21.2. but he was ordered, with the new legion which the consuls had enlisted, consisting of five thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry, to cross over to Corsica. As long as he should be engaged in the war there, the imperium of Cornelius was prolonged, in order that he might hold Sardinia.
21.2. sed cum legione nova, quam consules conscripserant, quinque milibus peditum, trecentis equitibus, in Corsicam iussus est transire. dum is ibi bellum gereret, Cornelio prorogatum imperium, uti optineret Sardiniam.
21.3. For Gnaeus Servilius Caepio in Farther Spain and for Publius Furius Philus in Nearer Spain were enlisted three thousand Roman infantry and one hundred and fifty cavalry, and of the allies of the Latin confederacy five thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry, and Sicily was decreed to Lucius Claudius without reinforcements.
21.3. Cn. Servilio Caepioni in Hispaniam ulteriorem et P. Furio Philo in citeriorem tria milia peditum Romanorum, equites centum quinquaginta, et socium Latini nominis quinque milia peditum, trecenti equites, Sicilia Lucio Claudio sine supplemento decreta.
21.4. The consuls were directed to enroll in addition two legions with the regular numbers of infantry and cavalry and to call upon the allies for ten thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry.
21.4. duas praeterea legiones consules scribere iussi cum iusto numero peditum equitumque, et decem milia peditum sociis imperare et sescentos equites.
21.5. The levy was more difficult for the consuls because the plague which had attacked the cattle the year before had this year turned into a disease which attacked men. Those who were assailed by it did not easily survive the seventh day; those who had survived that length of time suffered from a lingering disease, usually quartan.
21.5. dilectus consulibus eo difficilior erat, quod pestilentia, quae priore anno in boves ingruerat, eo veterat in hominum morbos. qui inciderant, haud facile septimum diem superabant, qui superaverant longinquo, maxime quartanae, inplicabantur morbo.
21.6. The slaves especially died; and along all the roads there were piles of their unburied bodies. Libitina sufficed not even for the funerals of free men.
21.6. servitia maxime moriebantur; eorum strages per omnis vias insepultorum erat; ne liberorum quidem funeribus Libitina sufficiebat.
21.7. The corpses, untouched by dogs and vultures, were consumed by decay; and it was generally observed that neither in this nor in the previous year, in spite of the great mortality of cattle and men, was a vulture seen anywhere.
21.7. cadavera intacta a canibus ac volturibus tabes absumebat, satisque constabat nec illo nec priore anno in tanta strage boum hominumque volturium usquam visum.
21.8. Of official priests, there perished in this epidemic Gnaeus Servilius Caepio, a pontifex, father of the praetor, and Tiberius Sempronius Longus, the son of Tiberius, decemvir in charge of sacrifices, and Publius Aelius Paetus, an augur, Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, an augur, Gaius Mamilius Atellus, the curio maximus, and Marcus Sempronius Tuditanus, a pontiff. As pontiffs there were appointed Gaius Sulpicius Galba... in the place of Tuditanus.
21.8. sacerdotes publici ea pestilentia mortui sunt Cn. Servilius Caepio pontifex, pater praetoris, et Ti. Sempronius Ti. filius Longus decemvir sacrorum et P. Aelius Paetus augur et Ti. Sempronius Gracchus et C. Atellus Mamilius curio maximus et M. Sempronius Tuditanus pontifex.
21.9. Augurs were chosen in the stead of Gracchus —Titus Veturius Gracchus Sempronianus and, to replace Publius Aelius, Quintus Aelius Paetus. As decemvir in charge of sacrifices Gaius Sempronius Longus and as curio maximus Gaius Scribonius Curio were chosen.
21.9. pontifices suffecti sunt C. Sulpicius Galba in locum Caepionis, … in locum Tuditani. augures suffecti sunt in Gracchi locum T. Veturius Gracchus Sempronianus, in P. Aeli Q. Aelius Paetus. decemvir sacrorum C. Sempronius Longus, curio maximus C. Scribonius Curio sufficitur.
21.10. Since the pestilence would not come to an end, the senate decreed that the decemvirs should consult the Sibylline Books.
21.10. cum pestilentiae finis non fieret, senatus decrevit, ut decemviri libros Sibyllinos adirent.
21.11. In accordance with their decree a day of prayer was observed, and as Quintus Marcius Philippus dictated the formula, the people, assembled in the Forum, undertook a vow that if the disease and plague should have been banished from Roman territory they would celebrate a festival and thanksgiving for two days.
21.11. ex decreto eorum diem unum supplicatio fuit, et Q. Marcio Philippo verba praeeunte populus in foro votum concepit, si morbus pestilentiaque ex agro Romano emota esset, biduum ferias ac supplicationem se habiturum.
21.12. In the territory of Veii a boy with two heads was born, and at Sinuessa a boy with one hand, and at Auximum a girl with teeth; and a rainbow by day in a clear sky was seen extending over the temple of Saturn in the Forum Romanum, and three suns shone at once, and that same night numerous firebrands glided through the sky, and the people of Lanuvium and Caere asserted that a crested serpent dotted with yellow spots had appeared in their towns, and in the Campanian land there was ample evidence that a cow had spoken.
