus ad regem profectus brevi perfamiliaris haberi trahique magis quam vellet in arcanos sermones est coeptus.
17.5. For by the promise of great rewards the king began to ask of him, since all the Roman generals and ambassadors were accustomed to avail themselves of his hospitality, that he should undertake to poison those about whom Perseus should communicate with him by letter.
17.5. promissis enim ingentibus praemiis petere institit ab eo rex, quoniam duces omnes legatique Romani hospitio eius uti adsuessent, quibus eorum ipse scripsisset ut venenum dandum curaret:
17.6. The king said that he was aware that to prepare poison involved a great deal of trouble and risk; that it was prepared with too many persons sharing in the secret; moreover, that its administration was uncertain, whether doses were sufficiently powerful to accomplish the purpose or sufficiently safe to keep the act concealed.
17.6. cuius scire se conparationem plurimum difficultatis et periculi habere; pluribus consciis conparari; eventu praeterea incerto esse, ut aut satis efficacia ad rem peragendam aut tuta ad [rem] celandam dentur.
17.7. He promised that he would supply a poison which could not be detected by any symptom, either while being given or after it was given.
17.7. se daturum quod nec in dando nec datum ullo signo deprendi posset.
17.8. Rammius, fearing that if he refused he himself would be the first to be a test of the poison, promised that he would do as the king wished and departed; nor did he wish to return to Brundisium until he had met Gaius Valerius, who was said to be in the neighbourhood of Chalcis.
17.8. Rammius veritus, ne, si abnuisset, primus ipse veneni experimentum esset, facturum pollicitus proficiscitur. nec Brundisium ante redire quam convento C. Valerio legato, qui circa Chalcidem esse dicebatur, voluit.
17.9. Having first given him this information, by the order of Valerius he came with him to Rome. Being introduced into the senate, he reported what had occurred.
17.9. ad eum primum indicio delato, iussu eius Romam simul venit. introductus in curiam, quae acta erant, exposuit.
18.1. These revelations, added to those which Eumenes had given, brought to pass a speedier declaration that Perseus was an enemy, since they saw that he was not merely preparing a regular war, as a king should, but was also perpetrating crimes of brigandage and poisoning by all sorts of secret means.
18.1. haec ad ea, quae ab Eumene delata erant, accessere, quo maturius hostis Perseus iudicaretur, quippe quem non iustum modo apparare bellum regio animo, sed per omnia clandestina grassari scelera latrociniorum ac veneficiorum cernebant.
18.2. The conduct of the war was referred to the next consuls; for the present however, it was decided that Gnaeus Sicinius, the praetor who exercised jurisdiction over cases between citizens and aliens, should enlist troops who should be conducted as rapidly as possible to Brundisium and thence be transported to Apollonia in Epirus as garrisons for the cities on the coast, where the consul to whose lot the province of Macedonia should have fallen might safely put in with his fleet and conveniently disembark his troops.
18.2. belli administratio ad novos consules reiecta est; in praesentia tamen Cn. Sicinium praetorem, cuius inter cives et peregrinos iurisdictio erat, scribere milites placuit, qui Brundisium ducti primo quoque tempore Apolloniam in Epirum traicerentur ad occupandas maritimas urbes, ubi consul, cui provincia Macedonia obvenisset, classem appellere tuto et copias per commodum exponere posset.
18.4. Eumenes, who had been detained for some time at Aegina by a dangerous and difficult course of treatment, setting out for Pergamum as soon as he could safely, was preparing for war with the greatest energy, this fresh attack by Perseus, in addition to his former hatred, urging him on.
18.4. Eumenes aliquamdiu Aeginae retentus periculosa et difficili curatione, cum primum tuto potuit, profectus Pergamum, praeter pristinum odium recenti etiam scelere Persei stimulante summa vi parabat bellum.
18.5. Ambassadors from Rome came there bringing congratulations because he had escaped from so great a danger.
18.5. legati eo ab Roma gratulantes, quod e tanto periculo evasisset, venerunt.
18.6. When the Macedonian war had been put off for a year and the other praetors had already set out for their provinces, Marcus Junius and Spurius Lucretius, to whose lots the Spanish provinces had fallen, after wearying the senate again and again by the same request, at length succeeded in having reinforcements voted to them for the army: they were directed to enlist three thousand infantry and one hundred and fifty cavalry for the Roman legions, and for the allied army five thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry.
18.6. cum Macedonicum bellum in annum dilatum esset, ceteris praetoribus iam in provincias profectis M. Iunius et Sp. Lucretius, quibus Hispaniae provinciae obvenerant, fatigantes saepe idem petendo senatum, tandem pervicerunt, ut supplementum sibi ad exercitum daretur: tria milia peditum, centum et quinquaginta equites in Romanas legiones, in socialem exercitum quinque milia peditum et trecentos equites imperare sociis iussi.
18.7. These troops were transported to the two Spains with the new praetors.
18.7. hoc copiarum in Hispanias cum praetoribus novis portatum est.
19.1. This same year, since as a result of the investigation conducted by the consul Postumius a great part of the Campanian land, which private individuals had occupied without making due distinction of boundaries, had been recovered for the state, Marcus Lucretius, tribune of the people, published a measure providing that the censors should issue leases for the use of the Campanian land, which had not been done for so many years after the fall of Capua that the greed of private citizens had a free field in which to wander. While the senate was in a state of expectancy (the war having already been determined upon even though not formally declared) as to which kings would follow their friendship and which that of Perseus, ambassadors from King Ariarathes came to Rome, bringing with them his young son:
19.1. eodem anno, quia per recognitionem Postumi consulis magna pars agri Campani, quem privati sine discrimine passim possederant, recuperata in publicum erat, M. Lucretius tribunus plebis promulgavit, ut agrum Campanum censores fruendum locarent, quod factum tot annis post captam Capuam non fuerat, ut in vacuo vagaretur cupiditas privatorum. cum in expectatione senatus esset bello etsi non indicto, tamen iam decreto, qui regum suam, Persei qui secuturi amicitiam essent, legati Ariarathis puerum filium regis secum adducentes Romam venerunt.
