1.3. It was also ordered that fifteen hundred Roman infantry and one hundred cavalry be enrolled, taking whom the praetor to whose lot Sardinia should have fallen was to cross to Corsica to prosecute the war there; in the meantime Marcus Atilius, the old praetor, was to hold the province of Sardinia.
1.3. ad hoc mille et quingenti pedites Romani cum centum equitibus scribi iussi, cum quibus praetor, cui Sardinia obtigisset, in Corsicam transgressus bellum gereret:
1.4. The praetors then cast lots for the provinces.
1.4. interim M. Atilius vetus praetor provinciam optineret Sardiniam.
1.5. The civil jurisdiction was received by Aulus Atilius Serranus, that between citizens and aliens by Gaius Cluvius Saxula, Nearer Spain by Numerius Fabius Buteo, Farther Spain by Marcus Matienus, Sicily by Marcus Furius Crassipes, Sardinia by Gaius Cicereius.
1.5. praetores deinde provincias sortiti sunt, A. Atilius Serranus urbanam, C. Cluvius Saxula inter cives et peregrinos, N. Fabius Buteo Hispaniam citeriorem, C. Matienus ulteriorem, M. Furius Crassipes Siciliam, C. Cicereius Sardiniam.
1.6. The senate decreed that before the magistrates departed for their provinces, Lucius Postumius the consul should proceed to Campania to determine the boundaries between the public and private lands, since it was well known that private persons, by gradually moving their boundaries outward, were occupying a very large part of it.
1.6. priusquam in provincias magistratus proficiscerentur, senatui placuit L. Postumium consulem ad agrum publicum a privato terminandum in Campaniam ire, cuius ingentem modum possidere privatos paulatim proferendo fines constabat.
1.7. Postumius being angry at the people of Praeneste because, when he had journeyed thither as a private citizen for the purpose of offering sacrifice in the temple of Fortune, no mark of respect had been shown by that people, either officially or unofficially, before he set out from Rome sent a message to Praeneste to the effect that the magistrate should come out to meet him, that they should engage at public expense quarters for his entertainment, and that when he should leave there transport-animals should be in readiness. Before his consulship no one had ever put the allies to any trouble or expense in any respect.
1.7. hic iratus Praenestinis, quod, cum eo privatus sacrificii in templo Fortunae faciundi causa profectus esset, nihil in se honorifice neque publice neque privatim factum a Praenestinis esset, priusquam ab Roma proficisceretur, litteras Praeneste misit, ut sibi magistratus obviam exiret, locum publice pararet, ubi deverteretur, jumentaque, cum exiret inde, praesto essent.
1.8. Magistrates were supplied with mules and tents and all other military equipment, precisely in order that they might not give any such command to the allies.
1.8. ante hunc consulem nemo umquam sociis ulla re oneri aut sumptui fuit.
1.9. The senators generally had private relations of hospitality, which they generously and courteously cultivated, and their homes at Rome were open to the guests at whose houses they themselves were wont to lodge.
1.9. ideo magistratus mulis tabernaculisque et omni alio instrumento militari ornabantur, ne quid tale imperarent sociis.
1.10. Ambassadors who were sent on short notice to any place would call upon the towns through which their route took them, for one pack-animal each: no other expense did the allies incur in behalf of Roman officials.
1.10. privata hospitia habebant; ea benigne comiterque colebant, domusque eorum Romae hospitibus patebant, apud quos ipsis deverti mos esset.
1.11. The anger of the consul, even if it was justifiable, should nevertheless not have found vent while he was in office, and its silent acceptance by the Praenestines, whether too modest or too fearful, established, as by an approved precedent, the right of magistrates to make demands of this sort, which grew more burdensome day by day.
1.11. legati, qui repente aliquo mitterentur, singula iumenta per oppida, iter qua faciundum erat, imperabant; aliam inpensam socii in magistratus Romanos non faciebant. ira consulis, etiamsi iusta, non tamen in magistratu exercenda, et silentium nimis aut modestum aut timidum Praenestinorum ius, velut probato exemplo, magistratibus fecit graviorum in dies talis generis imperiorum.
2.1. In the beginning of this year the ambassadors who had been sent to Aetolia and Macedonia reported that an opportunity to interview King Perseus, since some pretended that he was away, some that he was ill (but both falsely), had not been given them.
2.1. principio huius anni legati, qui in Aetoliam et Macedoniam missi erant, renuntiarunt, sibi conveniendi regis Persei, cum alii abesse eum, alii aegrum esse, falso utrumque, fingerent, potestatem non factam;
2.2. Nevertheless, they said, it had become easily apparent to them that preparations for war were being made and that Perseus would not further put off his resort to arms. The ambassadors also reported that the strife in Aetolia was growing daily, and that the leaders in the disputes could not be restrained by their authority.
2.2. facile tamen apparuisse sibi bellum parari nec ultra ad arma ire dilaturum. item in Aetolia seditionem gliscere in dies, neque discordiarum principes auctoritate sua coerceri potuisse.
2.3. Since a Macedonian war was in prospect, before it should be undertaken it was decreed that atonement should be made by reason of the prodigies and the peace of the gods should be sought by the rituals which had been published from the oracular books.
2.3. cum bellum Macedonicum in expectatione esset, priusquam id susciperetur, prodigia expiari pacemque deum peti precationibus, qui editi ex fatalibus libris essent, placuit.
2.4. At Lanuvium the vision of a great fleet was said to have been seen in the sky, and at Privernum that dark-coloured wool had grown from the earth, and in the Veientine country about Remens that there had been a shower of stones: it was reported that the whole Pomptine region had been covered by clouds, one might say, of locusts; and that in the Gallic land, wherever the plough was driven, fish came forth from the upturned sod.
2.4. Lanuvi classis magnae species in caelo visae dicebantur et Priverni lana pulla terra enata et in Veienti apud Rementem lapidatum, Pomptinum omne velut nubibus lucustarum coopertum esse, in Gallico agro, qua induceretur aratrum, sub existentibus glebis pisces emersisse.
2.6. By reason of these prodigies the oracular books were consulted, and announcement was made by the decemvirs to what gods and with what victims the sacrifices should be performed, and it was directed that a period of prayer should be celebrated in atonement for the prodigies and that a second such period should be observed which had been vowed a year before for the sake of the health of the people and that a festival should be held.
2.6. ob haec prodigia libri fatales inspecti editumque ab decemviris est, et quibus diis quibusque hostiis sacrificaretur, et ut supplicatio prodigiis expiandis fieret, alteraque, quae priore anno valetudinis populi causa vota esset, ea uti fieret feriaeque essent.
2.7. Accordingly sacrifice was offered in the manner which the decemvirs had published in writing.
2.7. ita … sacrificatumque est, ut decemviri scriptum ediderunt.