21.12. in Veienti agro biceps natus puer, et Sinuessae unimanus, et Auximi puella cum dentibus, et arcus interdiu sereno caelo super aedem Saturni in foro Romano intentus, et tres simul soles effulserunt, et faces eadem nocte plures per caelum lapsae sunt, et in Lanuvino …, Caeritesque anguem in oppido suo iubatum, aureis maculis sparsum, apparuisse adfirmabant, et in agro Campano bovem locutum esse satis constabat
22.1. On the Nones of June the ambassadors returned from Africa who, after first interviewing King Masinissa, had gone to Carthage; but they had received much more accurate information as to what had been going on in Carthage from the king than from the Carthaginians themselves.
22.1. legati nonis Juniis ex Africa redierunt, qui convento prius Masinissa rege Carthaginem ierant; ceterum certius aliquanto, quae Carthagine acta essent, ab rege scierant quam ab ipsis Carthaginiensibus.
22.2. Nevertheless they reported it as an ascertained fact that ambassadors had come from King Perseus and had been given an audience by night before the senate, assembled in the temple of Aesculapius. The king, moreover, had asserted that envoys had been sent from Carthage to Macedonia, and the Carthaginians had denied this without very much firmness.
22.2. conpertum tamen adfirmaverunt legatos ab rege Perseo venisse, iisque noctu senatum in aede Aesculapi datum esse. ab Carthagine legatos in Macedoniam missos et rex adfirmaverat et ipsi parum constanter negaverant.
22.3. The senate decreed that ambassadors should also be sent to Macedonia. Three were dispatched, Gaius Laelius, Marcus Valerius Messalla, and Sextus Digitius.
22.3. in Macedoniam quoque mittendos legatos senatus censuit. tres missi sunt, C. Laelius M. Valerius Messala Sex. Digitius.
22.4. Perseus about this time, because certain of the Dolopians were insubordinate and wanted to refer the arbitration of the matters which were in dispute to the Romans instead of to the king, setting out with his army brought the whole district under his sovereignty and sway.
22.4. Perseus per id tempus, quia quidam Dolopum non parebant et de quibus ambigebatur rebus disceptationem ab rege ad Romanos revocabant, cum exercitu profectus sub ius iudiciumque suum totam coegit gentem.
22.5. Thence, crossing over the Oetaean mountains, since certain religious difficulties beset his mind, he climbed up to Delphi to consult the oracle. When he had suddenly appeared in the midst of Greece, he not merely roused great terror in the neighbouring cities but even caused the dispatch of excited messages to King Eumenes in Asia.
22.5. inde per Oetaeos montes transgressus, religionibus quibusdam animo obiectis, oraclum aditurus Delphos escendit. cum in media repente Graecia apparuisset, magnum non finitumis modo urbibus terrorem praebuit, sed in Asiam quoque ad regem Eumenen nuntii tumultuosi missi.
22.6. Having tarried in Delphi not more than three days, he returned through Phthiotic Achaea and Thessaly to his kingdom without doing any damage or injury to those through whose lands he marched.
22.6. triduum non plus Delphis moratus per Phthiotidem Achaiam Thessaliamque sine damno iniuriaque ullorum, per quos iter fecit, in regnum rediit.
22.7. Nor was he content with winning the good will of only those states through which he was planning to march; he sent out either ambassadors or letters, asking that they should no longer remember the quarrels in which they had engaged with his father; for, he said, they had not been so serious that they could not and should not be ended with him; so far as he was concerned at least, everything was in order for a faithful establishment of friendly relations with them;
22.7. nec earum tantum civitatium, per quas iturus erat, satis habuit animos sibi conciliare; aut legatos aut litteras dimisit, petens, ne diutius simultatum, quae cum patre suo fuissent, meminissent, nec enim tam atroces fuisse eas, ut non cum ipso potuerint ac debuerint finiri;
22.8. with the people of the Achaeans especially he was seeking for a way of restoring good feeling.
22.8. secum quidem omnia illis integra esse ad instituendam fideliter amicitiam; cum Achaeorum maxime gente reconciliandae gratiae viam quaerebat.
23.1. This one people out of all Greece, together with the Athenian state, had gone so far in their anger as to exclude Macedonians from their territories.
23.1. haec una ex omni Graecia gens et Atheniensium civitas eo processerat irarum, ut finibus interdiceret Macedonibus.
23.2. And so when slaves escaped from Achaea Macedonia was a refuge for them because, since the Achaeans had forbidden the Macedonians to enter their country, they themselves did not dare to cross the frontiers of their kingdom.
23.2. itaque, servitiis ex Achaia fugientibus receptaculum Macedonia erat, quia, cum finibus suis iis interdixissent, intrare regni terminos ipsi non audebant.
23.3. Accordingly, when Perseus had become aware of this, he arrested all the fugitives [and sent letters graciously promising to restore such slaves to them]. But, he added, they too should take measures that similar escapes of slaves should not happen in future.
23.3. id cum Perseus animadvertisset, conprensis omnibus litterae …. ceterum ne similis fuga servorum postea fieret, cogitandum et illis esse.