19.4. their message was that the king sent his son to Rome to be brought up, to the end that even from boyhood he might be accustomed to Roman manners and men.
19.4. quorum oratio fuit, regem educendum filium Romam misisse, ut iam inde a puero adsuesceret moribus Romanis hominibusque;
19.5. He asked the Romans to receive him, not only under the care of citizens of private station who were his hosts, but as it were under the care and guardianship of the state.
19.5. petere, ut eum non sub hospitum modo privatorum custodia, sed publicae etiam curae ac velut tutelae vellent esse.
19.6. The king's embassy was pleasing to the Senate; they decreed that Gnaeus Sicinius the praetor should contract for the rental of a house where the prince and his retinue could suitably reside. When ambassadors of the Thracians, the Maedi, the Cepnati, and the Asti, sought an alliance and friendship, their request was granted and in addition gifts of two thousand asses were presented to each.
19.6. egregie ea legatio grata senatui fuit; decreverunt, ut Cn. Sicinius praetor aedis instructas locaret, ubi filius regis comitesque eius habitare possent. et Threcum legatis Maedis … que et Astiis societatem amicitiamque petentibus et quod petebant datum est, et munera binum milium aeris summae in singulos missa.
19.7. The Romans were glad that these peoples particularly had joined the alliance because Thrace lay in the rear of Macedonia. But, in order to have full information regarding Asia and the islands also, they sent Tiberius Claudius Nero and Marcus Decimius as commissioners.
19.7. hos utique populos, quod ab tergo Macedoniae Threcia esset, adsumptos in societatem gaudebant. sed ut in Asia quoque et insulis explorata omnia essent, Ti. Claudium Neronem M. Decimium legatos miserunt.
19.8. The senate directed them to visit Crete and Rhodes, partly to renew friendships, partly to ascertain whether the sympathies of the allies had been excited by King Perseus.
19.8. adire eos Cretam et Rhodum iusserunt, simul renovare amicitiam, simul speculari, num sollicitati animi sociorum ab rege Perseo essent.
20.1. In a city which was at the highest pitch of excitement about the new war, during a storm at night the columna rostrata which had been set up on the Capitoline in the first Punic war in honour of the victory of the consul Marcus Aemilius, whose colleague was Servius Fulvius, was completely destroyed by lightning.
20.1. in suspensa civitate ad expectationem novi belli, nocturna tempestate columna rostrata in Capitolio bello Punico … cons. cui collega Ser. Fulvius fuit, tota ad imum fulmine discussa est.
20.2. This event was regarded as a prodigy and was referred to the senate; the Fathers ordered that the matter should be referred to the haruspices and, moreover, that the decemvirs should consult the Books.
20.2. ea res prodigii loco habita ad senatum relata est; patres et ad haruspices referri et decemviros adire libros iusserunt.
20.3. The decemvirs reported back that the city should be purified, that a period of supplication and prayer should be held and that sacrifices of full-grown victims should be offered both on the Capitoline at Rome and in Campania at the promontory of Minerva; further, that at the earliest possible moment games for ten days should be celebrated in honour of Jupiter Optimus Maximus.
20.3. decemviri lustrandum oppidum, supplicationem obsecrationemque habendam, victimis maioribus sacrificandum et in Capitolio Romae et in Campania ad Minervae promunturium renuntiarunt; ludos per decem dies Iovi optimo maximo primo quoque die faciendos.
20.4. All these directions were scrupulously obeyed. The haruspices pronounced that this omen would turn out for the best, and that an extension of frontiers and the destruction of the enemy were foretold, because those beaks which the storm had overthrown had been spoils taken from the enemy.
20.4. ea omnia cum cura facta. haruspices in bonum versurum id prodigium, prolationemque finium et interitum perduellium portendi responderunt, quod ex hostibus spolia fuissent ea rostra, quae tempestas diiecisset.
20.5. Other occurrences also increased their concern to appease the gods: news had been brought that at Saturnia there were showers of blood in the town on three successive days; that at Calatia an ass with three feet was born and a bull with five cows was killed by a single bolt of lightning; that at Auximum a shower of earth had fallen.
20.5. accesserunt, quae cumularent religiones animis. Saturniae nuntiatum erat sanguine per triduum in oppido pluvisse, Calatiae asinum tripedem natum et taurum cum quinque vaccis uno ictu fulminis exanimatos, Auximi terra pluvisse.
20.6. By reason of these prodigies also sacrifices were offered and a day of prayer and a festival were celebrated.
20.6. horum quoque prodigiorum causa res divinae factae et supplicatio unum diem feriaeque habitae.
21.1. The consuls up to this time had not set out to their province because they would not yield to the senate in passing a decree regarding Marcus Popilius, and the Fathers were determined to allow no other decree to have precedence over it.
21.1. consules ad id tempus in provinciam non exierant, quia neque, uti de M. Popilio referrent, senatui obsequebantur et nihil aliud decernere prius statutum patribus erat.
21.2. The ill-will against Popilius was increased again by dispatches in which he reported that as proconsul he had fought a second time with the Ligurian Statellates and had killed six thousand of them; because of the injustice done in this war the rest of the Ligurian peoples also took up arms.
21.2. aucta etiam invidia est Popili litteris eius, quibus iterum cum Statellis Liguribus procons. pugnasse se scripsit ac sex milia eorum occidisse; propter cuius iniuriam belli ceteri quoque Ligurum populi ad arma ierunt.
21.3. Then indeed not the absent Popilius alone was reproached in the senate because he had made war on surrendered tribes contrary to justice and right, and had roused pacified people to rebellion, but the consuls as well, because they did not go to their province.