3.1. In the same year the temple of Juno Lacinia was stripped of its roof. Quintus Fulvius Flaccus as censor was building the temple to Fortuna Equestris which he had vowed while praetor in Spain during the Celtiberian war, striving zealously that there should be no temple in Rome larger or more splendid.
3.1. eodem anno aedis Iunonis Laciniae detecta. Q. Fulvius Flaccus censor aedem Fortunae equestris, quam in Hispania praetor bello Celtiberico voverat, faciebat enixo studio, ne ullum Romae amplius aut magnificentius templum esset.
3.2. Considering that it would add great beauty to the temple if the roof tiles were of marble, he set out for Bruttium and stripped the temple of Juno Lacinia of its tiles up to half their number, thinking that these would be sufficient to cover the building which was now being erected.
3.2. magnum ornatum ei templo ratus adiecturum, si tegulae marmoreae essent, profectus in Brittios aedem Iunonis Laciniae ad partem dimidiam detegit, id satis fore ratus ad tegendum quod aedificaretur.
3.3. Ships were made ready to load and transport them, the inhabitants being prevented by the censor's high office from forbidding the sacrilege. When the censor returned the tiles were unloaded from the ships and were being taken to the temple.
3.3. naves paratae fuerunt, quae tollerent atque asportarent, auctoritate censoria sociis deterritis id sacrilegium prohibere.
3.4. Although nothing was said as to where they were obtained, yet such an act could not be concealed.
3.4. postquam censor rediit, tegulae expositae de navibus ad templum portabantur.
3.5. There was accordingly an outcry in the senate: from all sides the demand was made that the consuls should lay the question before that body. But when the censor was summoned and entered the senate and died as a result of hearing that one son had been killed house, one and all assailed him to his face far more violently:
3.5. quamquam, unde essent, silebatur, non tamen celari potuit. fremitus igitur in curia ortus est; ex omnibus partibus postulabatur, ut consules eam rem ad senatum referrent. ut vero accersitus in curiam censor venit, multo infestius singuli universique praesentem lacerare:
3.6. the most venerable shrine of that region, a shrine which neither Pyrrhus nor Hannibal had violated, he had not been content with violating but had shamefully robbed it of its covering and well-nigh destroyed it.
3.6. templum augustissimum regionis eius, quod non Pyrrhus, non Hannibal violassent, violare parum habuisse, nisi detexisset foede ac prope diruisset.
3.7. The top, they said, had been torn from the temple and the bare framing laid open to be rotted by the rains. Was it for this, they demanded, that a censor was chosen to control behaviour? That the magistrate to whom had been entrusted, in the fashion of the forefathers, the duty of enforcing the repair of public shrines and of contracting for their maintenance, was himself roving through the cities of the allies plundering the temples and stripping off the roofs of sacred edifices! A thing, they continued, which might well seem unworthy if done to private buildings of the allies, he was doing when he destroyed the temples of the immortal gods, and fastening upon the Roman people the guilt of impiety, building temples with the ruins of temples, just as if the immortal gods were not the same everywhere, but that some should be worshipped and adorned with the spoils of others!
3.7. detractum culmen templo, nudatum tectum patere imbribus putrefaciendum. et censorem moribus regendis creatum, cui sarta tecta exigere sacris publicis et locare tuenda more maiorum traditum esset, eum per sociorum urbes diruentem templa nudantemque tecta aedium sacrarum vagari, et quod, si in privatis sociorum aedificiis faceret, indignum videri posset, id deum immortalium templa demolientem facere, et obstringere religione populum Romanum ruinis templorum templa aedificantem, tamquam non idem ubique di immortales sint, sed spoliis aliorum alii colendi exornandique.
3.10. When it was clear, before the vote was taken, what the sentiment of the Fathers was, when the motion was put, all unanimously decreed that a contract should be let for carrying the tiles back to the temple and that atonements should be offered to Juno.
3.10. cum, priusquam referretur, appareret, quid sentirent patres, relatione facta in unam omnes sententiam ierunt, ut eae tegulae reportandae in templum locarentur piaculariaque Iunoni fierent.
3.11. Those matters which concerned expiation were scrupulously performed; the contractors reported that the tiles had been left in the court of the temple because no workman could devise a plan for replacing them.
3.11. quae ad religionem pertinent, cum cura facta; tegulas relictas in area templi, quia reponendarum nemo artifex inire rationem potuerit, redemptores nuntiarunt.
4.1. Of the praetors who had gone to the provinces, Numerius Fabius died at Massilia, while he was on his way to Nearer Spain.
4.1. ex praetoribus, qui in provincias ierant, N. Fabius Massiliae moritur, cum in citeriorem Hispaniam iret.
4.2. Therefore, when news of this was brought by ambassadors from Massilia, the senate decreed that Publius Furius and Gnaeus Servilius, who were being replaced, should cast lots and decide between them which should govern Nearer Spain under an extension of his imperium.
4.2. itaque cum id nuntiatum a Massiliensibus legatis esset, senatus decrevit, ut P. Furius et Cn. Servilius, quibus succedebatur, inter se sortirentur, uter citeriorem Hispaniam prorogato imperio optineret.
4.3. The lot was fortunate in that Publius Furius, the same man under whose command that province had been, was selected to remain. The same year, since a considerable part of the Ligurian and Gallic land which had been captured in war was unoccupied, a decree of the senate was passed that this land should be assigned to individuals.
4.3. sors opportuna fuit, ut P. Furius idem, cuius ea provincia fuerat, remaneret. Eodem anno, cum agri Ligustini et Gallici, quod bello captum erat, aliquantum vacaret, senatus consultum est factum, ut is ager viritim divideretur.
4.4. For this purpose and in accordance with the decree of the senate, the praetor urbanus, Aulus Atilius, presided at the election as decemvirs of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, Gaius Cassius, Titus Aebutius Parrus, Gaius Tremellius, Publius Cornelius Cethegus, Quintus and Lucius Apuleius, Marcus Caecilius, Gaius Salonius, Gaius Munatius. Their allotments to individual citizens were ten iugera each, to allies of the Latin confederacy, three each.
4.4. decemviros in eam rem ex senatus consulto creavit A. Atilius praetor urbanus M. Aemilium Lepidum C. Cassium T. Aebutum Carum C. Tremellium P. Cornelium Cethegum Q. et L. Aipuleios M. Caecilium C. Salonium C. Munatium. diviserunt dena iugera in singulos, sociis nominis Latini terna.
4.5. About the same time that these events occurred, ambassadors from Aetolia came to Rome to report concerning the quarrels and internal strife of the Aetolians, as well as Thessalian ambassadors bringing news of what was happening in Macedonia.
4.5. per idem tempus, quo haec agebantur, legati ex Aetolia Romam venerunt de discordiis seditionibusque suis, et Thessali legati nuntiantes, quae in Macedonia gererentur.
5.1. Perseus, pondering in his mind the war which had been planned even before his father's death, was striving to win over to himself not only all the states of Greece but also the cities, sending embassies and making promises rather than carrying them out.