23.4. When this letter was read by their general Xenarchus, who was seeking for an opportunity to curry favour personally with the king, and when the majority believed that it had been written in a spirit of moderation and kindliness, this being especially the view of those who were to recover, contrary to expectations, their lost slaves, Callicrates, one of those who believed that the safety of the state depended on whether the treaty with the Romans were preserved inviolate, spoke as follows: “The matter under discussion,”
23.4. recitatis his litteris per Xenarchum praetorem, qui privatae gratiae aditum apud regem quaerebat, et plerisque moderate et benigne scriptas esse censentibus litteras, atque iis maxume, qui praeter spem recepturi essent amissa mancipia, Callicrates ex iis, qui in eo verti salutem gentis crederent, si cum Romanis inviolatum foedus servaretur, “parva” inquit “
23.6. “Achaeans, appears to some to be trivial or of only moderate importance, but I for my part consider that a question by far the most serious of all is not only being decided, but somehow or other has been decided. For we who had forbidden to the kings of the Macedonians and to the Macedonians themselves admission to our territories and who knew that the decree was still in force, namely that by which we had made provision that we should not receive the ” “ambassadors or the messengers of the kings, through whom the sentiments of some of us might be affected, we, I say, are now listening to the king who, so to say, speaks to us though absent, and (heaven help us!) we even approve his speech. And while wild beasts generally disdain and refuse ” “food offered to entrap them, we, blind fools, are caught by the showy bait of a trifling kindness, and, in the hope of recovering some paltry slaves of the slightest value, permit our very liberty to be undermined and endangered.
23.6. aut mediocris res, Achaei, quibusdam videtur agi; ego maxumam gravissimamque omnium non agi tantum arbitror, sed quodam modo actam esse. nam qui regibus Macedonum Macedonibusque ipsis finibus interdixissemus, manereque id decretum …, scilicet ne legatos, ne nuntios admitteremus regum, per quos aliquorum ex nobis animi sollicitarentur, ii contionantem quodam modo absentem audimus regem et, si dis placet, orationem eius probamus.
23.8. For who does not see that a way for an alliance with the king is being sought, whereby the Roman treaty, on which our whole fate depends, would be violated? Or is it doubtful to anybody that ” “a war between the Romans and Perseus is inevitable, and that this war, anticipated while Philip was alive and postponed ”
23.8. et cum ferae bestiae cibum ad fraudem suam positum plerumque aspernentur et refugiant, nos caeci specie parvi beneficii inescamur et servulorum minimi pretii recipiendorum spe nostram ipsorum libertatem subrui et temptari patimur. quis enim non videt viam regiae societatis quaeri, qua Romanum foedus, quo nostra omnia continentur, violetur? nisi hoc dubium alicui est bellandum Romanis cum Perseo esse et, quod vivo Philippo expectatum, morte eius interpellatum est, id post mortem Philippi futurum.
23.10. “by his death, will come after the death of Philip? As you know, Philip had two sons, Demetrius and Perseus. In birth on his mother's side, in character, in intellect, in influence with the Macedonians, Demetrius far surpassed the other. But because Philip had set up the throne as a prize for hatred of the Romans, he put Demetrius to death, for no other crime than that he had cultivated ” “the friendship of the Romans; Perseus he made king, knowing that he would inherit a war with the Roman people almost before he could inherit the throne. Accordingly, what has he done after his father's death except prepare for war? First, to the alarm of all, he turned the Bastarnae loose into Dardania, and if they had retained this district Greece ” “would have found them neighbours more dangerous than Asia found the Gauls.
23.10. duos, ut scitis, habuit filios Philippus, Demetrium et Persea. genere materno, virtute, ingenio, favore Macedonum longe praestitit Demetrius. sed quia in Romanos odii regnum posuerat praemium, Demetrium nullo alio crimine quam Romanae amicitiae initae occidit, Persea, quem belli cum populo Romano prius paene quam regni heredem futurum sciebat, regem fecit.
23.12. Disappointed in that hope, he nevertheless did not abandon his plans for the war; no: if we are willing to speak frankly, he has already begun the war. Dolopia he has overrun with arms, and when they wished to appeal in their disputes to the arbitrament of the Roman people he paid no heed. Next, crossing Oeta, so that he suddenly appeared at the very navel of Greece, he climbed up to Delphi. Toward what, do ” “you think, does this assumption of the right to travel an unaccustomed route tend?
23.12. itaque quid hic post mortem patris egit aliud quam bellum paravit? Bastarnas primum ad terrorem omnium in Dardaniam inmisit; qui si sedem eam tenuissent, graviores eos accolas Graecia habuisset, quam Asia Gallos habebat.
23.13. Then he traversed Thessaly; but if he did so without injuring in any way men whom he hated, all the ” “more do I fear his scheming. Next he directed a letter to us, under pretence of doing us a service, and bids us consider how we shall not need this service in future, that is, that we shall repeal the decree by which Macedonians are excluded from the Peloponnesus, and again see the king's ambassadors, and hospitalities exchanged with their leaders, and presently Macedonian armies and even the king himself crossing from Delphi (for how great a strait flows between us? ) to the Peloponnesus, and shall ” “be mingled with the Macedonians as they arm themselves against the Romans!