21.3. tum vero non absens modo Popilius, qui deditis contra ius ac fas bellum intulisset et pacatos ad rebellandum incitasset, sed consules, quod non exirent in provinciam, in senatu increpiti.
21.4. Prompted by this harmony among the Fathers, Marcus Marcius Sermo and Quintus Marcius Scilla, tribunes of the people, first proclaimed that they would lay a fine upon the consuls if they should not go to their provinces, and then read in the senate the motion which they proposed to offer regarding the surrendered Ligurians.
21.4. hoc consensu patrum accensi M. Marcius Sermo et Q. Marcius Scylla tribuni plebis et consulibus multam se dicturos, nisi in provinciam exirent, denuntiarunt et rogationem, quam de Liguribus deditis promulgare in animo haberent, in senatu recitarunt.
21.5. It was proposed that in case anyone of the surrendered Statellans had not been restored to liberty before the Kalends of August following, the senate should decree on oath what officials should investigate this matter and punish the person by whose malice the aforesaid person had become a slave. Then, on the authorization of the senate, they published this decree. Before the consuls set out, an audience before the senate was granted to Gaius Cicereius, praetor of the preceding year, in the temple of Bellona.
21.5. sanciebatur, ut qui ex Statellis deditis in libertatem restitutus ante calendas Sextiles primas non esset, cuius dolo malo is in servitutem venisset, ut iuratus senatus decerneret, qui eam rem quaereret animadverteretque. ex auctoritate deinde senatus eam rogationem promulgarunt.
21.6. When he had set forth his achievements in Corsica and had vainly demanded a triumph, he celebrated his triumph on the Alban Mount, which had now become customary in order to permit the celebration of a triumph without the authorization of the state.
21.6. priusquam proficiscerentur consules, C. Cicereio praetori prioris anni ad aedem Bellonae senatus datus est.
21.7. The plebeian assembly voted and ordered the Marcian proposal regarding the Ligurians with complete unanimity.
21.7. is expositis quas in Corsica res gessisset postulatoque frustra triumpho in monte Albano, quod iam in morem venerat, ut sine publica auctoritate fieret, triumphavit.
21.8. In accordance with this legislation the praetor Gaius Licinius consulted the senate as to whom they would choose to investigate under that bill. The Fathers ordered Licinius himself to conduct the investigation.
21.8. rogationem Marciam de Liguribus magno consensu plebes scivit iussitque. ex eo plebiscito C. Licinius praetor consuluit senatum, quem quaerere ea rogatione vellet. patres ipsum eum quaerere iusserunt.
22.1. Then at last the consuls set out for their province and took over the army from Marcus Popilius.
22.1. tum demum consules in provinciam profecti sunt exercitumque a M. Popilio acceperunt.
22.2. The ex-consul, however, did not dare to return to Rome for fear of having to stand his trial, in the face of an unfriendly senate and still more hostile commons, before the praetor who had put to the senate the question of the investigation directed against him.
22.2. neque tamen M. Popilius reverti Romam audebat, ne causam diceret adverso senatu, infestiore populo, apud praetorem, qui de quaestione in se posita senatum consuluisset.
22.3. This reluctance of his was met by the threat of another decree sponsored by the tribunes of the people, to the effect that if Popilius did not enter Rome before the thirteenth of November, Gaius Licinius was to determine the facts and pass judgment in his absence.
22.3. huic detractationi eius tribuni plebis alterius rogationis denuntiatione occurrerunt, ut, si non ante idus Novembres in urbem Romam introisset, de absente eo C. Licinius statueret ac iudicaret.
22.4. When he returned, dragged home by this fetter, he came before the senate amid great ill-feeling.
22.4. hoc tractus vinculo cum redisset, ingenti cum invidia in senatum venit.
22.5. After he had been assailed there by the attacks of many, a resolution of the senate was passed that those Ligurians who had not been enemies since the consulship of Quintus Fulvius and Lucius Manlius should be restored to freedom under the supervision of the praetors Gaius Licinius and Gnaeus Sicinius, and should be given land across the Po by the consul Gaius Popilius.
22.5. ibi cum laceratus iurgiis multorum esset, senatus consultum factum est, ut qui Ligurum post Q. Fulvium L. Manlium consules hostes non fuissent, ut eos C. Licinius Cn. Sicinius praetores in libertatem restituendos curarent, agrumque is trans Padum consul C. Popilius daret.
22.6. Many thousand persons were restored to freedom by this resolution of the senate, and after they had been led across the Po, land was allotted to them.
22.6. multa milia hominum hoc senatus consulto restituta in libertatem, transductisque Padum ager est adsignatus.
22.7. Marcus Popilius twice stood trial before Gaius Licinius in accordance with the Marcian decree; on the third occasion the praetor, overcome by the influence of the absent consul and the entreaties of the house of Popilius, ordered the defendant to appear on the fifteenth of March, the day on which the new magistrates were to enter upon their offices, so that Licinius himself, since he would be a private citizen, need not pass judgment.
22.7. M. Popilius rogatione Marcia bis apud C. Licinium causam dixit; tertio praetor, gratia consulis absentis et Popiliae familiae precibus victus, idibus Martiis adesse reum iussit, quo die novi magistratus inituri erant honorem, ne diceret ius, qui privatus futurus esset.
22.8. Thus the decree about the Ligurians was evaded by trickery.
22.8. ita rogatio de Liguribus arte fallaci elusa est.
23.1. Carthaginian ambassadors were at Rome at that time, and also Gulussa, the son of Masinissa. Between these, great disputes arose before the senate.
23.1. legati Carthaginienses eo tempore Romae erant et Gulussa filius Masinissae. inter eos magnae contentiones in senatu fuere.