5.1. Perseus bellum iam vivo patre cogitatum in animo volvens, omnis non gentis modo Graeciae, sed civitates etiam legationibus mittendis, pollicendo plura quam praestando, sibi conciliabat.
5.2. Moreover, the sympathies of a large proportion of the people were for him, and they were much more inclined to favour him than Eumenes, although the acts of kindness and generosity of Eumenes had put all of the cities of Greece and many important personages under obligations to him, and he so conducted himself in his kingdom that the cities which were under his control did not desire to exchange their condition for that of any free state. On the other hand, there was the rumour that after his father's death Perseus had killed his wife with his own hand;
5.2. erant tamen magnae partis hominum ad favorem eius inclinati animi et aliquanto quam in Eumenem propensiores, cum Eumenis beneficiis muneribusque omnes Graeciae civitates et plerique principum obligati essent, et ita se in regno suo gereret, ut, quae sub dicione eius urbes essent, nullius liberae civitatis fortunam secum mutatam vellent.
5.4. that Apelles, once the agent of treachery in the murder of his brother, who for that reason had been sought out for punishment by Philip, he had recalled from exile, after the death of his father, with lavish offers of rewards for performing so splendid a deed, and then had secretly put to death.
5.4. contra Persea fama erat post patris mortem uxorem manu sua occidisse; Apellem, ministrum quondam fraudis in fratre tollendo atque ob id [et] quaesitum a Philippo ad supplicium exulantem, accersitum post patris mortem ingentibus promissis ad praemia tantae perpetratae rei clam interfecisse.
5.5. A man made infamous by many other murders of citizens and aliens, and worthy of praise for no good quality whatever, was generally preferred by the states to a king so devoted to his relatives, so just to his citizens, so generous to all men, whether because these states were predisposed, on account of the reputation and dignity of the Macedonian kings, to despise the origin of a kingdom recently formed, or because they were eager for a change in their condition, or because they did not wish all things to become completely subject to the Romans.
5.5. intestinis externisque praeterea multis caedibus infamem nec ullo commendabilem merito praeferebant volgo civitates tam pio erga propinquos, tam iusto in civis, tam munifico erga omnis homines regi, seu fama et maiestate Macedonum regum praeoccupati ad spernendam originem novi regni, seu mutationis rerum cupidi, seu quia non obiecti esse Romanis volebant.
5.7. But it was not the Aetolians alone who were in a state of civil war because of the huge burden of debt, but also the Thessalians; and spreading by contact like a pestilence, the evil had reached even into Perrhaebia.
5.7. erant autem non Aetoli modo in seditionibus propter ingentem vim aeris alieni, sed Thessali etiam. ex contagione velut tabes in Perrhaebiam quoque id pervaserat malum.
5.8. When the news came that the Thessalians were in arms, the senate sent Appius Claudius as commissioner to investigate and settle these affairs. He, after reproving the leaders of both factions and lightening the burden of the debts which had been made more grievous by illegal interest, the majority of the creditors who had imposed it having made this concession, provided for the payment of the just debts in ten annual installments. The difficulties in Perrhaebia were settled by the same Appius and on the same basis.
5.8. cum Thessalos in armis esse nuntiatum esset, Ap. Claudium legatum ad eas res aspiciendas conponendasque senatus misit. qui utriusque partis principibus castigatis, cum iniusto faenore gravatum aes alienum, ipsis magna ex parte concedentibus, qui onerarant, levasset, iusti crediti solutionem in decem annorum pensiones distribuit.
5.10. Marcus Marcellus, who was at Delphi about the same time, learned that the Aetolians were pleading their cases in the same belligerent spirit which they had shown in their civil war.
5.10. per eundem Appium eodemque modo conpositae in Perrhaebia res. Aetolorum causas Marcellus Delphis per idem tempus hostilibus actas animis, quos intestino gesserant bello, cognovit.
5.11. When he saw that both sides were contending with reckless violence, he was unwilling, so far as his decree was concerned, either to lighten or to increase the burden of either side; he asked the two in common to refrain from their warfare and to end their quarrels in forgetfulness of the past. By an exchange of hostages they gave assurance of their mutual good faith in their reconciliation.
5.11. cum certatum utrimque temeritate atque audacia cerneret, decreto quidem suo neutram partem aut levare aut onerare voluit; communiter ab utrisque petiit, abstinerent bello et oblivione praeteritorum discordias finirent.
5.12. Corinth was designated as the place in which the hostages should be placed in custody.
5.12. huius reconciliationis inter ipsos fides obsidibus ultro citroque datis firmata est. Corinthus, [ut] ubi deponerentur obsides, convenit.
6.1. From Delphi and the meeting of the Aetolian council Marcellus crossed to Aegium in the Peloponnesus, where he had called a meeting of the Achaeans.
6.1. a Delphis et Aetolico concilio Marcellus in Peloponnesum traiecit …, quo Achaeis edixerat conventum.
6.2. There, having heartily praised the people because they had steadfastly adhered to their old resolution not to permit the kings of the Macedonians to enter their territory, he made conspicuous the hatred which the Romans felt for Perseus;
6.2. ubi conlaudata gente, quod constanter vetus decretum de arcendis aditu finium regibus Macedonum tenuissent, insigne adversus Persea odium Romanorum fecit;
6.3. that this hatred should break out betimes was the consequence of the arrival in Rome of King Eumenes, bringing with him a memorandum which he had prepared, after thorough investigation, as to Perseus' preparations for war.
6.3. quod ut maturius erumperet, Eumenes rex commentarium ferens secum, quod de apparatibus belli omnia inquirens fecerat, Romam venit.
6.4. About the same time five commissioners were sent to the king to look into the situation in Macedonia. They were also instructed to proceed to Alexandria for the purpose of renewing the friendship of the Romans with Ptolemy.
6.4. per idem tempus quinque legati ad regem missi, qui res in Macedonia aspicerent. Alexandriam idem ad Ptolemaeum renovandae amicitiae causa proficisci iussi.
6.5. The commissioners were the following: Gaius Valerius, Gaius Lutatius Cerco, Quintus Baebius Sulca, Marcus Cornelius Mammula, Marcus Caecilius Denter.
6.5. legati erant hi: C. Valerius Cn. Lutatius Cerco Q. Baebius Sulca M. Cornelius Mammula M. Caecilius Denter.
6.6. From King Antiochus also came ambassadors about the same time: their chief, Apollonius, when he was given an audience before the senate, made explanations for the king, giving many plausible reasons why he was paying his tribute later than the appointed day;
6.6. et ab Antiocho rege sub idem tempus legati venerunt. quorum princeps Apollonius Appollonius in senatum introductus multis iustisque causis regem excusavit, quod stipendium serius quam ad diem praestaret;
6.7. he had, he said, brought the entire sum with him in order that the king might ask no indulgence except in the matter of the delay. In addition, he said that he was bringing, as a gift, golden vases of five hundred pounds' weight.