23.13. ea spe depulsus non tamen belli consilia omisit; immo, si vere volumus dicere, iam incohavit bellum. Dolopiam armis subegit nec provocantis de controversiis ad disceptationem populi Romani audivit; inde transgressus Oetam, ut repente in medio umbilico Graeciae conspiceretur, Delphos escendit. haec usurpatio itineris insoliti quo vobis spectare videtur? Thessaliam deinde peragravit; quod sine ullius eorum, quos oderat, noxa, hoc magis temptationem metuo.
23.15. I vote that we shall decree nothing new but preserve everything as it is, until it shall ” “be reduced to certainty whether our fears are false or justified. If the peace between the Macedonians and the Romans remains inviolate, let us ” “too share the friendship and the intercourse; to plan about it now seems dangerous and premature.” After him Archo, brother of the general Xenarchus, spoke as follows: “Difficult indeed has Callicrates made the task of speaking for me and for all of us who disagree with him; for by pleading the cause of the Roman alliance he himself.”
23.15. inde litteras ad nos cum muneris specie misit et cogitare iubet, quo modo in reliquum hoc munere non egeamus, hoc est, ut decretum, quo arcentur Peloponneso Macedones, tollamus, rursus legatos regios et hospitia cum principibus et mox Macedonum exercitus, ipsum quoque a Delphis — quantum enim interfluit fretum? — traicientem in Peloponnesum videamus, inmisceamur Macedonibus armantibus se adversus Romanos. ego nihil novi censeo decernendum servandaque omnia integra, donec ad certum redigatur, vanusne hic timor noster an verus fuerit. si pax inviolata inter Macedonas Romanosque manebit, nobis quoque amicitia et commercium sit; nunc de eo cogitare periculosum et inmaturum videtur.” post hunc Archo, frater Xenarchi praetoris, ita disseruit. “difficilem orationem Callicrates et mihi et omnibus, qui ab eo dissentimus, fecit:
24.2. “by alleging that it is being endangered and attacked, although no one is either endangering or attacking it, has brought it to pass that whoever should disagree with him would seem to be speaking against the Romans.”
24.2. agendo enim Romanae societatis causam ipse temptarique et oppugnari dicendo, quam nemo neque temptat neque oppugnat, effecit, ut, qui ab se dissentiret, adversus Romanos dicere videretur.
24.3. “And first of all, just as if he had not been here with us, but were either coming from the senate-house of the Roman people or were a sharer in the secrets of kings, he knows everything and reports everything which has been done in concealment.”
24.3. ac primum omnium, tamquam non hic nobiscum fuisset, sed aut ex curia populi Romani veniret aut regum arcanis interesset, omnia scit et nuntiat, quae occulte facta sunt.
24.4. “He even foretells what would have happened if Philip had lived, why Perseus became heir to the throne in such a way, what preparations the Macedonians are making, what the Romans are considering.”
24.4. divinat etiam, quae futura fuerint, si Philippus vixisset, quid ita Perseus regni heres sit, quid parent Macedones, quid cogitent Romani.
24.5. “But we who know neither for what reason or in what manner Demetrius died nor what Philip would have done if he had lived, ought to adjust our decision to those events which are taking place in full view.”
24.5. nos autem, qui nec ob quam causam nec quem ad modum perierit Demetrius scimus, nec, quid Philippus, si vixisset, facturus fuerit, ad haec, quae palam geruntur, consilia nostra accommodare accomodare oportet.
24.6. “And we do know that Perseus, having gained the throne, was saluted as king by the Roman people: we hear that Roman ambassadors came to King Perseus and that they were courteously received.”
24.6. ac scimus Persea regno accepto regem a populo Romano appellatum; audimus legatos Romanos venisse ad regem et eos benigne exceptos.
24.7. “All these things I, for my part, interpret as signs of peace, not war; nor can the Romans be offended if, as we followed them in waging war, we now follow them likewise as sponsors of peace. Why indeed we, alone of men, should wage unrelenting war against the Kingdom of the Macedonians, I do not see. Are we vulnerable because of our very proximity to Macedonia? Or are we, like the Dolopians whom he has just subdued, the weakest of all mortals?”
24.7. haec omnia pacis equidem signa esse iudico, non belli, nec Romanos offendi posse, si, ut bellum gerentes eos secuti sumus, nunc quoque pacis auctores sequamur. cur quidem nos inexpiabile omnium soli bellum adversus regnum Macedonum geramus, non video.
24.8. “No, on the contrary, by the grace of the gods, either our own strength or the distance which separates us makes us secure.”
24.8. opportuni propinquitate ipsa Macedoniae sumus? an infirmissimi omnium, tamquam, quos nuper subegit, Dolopes? immo contra ea vel viribus nostris, deum benignitate, vel regionis intervallo tuti.
24.9. “Grant that we are as much at the mercy of the king as the Thessalians, and the Aetolians; have we no more credit and standing in the eyes of the Romans, we who have always been their allies and friends, than the Aetolians, who but a short time ago were their enemies? Whatever rights exist between the Macedonians and the Aetolians, the Thessalians, the Epirotes, in a word, all Greece, let us also possess.”