23.2. The Carthaginians complained that, besides the land about which envoys from Rome had previously been sent to review the situation on the ground, more than seventy towns and forts in Carthaginian territory had been siezed by force of arms during the past two years by Masinissa; this was a simple matter for him, since he was wholly reckless.
23.2. Carthaginienses querebantur praeter agrum, de quo ante legati ab Roma, qui in re praesenti cognoscerent, missi essent, amplius septuaginta oppida castellaque agri Carthaginiensis biennio proxumo Masinissam vi atque armis possedisse:
23.3. The Carthaginians, enmeshed in the treaty, had kept quiet, said the envoys, for they were forbidden to campaign beyond their own boundaries;
23.3. id illi, cui nihil pensi sit, facile esse. Carthaginienses foedere inligatos silere:
23.4. for, even though they knew that if they were to drive out the Numidians, they would be fighting within their boundaries, they were discouraged by that quite definite article of the treaty by which they were expressly forbidden to wage war against allies of the Roman people.
23.4. prohiberi enim extra fines efferre arma; quamquam sciant in suis finibus, si inde Numidas pellerent, se gesturos bellum, illo haud ambiguo capite foederis deterreri, quo diserte vetentur cum sociis populi Romani bellum gerere.
23.5. But now the Carthaginians could no longer endure Masinissa's arrogance, cruelty and greed. They, the envoys, had been sent to beg the senate to grant one of the following three requests: either that the Romans should impartially draw the line between the possessions of their royal ally and those of the Carthaginian people;
23.5. sed iam ultra superbiam crudelitatemque et avaritiam eius non pati posse Carthaginienses. missos esse, qui orarent senatum, ut trium harum rerum unam ab se impetrari sinerent:
23.6. or that they should permit the Carthaginians to protect themselves by a righteous and proper war against unjust invasion; or, as a last resort, if favouritism outweighed truth with the Romans, that they should decide once and for all what gift of the possessions of others they wished to be given to Masinissa; the Romans would surely be more moderate in their giving, and the Carthaginians would know what they had given;
23.6. ut vel ex aequo in … socium populumque, quid cuiusque esset, disceptarent, vel permitterent Carthaginiensibus, ut adversus iniusta arma pio iustoque se tutarentur bello, vel ad extremum, si gratia plus quam veritas apud eos valeret, semel statuerent, quid donatum ex alieno Masinissae vellent.
23.7. for the Numidian himself would set no limit except in accordance with his own pleasure.
23.7. modestius certe daturos eos, et scituros, quid dedissent; ipsum nullam praeterquam suae libidinis arbitrio finem facturum.
23.8. If they were granted none of these requests, and some fault had been incurred by them since the peace granted them by Publius Scipio, let the Romans rather inflict punishment upon them.
23.8. horum si nihil impetrarent, et aliquod suum post datam a P. Scipione pacem delictum esset, ipsi potius animadverterent in se.
23.9. They preferred a safe slavery under Roman masters to a freedom exposed to the injustices of Masinissa; lastly, it was better for them to perish once than to drag out their existence at the whim of a most bitter torturer.
23.9. tutam servitutem se sub dominis Romanis quam libertatem expositam ad iniurias Masinissae malle;
23.10. With this speech they prostrated themselves in tears, and as they couched on the ground won as much ill-feeling against the king as pity for themselves. The senate voted to ask Gulussa what he would reply to these charges, or, if he preferred to explain this first, on what business he had come to Rome.
23.10. perire denique semel ipsis satius esse, quam sub acerbissimi carnificis arbitrio spiritum ducere. sub haec dicta lacrimantis procubuerunt, stratique humi non sibi magis misericordiam quam regi invidiam concitarunt. interrogari Gulussam placuit, quid ad ea responderet, aut, si prius mallet, expromere, super qua re Romam venisset.
24.2. Gulussa replied that it was not easy for him to discuss matters on which he had no instructions from his father, nor had it been easy for his father to give instructions, inasmuch as the Carthaginians had not given notice as to what they intended to discuss, or even that they were going to Rome in the first place.
24.2. Gulussa neque sibi facile esse dixit de is rebus agere, de quibus nihil mandati a patre haberet, neque patri facile fuisse mandare. cum Carthaginienses nec de qua re acturi essent nec omnino omnio ituros se Romam indicaverint;
24.3. They had held a secret council of the leading men in the temple of Aesculapius for several nights, about which no news had leaked out except that envoys with secret instructions were being sent to Rome.
24.3. in aede Aesculapi clandestinum eos per aliquot noctes consilium principum habuisse, unde … praeterea legatos occultis cum mandatis Romam mitti.
24.4. This had been the occasion of his father's sending him to Rome, in order that he might beg the senate not to believe the enemies of both peoples when they brought charges against Masinissa, whom they hated for no other reason than his unwavering loyalty toward the Roman people.
24.4. eam causam fuisse patri mittendi se Romam, qui deprecaretur senatum, ne quid communibus inimicis criminantibus se crederent, quem ob nullam aliam causam nisi propter constantem fidem erga populum Romanum odissent.
24.5. After these addresses from both parties, the senate, when questioned on the subject of the requests of the Carthaginians, ordered the following answer to be given: It was the decision of the senate that Gulussa should depart at once for Numidia and report to his father that he should send envoys as soon as possible to the senate to answer the complaints of the Carthaginians, and that he should announce this to the Carthaginians, so that they might come to argue the matter.
24.5. his utrimque auditis senatus de postulatis Carthaginiensium consultus responderi ita iussit, Gulussam placere extemplo in Numidiam proficisci et nuntiare patri, ut de iis, de quibus Carthaginienses querantur, legatos quam primum ad senatum mittat denuntietque Carthaginiensibus, ut ad disceptandum veniant:
24.7. The senate had done and would do whatever it could to honour Masinissa, but justice it did not hand over to favouritism.