6.7. id se omne advexisse, ne cuius nisi temporis gratia regi fieret. donum praeterea afferre.
6.8. The king begged that the alliance and friendship which had existed with his father might be renewed with him too, and that the Roman people would give him any orders which were proper to give to a king who was a loyal and faithful ally; he would fail in no performance of duty.
6.8. vasa aurea quingentum pondo. petere regem, ut, quae cum patre suo societas atque amicitia fuisset, ea secum renovaretur, imperaretque sibi populus Romanus, quae bono fidelique socio regi essent imperanda; se nullo usquam cessaturum officio.
6.9. The senate, the ambassador went on, had rendered such services to the king when he was in Rome, the young men such courtesy, that all ranks had regarded him as a king, not as a hostage.
6.9. ea merita in se senatus fuisse, cum Romae esset, eam comitatem iuventutis, ut pro rege, non pro obside omnibus ordinibus fuerit.
6.10. The ambassadors received a gracious reply, and Aulus Atilius, the praetor urbanus, was instructed to renew with Antiochus the treaty which had existed with his father.
6.10. legatis benigne responsum et societatem renovare cum Antiocho, quae cum patre eius fuerat, A. Atilius praetor urbanus iussus.
6.11. The city quaestors received the tribute, the censors the golden vases, and the responsibility was delegated to them of depositing them in whatever temples they saw fit; the ambassador received one hundred thousand as-pieces as a gift, and a house, free of charge, was given for his entertainment, and his expenses, so long as he should be in Italy, were provided for by decree.
6.11. quaestores urbani stipendium, vasa aurea censores acceperunt, eisque negotium datum est, ut ponerent ea in quibus templis videretur; legatoque centum milium aeris munus missum et aedes liberae hospitio datae sumptusque decretus, donec in Italia esset.
6.12. The Roman ambassadors who had been in Syria had reported that Apollonius stood in highest favour with the king and was most friendly to the Roman people.
6.12. legati, qui in Syria fuerant, renuntiaverant in maximo eum honore apud regem esse amicissimumque populo Romano.
7.1. The following were the events of the year in the provinces: Gaius Cicereius the praetor fought a pitched battle in Corsica; seven thousand of the Corsicans were killed and more than seventeen hundred captured. During that battle the praetor had vowed a temple to Juno Moneta.
7.1. in provinciis eo anno haec acta. C. Cicereius praetor in Corsica signis conlatis pugnavit; septem milia Corsorum caesa, capti amplius mille et septingenti. voverat in ea pugna praetor aedem Iunoni Monetae.
7.2. Peace was then granted at the request of the Corsicans, and two hundred thousand pounds of wax demanded of them. Having subdued Corsica, Cicereius then crossed into Sardinia. Among the Ligurians also there was a battle near the town of Carystus in the territory of Statellae.
7.2. pax deinde data petentibus Corsis, et exacta cerae ducenta milia pondo. ex Corsica subacta Cicereius in Sardiniam transmisit.
7.3. Thither a great army of Ligurians had assembled. At first, at the approach of Marcus Popilius the consul, they kept within their ramparts; later, when they saw that the Roman was about to assault the town, they moved out and formed in line of battle in front of the gates.
7.3. et in Liguribus in agro Statellati pugnatum ad oppidum Carystum. eo se magnus exercitus Ligurum contulerat. primo sub adventum M. Popili consulis moenibus sese continebant; deinde, postquam oppidum oppugnaturum Romanum cernebant, progressi ante portas aciem struxerunt.
7.5. Nor did the consul, since he had sought just this by threatening an assault, delay the engagement. The battle raged for more than three hours in such a way that hope inclined to neither side.
7.5. nec consul, ut qui id ipsum oppugnatione comminanda quaesisset, moram certamini fecit. pugnatum amplius tris est horas, ita ut neutro inclinaret spes.
7.6. Then, when the consul saw that the Ligurian masses were nowhere shaken, he ordered the cavalry to mount their horses and to charge the enemy at three points at the same time and with all possible uproar. A large part of the cavalry penetrated the centre of the line and pushed their way through to the rear of the fighters.
7.6. quod ubi consul vidit nulla parte moveri Ligurum signa, imperat equitibus, ut equos conscendant ac tribus simul partibus in hostis, quanto maximo possent tumultu, incurrant.
7.7. As a result, the Ligurians were thrown into a panic; they scattered in flight in all directions, very few returning to the town because there more than anywhere else the cavalry had thrown themselves in the way.
7.7. pars magna equitum mediam traiecit aciem et ad terga pugnantium pervasit. inde terror iniectus Liguribus;
7.8. Not only had a fight so stubborn destroyed many of the Ligurians, but others also were cut down in their random flight.
7.8. diversi in omnes partes fugerunt, perpauci retro in oppidum, quia inde se maxime obiecerat eques. et pugna tam pervicax multos absumpserat Ligurum, et in fuga passim caesi sunt.
7.9. It is said that ten thousand men were killed, and more than seven hundred captured, and that eighty-two military standards were brought back.
7.9. decem milia hominum caesa traduntur, amplius septingenti [passim] capti, signa militaria relata octoginta duo.
7.10. Nor was the victory bloodless: more than three thousand Roman soldiers were lost, since the front ranks on both sides were slain when neither army gave way.
7.10. nec incruenta victoria fuit; amplius tria milia militum amissa, cum cedentibus neutris ex parte utraque primores caderent.
8.1. When the Ligurians, after this battle, had assembled in one place from their scattered flight, and they saw that a far greater number of their citizens was lost than saved —for there were not more than ten thousand of them —they surrendered, without, indeed, making any stipulations;
8.1. post hanc pugnam ex diversa fuga in unum collecti Ligures, cum maiorem multo partem civium amissam quam superesse cernerent — nec enim plus decem milia hominum erant —, dediderunt sese, nihil quidem illi pacti;
8.2. nevertheless they had hoped that the consul would treat them with no greater severity than former commanders had shown. But he disarmed them all, demolished their town, and sold them and all their property; then he sent dispatches to the senate reporting his achievement. When Aulus Atilius the praetor had read them in the senate —for the other consul Postumius was absent, being busy in Campania with surveying the public lands —the action seemed outrageous to the senate, that the Statellates, who alone of the Ligurians had not made war on the Romans, who even on this occasion had been attacked although they had not begun a war, who had entrusted themselves to the good faith of the Roman people, should have been harassed and destroyed with every form of extreme cruelty, that so many thousands of innocent persons, calling upon the Roman people for protection, should have been sold —a fate which established the worst possible precedent and issued a warning that no one should ever dare in the future to surrender —and, scattered in every direction, should, though at peace, be slaves to those who had once been downright enemies of the Roman people.