24.9. sed simus aeque subiecti ac Thessali Aetolique: nihilo plus fidei auctoritatisque habemus adversus Romanos, qui semper socii atque amici fuimus, quam Aetoli, qui paulo ante hostes fuerunt?
24.10. “Why should we alone experience that accursed loosening, so to speak, of human ties? Assume that Philip has done something for which we should pass this decree against him when he was armed and waging war;”
24.10. quod Aetolis, quod Thessalis, quod Epirotis, omni denique Graeciae cum Macedonibus iuris est, idem et nobis sit. cur exsecrabilis ista nobis solis velut dissertio iuris humani est? fecerit aliquid Philippus, cur adversus eum armatum et bellum gerentem hoc decerneremus;
24.11. “what has Perseus deserved, a new king, innocent of all wrong, who now wipes out by his kindness the memory of his father's quarrels, that we alone of all men should be his enemies?”
24.11. quid Perseus, novus rex, omnis iniuriae insons, suo beneficio paternas simultates oblitterans, meruit, cur soli omnium hostes ei simus?
24.12. “And yet I might have said even this, that so great were the benefits conferred upon us by former kings of Macedonia that they, especially now that he is dead, wipe out the memory of wrongs committed by Philip alone, if perchance there were such.” “Does it not come to mind that when the Roman fleet lay at Cenchreae and the consul with his army was at Elatia, we spent three days in the council deliberating whether we should follow the Romans or Philip? Grant that no immediate fear of the Romans affected our judgment: there was certainly something, nevertheless, which caused so long consideration; and this was our long-standing association with the Macedonians and the ancient and great services rendered us by their kings. Let the ancient arguments prevail even now, not to make us conspicuously their friends, but to prevent our being conspicuously their ” “enemies.
24.12. quamquam et illud dicere poteram, tanta priorum Macedoniae regum merita erga nos fuisse, ut Philippi unius iniurias, si quae forte fuerunt, utique post mortem … cum classis Romana Cenchreis staret, consul cum exercitu Elatiae esset, triduum nos in concilio fuisse consultantis, utrum Romanos an Philippum sequeremur.
24.14. Let us not pretend, Callicrates, that the question is being settled which is not being settled. No one counsels us to make a new alliance or conclude a new treaty by which we may without knowing it entangle ourselves in difficulties; only intercourse of proffering and receiving justice, and that we shall not exclude ourselves from the territory of the kingdom by barring our frontiers to ” “them; that it may not be permitted our slaves to flee anywhere —how is that against the Roman treaties?
24.14. nihil metus praesens ab Romanis sententias nostras inclinarit; fuit certe tamen aliquid, quod tam longam deliberationem faceret. [id quod] erat vetusta coniunctio cum Macedonibus, vetera et magna in nos regum merita.
24.15. Why do we turn a slight and open matter into one that is important and suspicious? Why do we stir up groundless ” “alarms? Why, in order that we may have an opportunity to flatter the Romans, do we bring others under suspicion and ” “distrust?
24.15. valeant et nunc eadem illa, non ut praecipue amici, sed ne praecipue inimici simus. ne id, quod non agitur, Callicrates, simulaverimus agi; nemo novae societatis aut novi foederis, quo nos temere inligemus, conscribendi est auctor, sed commercium tantum iuris praebendi repetendique sit, ne interdictione finium nostrorum nostros quoque et nos regno arceamus, ne servis nostris aliquo fugere liceat.
24.17. If there is to be war not even Perseus doubts that we will follow the Romans; in peace, even if hatreds are not ended, let them be suspended.” When the same persons who had applauded the king's letter applauded this speech, on account of the indignation of the chiefs, that what Perseus did not deem deserving even of an embassy he should secure by means of a letter a few lines long, the decree was deferred. Later on ambassadors were sent by the king, at the time when the council was meeting at Megalopolis, and precautions were taken by the party which feared that the Romans would take offence, that they should not be received.
24.17. quid hoc adversus Romana foedera est? quid rem parvam et apertam magnam et suspectam facimus? quid vanos tumultus ciemus? quid ut ipsi locum adsentandi Romanis habeamus, suspectos alios invisosque efficimus? si bellum erit, ne Perseus quidem dubitat, quin Romanos secuturi simus. in pace, etiam si non finiuntur odia, intermittantur. ” cum idem huic orationi, qui litteris regis adsensi erant, adsentirentur, indignatione principum, quod quam rem ne legatione quidem dignam iudicasset Perseus, litteris paucorum versuum impetraret, decretum differtur. legati deinde postea missi ab rege, cum Megalopoli concilium esset, dataque opera est ab iis, qui offensionem apud Romanos timebant, ne admitterentur.
25.1. At this time the rage of the Aetolians, being turned upon themselves, seemed likely, as they murdered one another, to bring the whole people to extermination.
25.1. per haec tempora Aetolorum in semet ipsos versus furor mutuis caedibus ad internecionem adducturus videbatur gentem.
25.2. Then, as they grew wearied, each faction sent ambassadors to Rome, and of their own accord negotiated with one another regarding the restoration of harmony; this effort, broken up by a new crime, reawakened the old passions.