24.7. se alia, quae possent, Masinissae honoris causa et fecisse et facturos esse;
24.8. It wished land to be in the possession of the rightful owner, and its purpose was not to set new boundaries, but to maintain the old.
24.8. ius gratiae non dare. agrum, qua cuiusque sit, possideri velle, nec novos statuere fines, sed veteres observare in animo habere.
24.9. After conquering the Carthaginians, the Romans had granted them both their city and their territory, not in order to rob them unjustly in peace of what they had not taken under the laws of war. With this reply the prince and the Carthaginians were dismissed.
24.9. Carthaginiensibus victis se et urbem et agros concessisse, non ut in pace eriperent per iniuriam, quae iure belli non ademissent.
24.10. Gifts were given to both embassies according to custom and the other duties of hospitality were courteously observed.
24.10. ita regulus Carthaginiensesque dimissi munera ex instituto data utrisque aliaque hospitalia comiter conservata.
25.1. About the same time there returned Gnaeus Servilius Caepio, Appius Claudius Cento and Titus Annius Luscus, the envoys sent to Macedonia to demand reparations and denounce the treaty of friendship with King Perseus. These envoys inflamed the hostility which the senate had felt of its own accord toward Perseus by telling, one after another, the things which they had seen and heard; they had seen, they said, preparations for war going forward with the utmost vigour through all Macedonian cities.
25.1. sub idem tempus Cn. Servilius Caepio Ap. Claudius Centho T. Annius Luscus legati ad res repetendas in Macedoniam renuntiandamque amicitiam regi missi redierunt, qui iam sua sponte infestum Persei senatum insuper accenderunt relatis ordine, quae vidissent quaeque audissent: vidisse se per omnes urbes Macedonum summa vi parari bellum.
25.3. When they had come to the court, for many days an opportunity of meeting the king was denied them; finally, when, having actually despaired of a conference, they had departed, then at last they had been recalled from their journey and brought before him.
25.3. cum ad regem pervenissent, per multos dies conveniendi eius potestatem non factam; postremo cum desperato iam conloquio profecti essent, tum demum se ex itinere revocatos et ad eum introductos esse.
25.4. The gist of their speech had been as follows: a treaty had been made with Philip, and renewed with Perseus himself after his father's death, in which he was explicitly forbidden to lead his army beyond his own territory, and also forbidden to assail in war the allies of the Roman people.
25.4. suae orationis summam fuisse: foedus cum Philippo ictum esse, cum ipso eo post mortem patris renovatum, in quo diserte prohiberi eum extra fines arma effere, prohiberi socios populi Romani lacessere bello.
25.5. Next the envoys had explained in detail the whole series of ascertained facts which the Fathers had recently heard Eumenes recount in the senate. Moreover, the king had held at Samothrace for many days a secret conference with embassies from the states of Asia.
25.5. exposita deinde ab se ordine, quae ipsi nuper in senatu Eumenen vera omnia et conperta referentem audissent.
25.6. For these violations, the envoys informed the king, the senate thought it right that reparation be made, and that possessions which the king held contrary to the regulations of the treaty be returned to the Romans and their allies.
25.6. Samothracae praeterea per multos dies occultum consilium cum legationibus civitatium Asiae regem habuisse. pro his iniuriis satisfieri senatum aecum censere reddique sibi res sociisque suis, quas contra ius foederis habeat.
25.8. The king had at first replied to these statements ungraciously, being inflamed with anger, had charged the Romans with greed and arrogance, and had yelled that embassies kept coming one after another to spy upon his words and actions, because they thought it right that he should do and say everything at their beck and call;
25.8. regem ad ea primo accensum ira inclementer locutum, avaritiam superbiamque Romanis obicientem frementemque, quod alii super alios legati venirent speculaturi dicta factaque sua, quod se ad nutum imperiumque eorum omnia dicere ac facere aecum censerent;
25.9. finally, after shouting a long wordy harangue, he had ordered them to return the next day, since he wished to give them a reply in writing.
25.9. postremo multum ac diu vociferatum reverti postero die iussisse: scriptum se responsum dare velle.
25.10. Then the following written statement had been given them: the treaty made with Perseus' father was in no way binding on him; he had endured its renewal, not because he approved of it, but because immediately on assuming the kingship he had had to endure anything.
25.10. tum ita sibi scriptum traditum esse: foedus cum patre ictum ad se nihil pertinere; id se renovari, non quia probaret, sed quia in nova possessione regni patienda omnia essent, passum.
25.11. If the Romans wished to make a new treaty with him, some agreement as to terms should first be reached; if they could bring themselves to make a treaty on terms of equality, he for his part would see what he should do and they for theirs, he supposed, would take care of the interests of their state. After delivering this message, Perseus had begun to hurry out, and the dismissal of everyone from the palace had begun.
25.11. novom foedus si secum facere vellent, convenire prius de condicionibus debere; si in animum inducerent, ut ex aequo foedus fieret, et se visurum, quid sibi faciundum esset, et illos credere rei publicae consulturos.
25.12. Thereupon the envoys had denounced the friendship and alliance. Angered at this utterance, Perseus had stopped and in a loud voice had enjoined upon them to leave the borders of his realm within three days. Accordingly they had set out; no sign of hospitality or courtesy had been shown them during their stay or as they departed.
25.12. atque ita se proripuisse et summoveri e regia omnis coeptos. tum se amicitiam et societatem renuntiasse. qua voce eum accensum restitisse atque voce clara denuntiasse sibi, ut triduo regni sui decederent finibus.
25.13. Next the envoys of the Thessalians and Aetolians were heard. In order that the senate might know as soon as possible what military commanders the state was to use, it was voted that dispatches be sent to the consuls to request that whichever of them could do so should come to Rome for the election of magistrates.