8.2. speraverant tamen non atrocius quam superiores imperatores consulem in se saeviturum. at ille arma omnibus ademit, oppidum diruit, ipsos bonaque eorum vendidit; litterasque senatui de rebus ab se gestis misit. quas cum A. Atilius praetor in curia recitasset — nam consul alter Postumius agris recognoscendis in Campania occupatus aberat — atrox res visa senatui, Statellates, qui uni ex Ligurum gente non tulissent arma adversus Romanos, tum quoque oppugnatos, non ultro inferentis bellum, deditos in fidem populi Romani omni ultimae crudelitatis exemplo laceratos ac deletos esse, tot milia capitum innoxiorum, fidem inplorantia populi Romani, ne quis umquam se postea dedere auderet, pessumo exemplo venisse, et distractos passim iustis quondam hostibus populi Romani vix pacatis servire.
8.7. For these reasons the senate decreed that the consul Marcus Popilius should restore to liberty the Ligurians themselves, returning the purchase-price to the purchasers, and should see to it that their property, such of it as could be recovered, should be given back to them; that their arms also should be returned to them; and that all this should be done at the earliest possible moment; and that the consul should not leave his province until he had re-established the surrendered Ligurians in their homes. A truly glorious victory, they added, was won by defeating men in battle, not by torturing the distressed.
8.7. quas ob res placere senatui, M. Popilium consulem Ligures pretio emptoribus reddito ipsos restituere in libertatem bonaque ut is, quidquid eius reciperari possit, reddantur curare, arma quoque reddi, eaque primo quoque tempore fieri, nec ante consulem de provincia decedere quam deditos in sedem suam Ligures restituisset: claram victoriam vincendo pugnantes, non saeviendo in adflictos fieri.
9.1. The consul turned the arrogance of soul which he had displayed towards the Ligurians to disobeying the senate.
9.1. consul, qua ferocia animi usus erat in Liguribus, eadem ad non parendum fuit senatui.
9.2. He straightway sent the legions into winter-quarters at Pisa, and himself, angry with the Fathers and enraged at the praetor, returned to Rome; and immediately summoning the senate to the temple of Bellona, he assailed at great length the praetor who, although by reason of the success in the war he ought to have put to the senate a motion that honour be paid to the immortal gods, had proposed a decree of the senate directed against Popilius and in favour of the enemy, by which he was transferring the consul's victory to the Ligurians and (although himself only a praetor) was almost ordering the consul to be delivered to them:
9.2. legionibus extemplo Pisas in hibernacula missis iratus patribus, infestus praetori Romam rediit, senatuque extemplo ad aedem Bellonae vocato, multis verbis invectus est in praetorem, qui, cum ob rem bello bene gestam uti diis immortalibus honos haberetur referre ad senatum debuisset, adversus se pro hostibus senatus consultum fecisset, quo victoriam suam ad Ligures transferret dedique iis prope consulem praetor iuberet:
9.4. therefore he imposed a fine upon the praetor; he begged the Fathers to order that the decree of the senate which had been passed against him should be repealed, and that the thanksgiving which they should have voted in his absence, in consequence of the dispatches which he had sent regarding his victory, should now be decreed in his presence: first, to render honour to the gods; second, to show at least some sign of respect to himself.
9.4. itaque multam ei se dicere; a patribus postulare, ut senatus consultum in se factum tolli iuberent supplicationemque, quam absente se ex litteris de bene gesta re publica missis decernere debuerint, praesente honoris deorum primum causa, deinde et sui aliquo tamen respectu decernerent.
9.6. The consul was attacked by a number of the senators in speeches no less severe than those delivered in his absence, and returned to his province without obtaining either petition.
9.6. nihilo lenioribus quam absens senatorum aliquot orationibus increpitus neutra impetrata re in provinciam rediit.
9.7. The other consul, Postumius, spent the summer surveying the public lands, and without seeing his province at all returned to Rome to hold the elections.
9.7. alter consul Postumius consumpta aestate in recognoscendis agris, ne visa quidem provincia sua, comitiorum causa Romam rediit.
9.8. He announced the choice of Gaius Popilius Laenas and Publius Aelius Ligus. Next the praetors were chosen: Gaius Licinius Crassus, Marcus Junius Pennus, Spurius Lucretius, Spurius Cluvius, Gnaeus Sicinius, Gaius Memmius (for the second time).
9.8. consules C. Popilium Laenatem P. Aelium Ligurem creavit. praetores exinde facti C. Licinius Crassus M. Iunius Pennus Sp. Lucretius Sp. Cluvius Cn. Sicinius C. Memmius iterum.
10.1. In that year the lustrum was closed; the censors were Quintus Fulvius Flaccus and Aulus Postumius Albinus; Postumius closed the lustrum.
10.1. eo anno lustrum conditum est; censores erant Q. Fulvius Flaccus A. Postumius Albinus;
10.2. The number of Roman citizens listed in the census was 269,015, a somewhat smaller number because the consul Lucius Postumius had proclaimed before an assembly that of the allies of the Latin confederacy who had been obligated, under the edict of Gaius Claudius the consul, to return to their cities, no one should be listed at Rome but all in their own cities. The censorship was harmonious and useful to the state.
10.2. Postumius condidit. censa sunt civium Romanorum capita CCLXVIIII et XV, minor aliquanto numerus, quia L. Postumius consul pro contione edixerat, qui socium Latini nominis ex edicto C. Claudi consulis redire in civitates suas debuissent, ne quis eorum Romae, et omnes in suis civitatibus censerentur.
10.4. All those whom they expelled from the senate or whose horses they took away were transferred to the aerarii and removed from their tribes; neither censor approved anyone who had been marked for censure by the other.
10.4. concors et e re publica censura fuit. omnis, quos senatu moverunt quibusque equos ademerunt, aerarios fecerunt et tribu moverunt, neque ab altero notatum alter probavit.
10.5. Fulvius dedicated the temple of Fortuna Equestris which, as proconsul in Spain, he had vowed while fighting with the legions of the Celtiberians, six years after he had vowed it, and he gave theatrical performances for four days and one day in the circus.
10.5. Fulvius aedem Fortunae equestris, quam proconsul in Hispania dimicans cum Celtiberorum legionibus voverat, annis sex post quam voverat dedicavit, et scaenicos ludos per quadriduum, unum diem in circo fecit.
10.6. Lucius Cornelius Lentulus, decemvir in charge of sacrifices, died that year. To replace him Aulus Postumius Albinus was chosen. Such great clouds of locusts from the sea suddenly appeared over Apulia that they covered the fields far and wide with their swarms. To destroy this pest, so fatal to crops, Gnaeus Sicinius, praetor-elect, was invested with the imperium and sent to Apulia, and assembling a vast crowd of men to collect the locusts, spent a certain amount of time in this way.
10.6. L. Cornelius Lentulus, decemvir sacrorum, eo anno mortuus est. in locum eius suffectus A. Postumius Albinus. lucustarum tantae nubes a mari repente in Apuliam inlatae sunt, ut examinibus suis agros late operirent.