25.2. fessi deinde et Romam utraque pars miserunt legatos et inter se ipsi de reconcilianda concordia agebant; quae novo facinore discussa res veteres etiam iras excitavit.
25.3. When exiles from Hypata, who belonged to the party of Proxenus, had been promised restoration to their city and a public safeguard had been promised them by Eupolemus, the chief of the city, eighty distinguished men, whom Eupolemus with the rest of the population had even gone out to meet on their return, although they were received with courteous addresses and hand-clasps, as they entered the gate appealing in vain to the assurances of safety given and to the gods, were slain.
25.3. exulibus Hypataeis, qui factionis Proxeni erant, cum reditus in patriam promissus esset, fidesque data per principem civitatis Eupolemum, octoginta inlustres homines, quibus redeuntibus inter ceteram multitudinem Eupolemus etiam obvius exierat, cum salutatione benigna excepti essent dextraeque datae, ingredientes portam, fidem datam deosque testis nequiquam invocantes interfecti sunt.
25.5. In consequence of this a more serious war flared up afresh. Gaius Valerius Laevinus, Appius Claudius Pulcher, Gaius Memmius, Marcus Popilius, and Lucius Canuleius, sent by the senate, had arrived.
25.5. inde gravius de integro bellum exarsit. C. Valerius Laevinus et Ap. Claudius Pulcher et C. Memmius et M. Popilius et L. Canuleius missi ab senatu venerant.
25.6. When representatives of both factions spoke before them at Delphi with great contentiousness, Proxenus seemed to outstrip the rest, both in the merit of his cause and in eloquence; a few days later he was poisoned by his wife Orthobula; and she being condemned on that charge, went into exile. The same madness rent the Cretans too.
25.6. apud eos cum Delphis utriusque partis legati magno certamine agerent, Proxenus maxime cum causa tum eloquentia praestare visus est; qui paucos post dies ab Orthobula uxore veneno est sublatus; damnataque eo crimine in exilium abiit.
25.7. The arrival of Quintus Minucius the commissioner, who had been sent with ten ships to quell their contentions, then brought them to the hope of peace. But the truce was for six months only; then a much more serious war flared up. The Lycians also at this time were being harassed in war by the Rhodians.
25.7. idem furor et Cretenses lacerabat. adventu deinde Q. Minuci legati, qui cum decem navibus missus ad sedanda eorum certamina erat, ad spem pacis venerant. ceterum indutiae tantum sex mensum fuerunt; inde multo gravius bellum exarsit.
25.8. But the wars which foreign nations waged among themselves and the manner in which they were conducted, it is not worth while to relate in detail, since I carry enough and too much of a burden in describing in full the achievements of the Roman people.
25.8. Lycii quoque per idem tempus ab Rhodiis bello vexabantur. sed externorum inter se bella, quo quaeque modo gesta sint, persequi non operae est satis superque oneris sustinenti res a populo Romano gestas scribere.
26.1. The Celtiberians in Spain, who had surrendered to Tiberius Gracchus after their defeat in the war, had remained quiet while Marcus Titinius held the province as praetor. They rebelled on the arrival of Appius Claudius and began the war by a surprise attack on the Roman camp.
26.1. Celtiberi in Hispania, qui bello domiti se Ti. Graccho dediderant, pacati manserant M. Titinio praetore obtinente provinciam. rebellarunt sub adventum Ap. Claudi, orsique bellum sunt ab repentina oppugnatione castrorum Romanorum.
26.2. It was about daybreak, when the sentinels were on the rampart and the outposts were on guard at the gates, that they saw the enemy coming afar off and called the troops to arms.
26.2. prima lux ferme erat, cum vigiles in vallo quique in portarum stationibus erant, cum vidissent procul venientem hostem, ad arma conclamaverunt.
26.3. Appius Claudius, after displaying the signal for battle and briefly exhorting the troops, led them out by three gates at once. The Celtiberians met them as they came out, and at first there was a drawn battle, since on account of the narrow space not all the Romans could fight in the entrance;
26.3. Ap. Claudius signo proposito pugnae, paucis adhortatus milites, tribus simul portis eduxit. obsistentibus ad exitum Celtiberis primo par utrimque proelium fuit, quia propter angustias non omnes in faucibus pugnare poterant Romani;
26.4. then, as they pressed forward one on another, when they had forced their way out beyond the rampart in order that they might extend their line and form it to meet the flanks of the enemy by which they were being surrounded, they burst out so suddenly that the Celtiberians were unable to withstand the charge.
26.4. urguentes deinde alii alios secuti ubi evaserunt extra vallum, ut pandere aciem et exaequari cornibus hostium, quibus circumibantur, possent, ita repente inruperunt, ut sustinere impetum eorum Celtiberi nequirent. ante horam secundam pulsi sunt;
26.5. Before the second hour they were repulsed; about fifteen thousand were killed or captured, and thirty-two standards were taken. The camp was also captured that day and the war was over: for those who survived the battle scattered to their towns. Thereafter they quietly submitted to authority.
26.5. ad quindecim milia caesa aut capta, signa adempta duo et triginta. castra etiam eo die expugnata debellatumque; nam qui superfuere proelio, in oppida sua dilapsi sunt. quieti deinde paruerunt imperio.