25.13. ita se profectos, nec sibi aut venientibus aut manentibus quicquam hospitaliter aut benigne factum. Thessali deinde Aetolique legati auditi. senatui, ut scirent quam primum, quibus ducibus usura res publica esset, litteras mitti consulibus placuit, ut uter eorum posset, Romam ad magistratus creandos veniret.
26.1. The consuls had accomplished for the state during this year nothing which is particularly worth mentioning. It was considered more useful to the state that the thoroughly aroused Ligurians should be restrained and calmed.
26.1. nihil magnopere, quod memorari adtineat, rei publicae eo anno consules gesserant. magis e re publica visum erat conprimi ac sedari exasperatos Ligures.
26.2. While war with Macedonia was awaited, Issaean envoys brought suspicion also on Gentius, king of the Illyrians, both by complaining that he had ravaged their territory, and also by reporting that the Illyrian king was in harmony with the Macedonian; that they were concerting plans for war against the Romans; and that Illyrian spies, ostensibly an embassy, had been sent to Rome at Perseus' suggestion to get information of what was going forward.
26.2. cum Macedonicum bellum expectaretur, Gentium quoque Illyriorum regem suspectum Issenses legati fecerunt, simul questi fines suos eum depopulatum, simul nuntiantes uno animo vivere Macedonum atque Illyriorum regem, communi consilio parare Romanis bellum, et specie legatorum Illyrios speculatores Romae esse Perse auctore missos, ut, quid ageretur, scirent.
26.4. These Illyrians were called before the senate: when they said that they had been sent by the king as envoys to clear him of any charges which might be brought by the Issaeans, they were asked why in that case they had not approached a magistrate, in order to receive lodging and official entertainment according to custom, and indeed in order that their arrival and their purpose might be known.
26.4. Illyrii vocati in senatum. qui cum legatos se esse missos ab rege dicerent ad purganda crimina, si qua de rege Issenses deferrent, quaesitum est, quid ita non adissent magistratum, ut ex instituto loca, lautia acciperent, sciretur denique venisse eos et super qua re venissent.
26.5. When they hesitated in their answer, they were bidden to leave the senate-house; the senate refused to reply, as they would to envoys, to men who had not requested to be presented to the senate. It was decided to send envoys to the king to inform him of the complaints made by Rome's allies, with the message that the senate considered that he was acting unjustly in not refraining from wrong to these allies of theirs.
26.5. haesitantibus in responso, ut curia excederent, dictum; responsum tamquam legatis, ut qui adire senatum non postulassent, dari non placuit, mittendosque ad regem legatos censuerunt, qui nuntiarent, quid socii quererentur; senatum existumare, non aecum eum facere, qui ab sociis suis non abstineret iniuriam.
26.7. On this embassy were sent Aulus Terentius Varro, Gaius Plaetorius and Gaius Cicereius. From Asia the envoys, who had been sent round to the several allied kings, returned and reported that they had met Eumenes at Aegina, Antiochus in Syria and Ptolemy at Alexandria. All had received overtures from the embassies of Perseus but remained nobly loyal and had promised to accomplish everything which the Roman people might command.
26.7. in hanc legationem missi A. Terentius Varro C. Plaetorius C. Cicereius. ex Asia, qui circa socios reges missi erant, redierunt legati, qui renuntiarunt Eumenen in ea, Antiochum in Syria, Ptolemaeum Alexandriae sese convenisse;
26.8. The envoys had also visited the allied city-states; they had found all of them loyal except Rhodes, which was wavering and steeped in Perseus' plots. Envoys of Rhodes had come to Rome to clear the city of the charges which they knew were generally being bandied about;
26.8. omnes sollicitatos legationibus Persei, sed egregie in fide permanere, pollicitosque omnia, quae populus Romanus imperasset, praestaturos. et civitates socias adisse; ceteras satis fidas, solos Rhodios fluctuantis et inbutos Persei consiliis invenisse, venerant Rhodii legati ad purganda ea, quae volgo iactari de civitate sciebant;
26.9. however, it was decided not to hold a meeting of the senate for them until the new consuls should have entered on their office.
26.9. ceterum senatum iis non ante dari quam novi consules magistratum inissent, placuit.
27.1. The senate decided not to postpone the preparations for war. To Gaius Licinius the praetor was given the task of repairing and making ready fifty of the old quinqueremes which were stored in the ship-yards at Rome and might still be usable.
27.1. belli apparatum non differendum censuerunt. C. Licinio praetori negotium datur, ut ex veteribus quinqueremibus in navalibus Romae subductis, quae possent usui esse, reficeret pararetque naves quinquaginta.
27.2. If these were insufficient to make up the number, he was to write to his colleague Gaius Memmius in Sicily to repair and fit out the ships in Sicily, so that they could be sent as soon as possible to Brundisium.
27.2. si quid ad eum numerum explendum deesset, C. Memmio collegae in Siciliam scriberet, ut eas, quae in Sicilia naves essent, reficeret atque expediret, ut Brundisium primo quoque tempore mitti possent.
27.3. Gaius Licinius the praetor was ordered to enroll, from among Roman citizens of the class of freedmen, sailors for twenty-five ships; Gnaeus Sicinius was to order an equal number for twenty-five ships from the allies; the same praetor was to raise eight thousand infantry and four hundred cavalry from the allies of the Latin Name.
27.3. socios navales libertini ordinis in viginti et quinque naves ex civibus Romanis C. Licinius praetor scribere iussus, in quinque et viginti parem numerum Cn. Sicinius sociis imperaret; idem praetor peditum octo milia, quadringentos equites ab sociis Latini nominis exigeret.
27.4. To receive this soldiery at Brundisium and send it to Macedonia, Aulus Atilius Serranus, who had been praetor the preceding year, was chosen.
27.4. hunc militem qui Brundisi acciperet atque in Macedoniam mitteret, A. Atilius Serranus, qui priore anno praetor fuerat, deligitur.