10.8. The beginning of the following year, in the consulship of Gaius Popilius and Publius Aelius, continued the unfinished controversies of the preceding year.
10.8. ad quam pestem frugum tollendam Cn. Sicinius, praetor designatus, cum imperio in Apuliam missus, ingenti agmine hominum ad colligendas eas coacto aliquantum temporis absumpsit.
10.9. The Fathers wished the decree of the senate regarding the Ligurians to be resubmitted and re-adopted, and the consul Aelius was ready to submit it.
10.9. principium insequentis anni, quo C. Popilius et P. Aelius fuerunt consules, residuas contentiones ex priore anno habuit.
10.10. Popilius entreated both his colleague and the senate on behalf of his brother, declaring that if they passed any decree he would veto it. Aelius he discouraged from acting; the Fathers, enraged at both consuls alike for that reason, stood by their proposal the more vigorously.
10.10. patres referri de Liguribus renovarique senatus consultum volebant et consul Aelius referebat; Popilius et collegam et senatum pro fratre deprecabatur, prae se ferens, si quid decernerent, intercessurum.
10.11. And so, when the question of provinces was taken up and Macedonia was sought after, because war with Perseus was now threatening, they decreed the Ligurians to both consuls; they refused to decree Macedonia unless the motion regarding Marcus Popilius were put to them.
10.11. collegam deterruit; patres eo magis utrique pariter consuli infensi in incepto perstabant. itaque cum de provinciis ageretur et Macedonia iam inminente Persei bello peteretur, Ligures ambobus consulibus decernunt;
10.12. Then, when the consuls requested that they be authorized to enlist new armies or reinforcements for the old, both petitions were denied.
10.12. Macedoniam decreturos negant, ni de M. Popilio referretur. postulantibus deinde, ut novos exercitus scribere aut supplementum veteribus liceret, utrumque negatum est.
10.13. The praetors also, who were asking for reinforcements for Spain, were refused, Marcus Junius for Nearer Spain, Spurius Lucretius for Farther Spain.
10.13. praetoribus quoque in Hispaniam supplementum petentibus negatum, M. Iunio in citeriorem, Sp. Lucretio in ulteriorem.
10.14. Gaius Licinius Crassus had received the civil jurisdiction from the lots, Gnaeus Sicinius that between aliens, Sicily was assigned to Gaius Memmius, Sardinia to Spurius Cluvius.
10.14. C. Licinius Crassus urbanam iurisdictionem, Cn. Sicinius inter peregrinos erat sortitus, C. Memmius Siciliam, Sp. Cluvius Sardiniam.
10.15. The consuls, angered at the senate for these reasons, proclaimed the Latin festival for the first available day and announced that they would set out to their province and would transact no public business except that which pertained to the government of the provinces.
10.15. consules ob ea irati senatui, Latinis feriis in primam quamque diem indictis, in provinciam abituros esse denuntiarunt, nec quicquam rei publicae acturos, praeterquam quod ad provinciarum administrationem adtineret.
11.1. Valerius Antias writes that Attalus, the brother of King Eumenes, came as an ambassador to Rome in this same consulship, to lay charges against Perseus and to give an account of his preparations for war. The works of the majority of historians, and men whom you would prefer to trust, say that Eumenes himself came.
11.1. Attalum, regis Eumenis fratrem, legatum venisse Romam Valerius Antias his consulibus scribit ad deferenda de Perseo crimina indicandosque apparatus belli. plurium annales, et quibus credidisse malis, ipsum Eumenem venisse tradunt.
11.2. Eumenes, then, on his arrival in Rome was received with such honours as they believed not only due to his deserts but also commensurate with their own favours which had been heaped upon him in abundance, and was introduced into the senate by the praetor.
11.2. Eumenes igitur ut Romam venit, exceptus cum tanto honore, quantum non meritis tantum eius, sed beneficiis etiam suis, ingentia quae in eum congesta erant, existimaret deberi populus Romanus, in senatum est introductus.
11.3. He said that the reason for his coming to Rome, in addition to his desire to see the gods and men by whose kindness he enjoyed a fortune beyond which he did not venture even to wish for anything, had been to give public warning to the senate that they should take measures against the designs of Perseus.
11.3. causam veniendi sibi Romam fuisse dixit praeter cupiditatem visendi deos hominesque, quorum beneficio in ea fortuna esset, supra quam ne optare quidem auderet, etiam ut coram moneret senatum, ut Persei conatis obviam iret.
11.4. Then, beginning with the plans of Philip, he spoke of the death of Philip's son Demetrius, who opposed the war with Rome, and mentioned the summoning of the people of the Bastarnae from their homes, relying on whose aid Philip was to cross into Italy. While he was revolving such plans in his mind, death had overtaken him, and he had left his kingdom to the one who (he had seen) was most dangerous to the Romans.
11.4. orsus inde a Philippi consiliis, necem Demetri filii rettulit, adversantis Romano bello; Bastarnarum gentem excitam sedibus suis, quorum auxiliis fretus in Italiam transiret;
11.5. And so, Eumenes said, Perseus had long been preparing a war which had been left him as a legacy by his father and handed on to him along with the throne, and had been feeding and nursing it —it was now very close —by all possible schemes.
11.5. haec secum volutantem in animo oppressum fato regnum ei reliquisse, quem infestissimum esse sensisset Romanis. itaque Persea hereditarium a patre relictum bellum et simul cum imperio traditum iamiam primum alere ac fovere omnibus consiliis.
11.6. Perseus, besides, was strong in the number of his young men, a generation which the long peace had brought forth, was strong in the resources of his kingdom, was strong too in his own youth. While he possessed strength and vigour of body, his mind too had been long trained in the theory and practice of war. Even from boyhood, in his fathers' tent, he had been made accustomed to wars with Rome, not merely to campaigns against their neighbours, and had been sent by his father on many and various expeditions.
11.6. florere praeterea iuventute, quam stirpem longa pax ediderit, florere opibus regni, florere etiam aetate. quae cum corporis robore ac viribus vigeat, animum esse inveteratum diutina arte atque usu belli, iam inde a puero patris contubernio Romanis quoque bellis, non finitumis tantum adsuetum, missum a patre in expeditiones multas variasque.
11.8. From the moment he had received the throne, Eumenes went on to say, he had gained, in a marvellous series of triumphs, many things which Philip had been unable to accomplish either by force or by craft, although he had left nothing untried.
11.8. iam ex quo ipse accepisset regnum, multa, quae non vi, non dolo Philippus, omnia expertus, potuisset moliri, admirando rerum successu tenuisse.
11.9. There had been added to his strength an influence which was usually acquired through a long period of time and by numerous and important services.
11.9. accessisse ad vires eam, quae longo tempore multis magnisque meritis pareretur, auctoritatem.
12.1. For, said Eumenes, all men in the cities of Greece and Asia revered his dignity. In consideration of what services or what generosity such respect was being paid him, Eumenes could not see, or say for certain whether this was happening by reason of a certain good luck or whether —and Eumenes feared to suggest this —the ill-will felt for the Romans won men over to his cause.