27.1. The censors who were elected that year, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus and Aulus Postumius Albinus, chose the members of the senate; as princeps senatus Marcus Aemilius Lepidus the chief pontiff was chosen.
27.1. censores eo anno creati Q. Fulvius Flaccus et A. Postumius Albinus legerunt senatum; princeps lectus M. Aemilius Lepidus pontufex maximus.
27.2. They expelled nine from the senate. The conspicuous victims of the censure were Marcus Cornelius Maluginensis, who two years before had been praetor in Spain, and Lucius Cornelius Scipio the praetor, who at the time exercised jurisdiction over cases between citizens and aliens, and Lucius Fulvius who was own brother to the censor and, as Valerius Antias writes, held their father's property jointly with the censor.
27.2. de senatu novem eiecerunt. insignes notae fuerunt M. Corneli Maluginensis, qui biennio ante praetor in Hispania fuerat, et L. Corneli Scipionis praetoris, cuius tum inter civis et peregrinos iurisdictio erat, et L. Fulvi, qui frater germanus et, ut Valerius Antias tradit, consors etiam censoris erat.
27.3. The consuls, after publicly proclaiming their vows on the Capitoline, departed to their provinces. To one of them, Marcus Aemilius, the senate had entrusted the task of suppressing a revolt of the people of Patavium in Venetia, since even their own ambassadors had reported that civil war had flared up in consequence of the rivalry of factions.
27.3. consules votis in Capitolio nuncupatis in provincias profecti sunt. ex iis M. Aemilio senatus negotium dedit, ut Patavinorum in Venetia seditionem conprimeret, quos certamine factionum ad intestinum bellum exarsisse et ipsorum legati adtulerant.
27.4. The ambassadors who had gone to Aetolia to repress similar disturbances reported that the madness of the people could not be checked. The consul's arrival was the cause of safety to the people of Patavium; since he had nothing else to do in the province, he returned to Rome.
27.4. legati, qui in Aetoliam ad similis motus conprimendos ierant, renuntiarunt coerceri rabiem gentis non posse. Patavinis saluti fuit adventus consulis; neque aliud quod ageret in provincia cum habuisset, Romam rediit.
27.5. The censors first of all let contracts for paving the streets in the City with flint, and for laying the bases of roads outside the City with gravel and constructing footpaths along their edges, and for the construction of bridges in many places; also a stage to be placed at the disposal of the aediles and praetors; stalls too in the Circus, and egg-shaped markers to designate the laps... and turning-points across... and iron cages through which the wild beasts might be let in... the festival on the Alban Mount.
27.5. censores vias sternendas silice in urbe, glarea extra urbem substruendas marginandasque primi omnium locaverunt, pontesque multis locis faciendos; et scaenam aedilibus praetoribusque praebendam, et carceres in circo, et ova ad notas curriculis numerandis … dam, et metas trans … et caveas ferrea … intromitterentur … feriis in monte Albano consulibus,
27.7. .., and they arranged for the pavement with flint of the Clivus Capitolinus and for the construction of a portico from the temple of Saturn to the assembly-room of the senators on the Capitoline, and, above it, to the Curia. And outside the Porta Trigemina they paved the warehouse with stone and enclosed it with paling, and they contracted for repairs to the portico of Aemilius, and built a stairway from the Tiber to the warehouse.
27.7. et clivom Capitolinum silice sternendum curaverunt, et porticum ab aede Saturni in Capitolium et ad senaculum ac super id curiam. et extra portam Trigeminam emporium lapide straverunt stipitibusque saepserunt, et porticum Aemiliam reficiendam curarunt, gradibusque ascensum ab Tiberi in emporium fecerunt.
27.9. And within the same gate they paved with flint the portico leading to the Aventine, and they built... from the temple of Venus.
27.9. et extra eandem portam in Aventinum porticum silice straverunt et † eo publico ab aede Veneris fecerunt.
27.10. The same censors contracted for the construction of walls at Calatia and Auximum; and after selling the public land there, the money which had been collected they devoted to building shops around the forum in each town.
27.10. idem Calatiae et Auximi muros faciendos locaverunt; venditisque ibi publicis locis pecuniam, quae redacta erat, tabernis utrique foro circumdandis consumpserunt.
27.11. Also one of them, Fulvius Flaccus —for Postumius had announced that he would let no contract without the order of the Roman senate or assembly —with the money allotted to them contracted for a temple of Jupiter at Pisaurum and at Fundi, and for conducting water to Potentia also, and for paving with flint a street at Pisaurum and at Sinuessa for the construction of suburbs... in them, for both sewers and a surrounding wall... and a forum, to be enclosed by porticoes and shops, and for the erection of three statues of Janus. These contracts were let by the one censor to the great satisfaction of the colonists.
27.11. et alter ex iis Fulvius Flaccus — nam Postumius nihil nisi senatus Romani populive iussu se locaturum ipsorum pecunia … — Iovis aedem Pisauri, et Fundis, et Potentiae etiam aquam adducendam, et Pisauri viam silice sternendam, et Sinuessae magalia addenda … aviariae in his et cloacas … et murum circumducen dum et forum porticibus tabernisque claudendum et Ianos tris faciendos.