27.5. In order that Gnaeus Sicinius the praetor should have an army ready to cross over, Gaius Licinius the praetor, on authorization of the senate, wrote to Gaius Popilius the consul to order both the second legion, which was the longest in service in the Ligurian country, and four thousand infantry and two hundred cavalry of the allies of the Latin Name to be at Brundisium on the thirteenth of February.
27.5. Cn. Sicinius praetor ut exercitum paratum ad traiciendum haberet, C. Popilie consuli ex auctoritate senatus C. Licinius praetor scribit, ut et legionem secundam, quae maxume veterana in Liguribus erat, et ex sociis Latini nominis quattuor milia peditum, ducentos equites idibus Februariis Brundisi adesse iuberet.
27.6. With this fleet and this army Gnaeus Sicinius was instructed to hold the theatre of operations in Macedonia until his successor should arrive, his term of command being prolonged for a year. All these orders voted by the senate were vigorously carried out.
27.6. hac classe et hoc exercitu Cn. Sicinius provinciam Macedoniam optinere, donec successor veniret, iussus, prorogato in annum imperio. ea omnia, quae senatus censuit, inpigre facta sunt. duodequadraginta quinqueremes ex navalibus deductae; qui deduceret eas Brundisium, L. Porcius Licinus praepositus;
27.7. Thirty-eight quinqueremes were launched from the ship-yards; Lucius Porcius Licinus was put in command to take them to Brundisium; twelve were sent from Sicily. To purchase grain in Apulia and Calabria for the fleet and army three commissioners were sent, Sextus Digitius, Titus Juventius, and Marcus Caecilius. Gnaeus Sicinius the praetor set out from Rome in military dress, and on arriving in Brundisium found everything in readiness.
27.7. duodecim ex Sicilia missae. ad frumentum classi exercituique coemendum in Apuliam Calabriamque tres legati missi, Sex. Digitius T. Iuventius M. Caecilius. ad omnia praeparata Cn. Sicinius praetor paludatus ex urbe profectus Brundisium venit.
28.1. Almost at the end of the year Gaius Popilius the consul returned to Rome, somewhat later than the senate had advised, for they had thought it to the interest of the state, since so great a war was impending, that magistrates be elected as early as possible.
28.1. exitu prope anni C. Popilius consul Romam rediit aliquanto serius quam senatus censuerat, cui primo quoque tempore magistratus creari, cum tantum bellum immineret, e re publica visum erat.
28.2. And so it was in no favourable mood that the Fathers listened to the consul as in the temple of Bellona he discussed his accomplishments among the Ligurians.
28.2. itaque non secundis auribus patrum auditus est consul, cum in aede Bellonae de rebus in Liguribus gestis dissereret.
28.3. There were frequent outcries and questions as to why he had not restored to freedom the Ligurians crushed by his brother's injustice.
28.3. succlamationes frequentes erant interrogationesque, cur scelere fratris oppressos Ligures in libertatem non restituisset.
28.4. The consular elections were held on the day for which they had been proclaimed, the eighteenth of February.
28.4. comitia consularia, in quam edicta erant diem, ante diem duodecimum kal.
28.5. The consuls elected were Publius Licinius Crassus and Gaius Cassius Longinus. On the following day there were elected as praetors Gaius Sulpicius Galba, Lucius Furius Philus, Lucius Canuleius Dives, Gaius Lucretius Gallus, Gaius Caninius Rebilus and Lucius Villius Annalis.
28.5. Martias sunt habita. creati consules P. Licinius Crassus C. Cassius Longinus. postero die praetores facti C. Sulpicius Galba L. Furius Philus L. Canuleius Dives C. Lucretius Gallus C. Caninius Rebilus L. Villius Annalis.
28.6. To these praetors there were assigned as provinces two judgeships in Rome, Spain, Sicily, and Sardinia, so that for one there was an unassigned position, at the disposal of the senate.
28.6. his praetoribus provinciae decretae, duae iure Romae dicendo, Hispania et Sicilia et Sardinia, ut uni sors integra esset, quo senatus censuisset.
28.7. The consuls-elect were instructed by the senate that, on the day of their entering upon their office, they were to pray, after due sacrifice of full-grown victims, that, in the war which the Roman people were intending to wage, the outcome might be favourable.
28.7. consulibus designatis imperavit senatus, ut, qua, die magistratum inissent, hostiis maioribus rite mactatis precarentur, ut, quod bellum populus Romanus in animo haberet gerere. ut id prosperum eveniret.
28.8. On the same day the senate decreed that Gaius Popilius the consul should vow that games for ten days be dedicated to Jupiter, Greatest and Best, and that gifts be given to all the banquet-tables of the gods if for ten years the state should remain in unchanged fortune.
28.8. eodem die decrevit senatus, C. Popilius consul ludos per dies decem Iovi optumo maxumo fieri voveret donaque circa omnia pulvinaria dari, si res publica decem annos in eodem statu fuisset.
28.9. As the senate had decreed, the consul made on the Capitol the vow that games be held and gifts given from as large an appropriation as the senate, with a quorum of one hundred and fifty, might decree. Lepidus the chief pontifex dictated the words as this vow was taken. In this year there died of the priests of the state Lucius Aemilius Papus, of the Board of Ten for Ritual, and Quintus Fulvius Flaccus the pontifex, who had been censor the year before.
28.9. ita, ut censuerant, in Capitolio vovit consul ludos fieri donaque dari, quanta ex pecunia decresset senatus, cum centum et quinquaginta non minus adessent. praeeunte verba Lepido pontifice maxumo id votum susceptum est.
28.10. He died a disgraceful death. Of his two sons, who were at that time serving in the army in Illyricum, it was reported that one had been killed and one was stricken with a severe and dangerous disease. Grief and fear together overwhelmed the father's mind; slaves who entered his bedroom in the morning found him hanging in a noose.