12.1. nam apud Graeciae atque Asiae civitates vereri maiestatem eius omnes. nec pro quibus meritis, pro qua munificentia tantum ei tribuatur, cernere, nec dicere pro certo posse, utrum felicitate id quadam eius accidat, an, quod ipse vereatur dicere, invidia adversus Romanos favorem illi conciliet.
12.3. Even among the kings he was great in influence and had married the daughter of Seleucus, not having sought her but rather having been sought; he had given his sister to Prusias, who had begged and entreated for her;
12.3. inter ipsos quoque reges ingentem auctoritate, Seleuci filiam duxisse eum, non petentem, sed petitum ultro; sororem dedisse Prusiae precanti atque oranti;
12.4. both marriages had been greeted with congratulations and gifts from countless embassies, and the nuptial processions were accompanied, as it were, by the noblest peoples as sponsors and attendants.
12.4. celebratas esse utrasque nuptias gratulatione et donis innumerabilium legationum et velut auspicibus nobilissumis populis deductas esse.
12.5. The Boeotian people, to whom Philip had paid court, could never be induced to sign any treaty of alliance; but now a treaty with Perseus was engraved in three places, one at Thebes, the second at Delium in a most revered and celebrated temple, the third at Delphi.
12.5. Boeotorum gentem, captatam Philippo, numquam ad scribendum amicitiae foedus adduci potuisse; tribus nunc locis cum Perseo foedus incisum litteris esse, uno Thebis, altero ad Delum, augustissumo et celeberrumo in templo, tertio Delphis.
12.6. In the Achaean council, moreover, if the action had not been prevented by a few men who threatened them with the Roman might, matters were almost brought to such a pass that access into Achaea was granted him.
12.6. in Achaico concilio vero nisi discussa res per paucos Romanum imperium intentantis esset, eo rem prope adductam, ut aditus ei in Achaiam daretur.
12.7. But, by Hercules, the honours of Eumenes himself, of whose services to that people it could hardly be determined whether the public or the private were the greater, had partly been abandoned from disuse and neglect, partly abolished in hostility. Again, who, he asked, did not know that the Aetolians in their internal strife had sought aid, not from the Romans, but from Perseus? Supported by these alliances and friendships, Perseus had such military resources at home that he did not need foreign aid.
12.7. at hercule suos honores, cuius merita in eam gentem privatim an publice sint maiora, vix dici posset, partim desertos per incultum ac neglegentiam, partim hostiliter sublatos esse. iam Aetolos quem ignorare in seditionibus suis non ab Romanis, sed a Perseo praesidium petisse?
12.8. He had made ready a grain supply sufficient for ten years for thirty thousand infantry and five thousand cavalry, so that he could be independent of both his own and the enemy's land in the matter of provisions.
12.8. his eum fultum societatibus atque amicitiis eos domesticos apparatus belli habere, ut externis non egeat. triginta milibus peditum, quinque milibus equitum, in decem annos frumentum praeparasse, ut abstinere et suo et hostium agro frumentandi causa possit.
12.9. He now possessed so much money that he had in readiness pay for ten thousand mercenary troops, for the same period of years, in addition to his Macedonian forces, besides the annual revenue which he derived from the royal mines. Weapons for armies even three times as great had been heaped up by him in his arsenals.
12.9. iam pecuniam tantam habere, ut decem milibus mercennariorum militum praeter Macedonum copias stipendium in totidem annos praeparatum habeat, praeter annuum, quod ex metallis regiis capiat, vectigal.
12.10. Now the youth of Thrace was placed under his control, from which he could draw as if from a never-failing spring in case Macedonia should ever be exhausted.
12.10. arma vel tribus tantis exercitibus in armamentaria congessisse. iuventutem, ut iam Macedonia deficiat, velut ex perenni fonte unde hauriat, Threciam subiectam esse.
13.1. The rest of his speech was exhortation: “I am relating this to you, conscript Fathers,” he said, “not as founded on uncertain rumours and too eagerly accepted because I wished these charges against an enemy to be true, but as ascertained and discovered with as much accuracy as if I had been sent by you as a scout to investigate and were reporting what lay before my eyes;”
13.1. reliquom orationis adhortatio fuit: “non ego haec” inquit “incertis iactata rumoribus et cupidius credita, quia vera esse de inimico crimina volebam, adfero ad vos, patres conscripti, sed conperta et explorata, haud secus quam si speculator missus a vobis subiecta oculis referrem;
13.2. “nor should I have left my kingdom, which you have made extensive and noble, and crossed so great a sea, in order to diminish your confidence in me by bringing you an idle tale;”
13.2. neque relicto regno meo, quod amplum et egregium vos fecistis, mare tantum traiecissem, ut vana ad vos adferendo fidem abrogarem mihi:
13.3. “I saw the most famed states of Asia and Greece daily laying bare their judgments more clearly, with the intention, if it were permitted, of proceeding so far presently that they would have no chance to draw back and repent;”
13.3. cernebam nobilissimas Asiae et Graeciae civitates in dies magis denudantis iudicia sua, mox, si permitteretur, eo processuras, unde receptum ad paenitendum non haberent;
13.4. “I saw Perseus not limiting himself to the kingdom of Macedonia, seizing some places by arms, and by influence and kindness winning over others which could not be subdued by force;”
13.4. cernebam Persea non continentem se Macedoniae regno, alia armis occupantem, alia, quae vi subigi non possent, favore ac benivolentia conplectentem;
13.5. “I saw how unjust was the fortune that caused you, while he was preparing war on you, to grant him the security of peace, although to me indeed he seemed to be, not preparing war, but almost waging it.”
13.5. videbam, quam inpar esset sors, cum ille vobis bellum pararet, vos ei securam pacem praestaretis, quamquam mihi quidem non parare, sed gerere paene bellum videbatur.
13.6. “Abrupolis, your ally and friend, he expelled from his kingdom; Arthetaurus, the Illyrian, also your ally and friend, because he had learned of some written communications from him to you, he put to death;”
13.6. Abrupolim, socium atque amicum vestrum, regno expulit; Arthetaurum Illyrium, quia scripta ab eo quaedam vobis conperit, socium item atque amicum vestrum, interfecit;
13.7. “Eversa and Callicritus the Thebans, leading men of their state, because they had spoken too freely against him in the Boeotian council and had declared that they would report to you what was going on, he caused to be done away with;”
13.7. euersam et Callicritum Thebanos, principes civitatis, quia liberius adversus eum in concilio Boeotorum locuti fuerant delaturosque ad vos, quae agerentur, professi erant, tollendos curavit;
13.8. “he sent assistance to the Byzantines contrary to the treaty; he made war on Dolopia; he traversed Thessaly and Doris with his army, in order that he might in their civil war aid the worse cause and crush the ” “better; he threw into confusion and turmoil everything in Thessaly and Perrhaebia by the prospect of abolition of debts, in order that with the band of debtors bound to him he might overthrow the nobility.”