27.13. In the supervision of morals the censorship was careful and strict. The horses of many were taken away.
27.13. haec ab uno censore opera locata cum magna gratia colonorum. moribus quoque regendis diligens et severa censura fuit. multis equi adempti.
28.1. At about the end of the year there was a day of thanksgiving on account of the successes in Spain under the leadership and auspices of Appius Claudius the proconsul, and twenty full-grown victims were sacrificed.
28.1. exitu prope anni diem unum supplicatio fuit ob res prospere gestas in Hispania ductu auspicioque Appi Claudi proconsulis;
28.2. There was also a second day of prayer at the temples of Ceres, Liber and Libera, because from Sabine territory there came the news of a severe earthquake causing many buildings to collapse. When Appius Claudius had returned from Spain to Rome, the senate decreed that he should enter the city in ovation.
28.2. et maioribus hostiis viginti sacrificatum. et alterum diem supplicatio ad Cereris, Liberi Liberaeque fuit, quod ex Sabinis terrae motus ingens cum multis aedificiorum ruinis nuntiatus erat.
28.3. The consular election was now at hand; when this was held with great contention because of the large number of candidates, Lucius Postumius Albinus and Marcus Popilius Laenas were chosen.
28.3. cum Ap. Claudius ex Hispania Romam redisset, decrevit senatus, ut ovans urbem iniret.
28.4. Next the praetors were elected, Numerius Fabius Buteo, Gaius Matienus, Gaius Cicereius, Marcus Furius Crassipes, Aulus Atilius Serranus, Gaius Cluvius Saxula (the last three each for the second time).
28.4. iam consularia comitia adpetebant; quibus magna contentione habitis propter multitudinem petentium creati L. Postumius Albinus et M. Popilius Laenas.
28.5. When the elections were over and Appius Claudius Cento entered the City in ovation over the Celtiberians, he deposited in the treasury ten thousand pounds of silver and five thousand of gold. Gnaeus Cornelius was inaugurated as flamen Dialis.
28.5. praetores inde facti N. Fabius Buteo M. Matienus C. Cicereius M. Furius Crassipes iterum A. Atilius Serranus iterum C. Cluvius Saxula iterum.
28.6. In the same year a tablet was set up in the temple of Mater Matuta with this inscription: “Under the command and auspices of Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus the legion and army of the Roman people conquered Sardinia.”
28.6. comitiis perfectis Ap. Claudius Centho ex Celtiberis ovans cum in urbem iniret, decem milia pondo argenti, quinque milia auri in aerarium tulit.
28.7. “In this province more than eighty thousand of the enemy were slain or captured.”
28.7. flamen Dialis inauguratus est Cn. Cornelius.
28.8. “The state having been most successfully administered and the allies set free, the revenues restored, he brought back home the army safe and secure and enriched with booty; for the second time he entered the city of Rome in triumph. In commemoration of this event he set up this tablet to Jupiter.” It had the form of the island of Sardinia, and on it representations of battles were painted.
28.8. eodem anno tabula in aede matris Matutae cum indice hoc posita est: “Ti. Semproni Gracchi consulis imperio auspicioque legio exercitusque populi Romani Sardiniam subegit. in ea provincia hostium caesa aut capta supra octoginta milia.
28.9. Many gladiatorial games were given that year, some of them unimportant; one was noteworthy beyond the rest, that of Titus Flamininus, which he gave to commemorate the death of his father, lasted four days, and was accompanied by a public distribution of meats, a banquet and scenic performances.
28.9. re publica felicissume gesta atque sociis liberatis, vectigalibus restitutis, exercitum salvom atque incolumem plenissimum praeda domum reportavit; iterum triumphans in urbem Romam rediit. cuius rei ergo hanc tabulam donum Iovi dedit.
28.10. The climax of a show which was big for that time was that in three days seventy-four gladiators fought. When the consuls Lucius Postumius Albinus and Marcus Popilius Laenas had first of all referred to the senate the question of the provinces and the armies, the Ligurians were decreed to them both, with the provision that they should each enlist legions with which to hold this province —two were decreed to each —and for each also ten thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry of the allies of the Latin confederacy, and as a reinforcement for Spain three thousand Roman infantry and two hundred cavalry.
28.10. ” Sardiniae insulae forma erat, atque in ea simulacra pugnarum picta. munera gladiatorum eo anno aliquot, parva alia data; unum ante cetera insigne fuit T. Flaminini, quod mortis causa patris sui cum visceratione epuloque et ludis scaenicis quadriduum dedit. magni tamen muneris ea summa fuit, ut per triduum quattuor et septuaginta homines pugnarint. L. Postumius Albinus M. Popilius Laenas cum omnium primum de provinciis et exercitibus ad senatum rettulissent, Ligures utrique decreti sunt, ut novas ambo, quibus eam provinciam optinerent, legiones — binae singulis decretae — et socium Latini nominis dena milia peditum et sescenos equites, et supplementum Hispaniae tria milia peditum Romanorum scriberent et ducentos equites.