28.10. eo anno sacerdotes publici mortui, L. Aemilius Papus decemvir sacrorum et Q. Fulvius Flaccus pontifex, qui priore anno fuerat censor. hic foeda morte periit. ex duobus filiis eius, qui tum in Illyrico militabant, nuntiatum alterum decessisse, alterum gravi et periculoso morbo aegrum esse.
28.12. It was thought that after his censorship he was not wholly himself; a common rumour had it that the wrath of Lacinian Juno over the robbing of her temple had unbalanced his mind.
28.12. obruit animum simul luctus metusque; mane ingressi cubiculum servi laqueo dependentem invenere. erat opinio post censuram minus conpotem fuisse sui; volgo Iunonis Laciniae iram ob spoliatum templum alienasse mentem ferebant.
28.13. In Aemilius' place on the Board of Ten Marcus Valerius Messalla was substituted; in Fulvius' place as pontifex Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, a man quite young for a priesthood, was chosen.
28.13. suffectus in Aemili locum decemvir M. Valerius Messala, in Fulvi pontifex Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, oppido adulescens sacerdos, est lectus.
29.1. In the consulship of Publius Licinius and Gaius Cassius, not only the city of Rome and the land of Italy, but also all kings and states both in Europe and in Asia, had turned their minds to concern over the war between Macedonia and Rome.
29.1. P. Licinio C. Cassio consulibus non urbs tantum Roma nec terra Italia, sed omnes reges civitatesque, quaeque in Europa quaeque in Asia erant, converterant animos in curam Macedonici ac Romani belli.
29.2. Eumenes was urged on by his former enmity and quite as much by his fresh anger, because through the king's crime he had been almost slaughtered like a beast for sacrifice at Delphi.
29.2. Eumenen cum vetus odium stimulabat, tum recens ira, quod scelere regis prope ut victuma mactatus Delphis esset.
29.3. Prusias, the king of Bithynia, had determined to refrain from arms and await the outcome; for, he thought, the Romans for their part could not think it right that he should take up arms against his wife's brother, and, as for Perseus, if he conquered, reconciliation might be effected with him through his sister.
29.3. Prusias Bithyniae rex statuerat abstinere armis et quietus eventum expectare: nam neque Romanos posse aequom censere adversus fratrem uxoris se arma ferre et apud Persea victorem veniam per sororem impetrabilem fore.
29.4. Ariarathes, the king of Cappadocia, apart from the fact that he had promised aid directly to the Romans, was from the time of his alliance in marriage with Eumenes in harmony with the latter in all plans for peace or war.
29.4. Ariarathes Cappadocum rex, praeterquam quod Romanis suo nomine auxilia pollicitus erat, ex quo est iunctus Eumeni adfinitate, in omnia belli pacisque se consociaverat consilia.
29.5. Antiochus was indeed threatening the kingdom of Egypt, in scorn of the youth of the king and the sluggishness of his guardians; and he expected, by raising disputes about Hollow Syria, to have a cause for war and to wage it without obstacle while the Romans were busied with the Macedonian war;
29.5. Antiochus inminebat quidem Aegypti regno, et pueritiam regis et inertiam tutorum spernens, et ambigendo de Coele Syria causam belli se habiturum existumabat gesturumque sine ullo impedimento occupatis Romanis in Macedonico bello;
29.6. however, for this war he had zealously promised everything to the senate through his envoys, and personally to the envoys of the senate.
29.6. quod ad bellum tamen omnia et per suos legatos senatui et ipse legatis eorum enixe pollicitus erat.
29.7. Ptolemy because of his age was at that time still under the control of others; his guardians were both preparing war against Antiochus, in order to clear their title to Hollow Syria, and were promising the Romans everything for the war with Macedonia.
29.7. Ptolemaeus propter aetatem alieni etiam tum arbitrii erat; tutores et bellum adversus Antiochum parabant, quo vindicarent Coelen Syriam, et Romanis omnia pollicebantur ad Macedonicum bellum.
29.8. Masinissa was helping the Romans with grain and was preparing to send to the war troops with elephants under command of his son Misagenes.
29.8. Masinissa et frumento iuvabat Romanos, et auxilia cum elephantis Misagenenque filium mittere ad bellum parabat;
29.9. However, he had plans ready for any outcome, and arranged as follows: if victory should be on the side of the Romans, then his own situation would remain unchanged, nor should he make any move to expand, for the Romans would not permit violence to be used against the Carthaginians;
29.9. consilia autem in omnem fortunam ita disposita habebat: si penes Romanos victoria esset, suas quoque in eodem statu mansuras res esse, neque ultra quidquam movendum, non enim passuros Romanos vim Carthaginiensibus adferri;
29.10. if the powers of Rome, which then were sheltering the Carthaginians, should be broken, all Africa would be his.
29.10. si fractae essent opes Romanorum, quae tum protegerent Carthaginienses, suam omnem Africam fore.
29.11. Gentius, king of the Illyrians, did not so much determine which side he would favour, as succeed in becoming an object of suspicion to the Romans, and seemed to be about to join the one or the other through impulse more than reasoning.
29.11. Gentius rex Illyriorum fecerat potius, cur suspectus esset Romanis, quam satis statuerat, utram foveret partem, impetuque magis quam consilio his aut illis se adiuncturus videbatur.
29.12. The Thracian Cotys, king of the Odrysae, secretly sided with Macedonia.
29.12. Cotys Thrax, Odrysarum rex, iam Macedonum partis erat.
30.1. While these were the feelings of the kings about the war, among the free groups and peoples, the commons everywhere were almost all, as usual, for the worse side, being inclined toward the king and the Macedonians; among the leading men one might notice conflicting interests.
30.1. haec sententia regibus cum esset de bello, in liberis gentibus populisque plebs ubique omnis ferme, ut solet, deterioris erat, ad regem Macedonasque inclinata;