13.8. auxilium Byzantiis adversus foedus tulit; Dolopiae bellum intulit; Thessaliam et Doridem cum exercitu pervasit, ut in bello intestino deterioris partis auxilio meliorem adfligeret; confudit et miscuit omnia in Thessalia Perrhaebiaque spe novarum tabularum, ut manu debitorum obnoxia sibi optumatis opprimeret.
13.10. “Since you remained passive and acquiescent while he did this, and he sees that Greece has been surrendered to him by you, he feels assured that before he crosses into Italy no armed man will meet him.”
13.10. haec cum vobis quiescentibus et patientibus fecerit et concessam sibi Graeciam esse a vobis videat, pro certo habet neminem sibi, antequam in Italiam traiecerit, armatum occursurum.
13.11. “How safe or how honourable this is for you is for yourselves to consider; I at least have deemed it to be a disgrace to me that Perseus should come to Italy to bring war before I, your ally, should have come to warn you to be on guard.”
13.11. hoc quam vobis tutum aut honestum sit, vos videritis; ego certe mihi turpe esse duxi, prius Persea ad bellum inferendum quam me socium ad praedicendum, ut caveretis, venire in Italiam.
13.12. “Having performed my needful task and, so to speak, absolved and acquitted myself of my trust, what more can I do except pray to the gods and the goddesses that you will look after the interests of yourselves and your state, and of us, your allies and friends who depend upon you?”
13.12. functus necessario mihi officio et quodam modo liberata atque exonerata fide mea, quid ultra facere possum, quam uti deos deasque precer, ut vos et vestrae rei publicae et nobis sociis atque amicis, qui ex vobis pendemus, consulatis?
14.1. This speech made a profound impression upon the conscript Fathers. But at the time no one was allowed to know anything except that the king had been in the senate-house; with such silence was the senate-house closed. Finally, after the war was over, information leaked out as to what the king had said and what response had been made.
14.1. ” haec oratio movit patres conscriptos. ceterum in praesentia nihil praeterquam fuisse in curia regem scire quisquam potuit: eo silentio clausa curia erat; bello denique perfecto, quaeque dicta ab rege quaeque responsa essent, emanavere.
14.2. Then a few days later an audience before the senate was given to the ambassadors of King Perseus. But the senators' feelings even more than their ears having been prepossessed by King Eumenes, every plea and every excuse of the ambassadors was rejected: and the excessively arrogant demeanour of Harpalus, who was the leader of the embassy, exasperated their minds.
14.2. Persei deinde regis legatis post paucos dies senatus datus est. ceterum praeoccupatis non auribus magis quam animis ab Eumene rege, omnis et defensio et deprecatio legatorum respuebatur;
14.3. He said that the king really wished and exerted himself that he should be believed when he pled in his defence that he had neither said nor done anything with hostile intent;
14.3. et exasperavit animos ferocia nimia Harpali, qui princeps legationis erat. is velle quidem et laborare dixit regem, ut purganti se nihil hostile dixisse aut fecisse fides habeatur;
14.4. but if he saw that a pretext for war was being all too eagerly sought, he would defend himself with resolution. Mars, he said, was impartial, and the result of war uncertain.
14.4. ceterum si pervicacius causam belli quaeri videat, forti animo defensurum se. Martem communem esse et eventum incertum belli.
14.5. All the cities of Greece and Asia were interested in what the ambassadors of Perseus and what Eumenes had said in the senate; and by reason of his coming, which they believed would provoke some action, most of the cities had sent ambassadors alleging this or that as to their errands.
14.5. omnibus civitatibus Graeciae atque Asiae curae erat, quid Persei legati, quid Eumenes in senatu egisset; et propter adventum eius, quem moturum aliquid rebantur, miserant pleraeque civitates alia in speciem praeferentis legatos.
14.6. [And an embassy of the Rhodians was also present in Rome, the leading man in which was insolent, although what he was to say was not devoid of truth]; he felt certain that Eumenes had included some charges against their state too, along with his charges against Perseus.
14.6. et legatio Rhodiorum erat † hac falsa iturus princeps, haud dubius, quin Eumenes civitatis quoque suae Persei criminibus iunxisset.
14.7. And so in every fashion, through their patrons and Roman hosts, the envoy sought the opportunity to argue with the king in the senate.
14.7. itaque omni modo per patronos hospitesque disceptandi cum rege locum in senatu quaerebat.
14.8. When this did not fall to his lot, assailing the king with unrestrained violence, because he had stirred up the Lycian people against the Rhodians and because he was more oppressive to Asia than Antiochus had been, he delivered a speech which was ingratiating and not displeasing to the peoples of Asia —for the popularity of Perseus had spread even there —but was offensive to the senate and useless to the Rhodians and their state.
14.8. quod cum non contigisset, libertate intemperanti invectus in regem, quod Lyciorum gentem adversus Rhodios concitasset graviorque Asiae esset, quam Antiochus fuisset, popularem quidem gratam … populis — nam eo quoque iam favor Persei venerat — orationem habuit, ceterum invisam senatui inutilemque sibi et civitati suae.
14.10. But the conspiracy against Eumenes won for him greater favour with the Romans. And so all honours were conferred upon him and the most generous gifts were bestowed upon him, together with a curule chair and an ivory sceptre.
14.10. Eumeni vero conspiratio adversus eum favorem apud Romanos fecit. ita omnes ei honores habiti donaque quam amplissima data cum sella curuli atque eburneo scipione.
15.1. After the embassies had been dismissed, when Harpalus with all possible speed had returned to Macedonia and reported to the king that he had left the Romans not yet, indeed, preparing for war, but so unfriendly that it was easily evident that they would not try to delay it, then Perseus likewise, not to mention the fact that he believed that this would be the outcome, was now even eager for war, believing that he was at the height of his power.
15.1. legationibus dimissis cum Harpalus, quanta maxima celeritate poterat, regressus in Macedoniam nuntiasset regi, nondum quidem parantis bellum reliquisse se Romanos, sed ita infestos, ut facile appareret non dilaturos, et ipse, praeterquam quod et ita credebat futurum, iam etiam volebat, in flore virium se credens esse.
15.3. He was more specially incensed at Eumenes; beginning the war with an attempt on his life, he employed Evander the Cretan, a commander of auxiliaries, and three Macedonians who were accustomed to the performance of such crimes, to murder the king, and he gave them a letter to his friend Praxo, a woman high in influence and wealth at Delphi.
15.3. Eumeni ante omnis infestus erat; a cuius sanguine ordiens bellum, Euandrum Cretensem, ducem auxiliorum, et Macedonas tres adsuetos ministeriis talium facinorum ad caedem regis subornat litterasque eis dat ad Praxo hospitam, principem auctoritate et opibus Delphorum.