25.4. So they changed their plans and at once turned on the Messenians in Oeniadae and prepared to besiege them, for they never supposed that men so few in number would show such desperate courage as to fight against the full levy of the Acarnanians. The Messenians had previously prepared food and all else that was requisite, expecting to stand a long siege.
25.4. μετεβουλεύετό τε δή σφισι ⟨καὶ⟩ αὐτίκα ἐπὶ Μεσσηνίους τρέπονται τοὺς ἐν Οἰνιάδαις. καὶ οἱ μὲν ὡς πολιορκήσοντες παρεσκευάζοντο· οὐ γάρ ποτε ὑπελάμβανον ἄνδρας οὕτως ὀλίγους ἐς τοσοῦτον ἀπονοίας ἥξειν ὡς μαχέσασθαι πρὸς τὴν Ἀκαρνάνων ἁπάντων στρατιάν. οἱ δὲ Μεσσήνιοι προητοιμασμένοι μὲν καὶ σῖτον καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἦσαν ὁπόσα εἰκὸς ἦν, πολιορκίας πειράσεσθαι μακροτέρας ἐλπίζοντες·
25.5. But they were determined before the siege was formed to fight a battle in the open, and being Messenians, who had not been surpassed in valor even by Lacedaemonians, but in fortune only, were determined not to be dismayed at the horde which had come from Acarnania. They recalled the achievement of the Athenians at Marathon, how thirty myriad Persians had been destroyed by men not numbering ten thousand.
25.5. παρίστατο δέ σφισι πρὸ τῆς μελλούσης πολιορκίας ἀγῶνα ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ ποιήσασθαι, μηδὲ ὄντας Μεσσηνίους, οἳ μηδὲ Λακεδαιμονίων ἀνδρίᾳ, τύχῃ δὲ ἠλαττώθησαν, καταπεπλῆχθαι τὸν ἥκοντα ὄχλον ἐξ Ἀκαρνανίας· τό τε Ἀθηναίων ἐν Μαραθῶνι ἔργον ἀνεμιμνήσκοντο, ὡς μυριάδες τριάκοντα ἐφθάρησαν τῶν Μήδων ὑπὸ ἀνδρῶν οὐδὲ ἐς μυρίους ἀριθμόν.
25.6. So they joined battle with the Acarnanians, and the course of the battle is said to have been thus. The enemy, being far superior in numbers, had no difficulty in surrounding the Messenians, except where prevented by the gates in the Messenian rear and by the zealous help of their men posted on the wall. Here they could not be surrounded, hut the Acarnanians enveloped both their flanks and shot volleys at them from all sides.
25.6. καθίσταντό τε δὴ τοῖς Ἀκαρνᾶσιν ἐς ἀγῶνα καὶ ὁ τρόπος λέγεται τῆς μάχης γενέσθαι τοιόσδε. οἳ μέν, ἅτε πλήθει προέχοντες πολύ, οὐ χαλεπῶς περιέβαλον τοὺς Μεσσηνίους, πλὴν ὅσον αἱ πύλαι τε ἀπεῖργον κατὰ νώτου τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις γινόμεναι καὶ οἱ ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους τοῖς σφετέροις προθύμως ἀμύνοντες· ταύτῃ μὲν δὴ μὴ περισχεθῆναι σφᾶς ἐκώλυε, τὰ δὲ πλευρὰ ἀμφότερα ἐκυκλώσαντο αὐτῶν οἱ Ἀκαρνᾶνες καὶ ἐσηκόντιζον πανταχόθεν.
25.7. The Messenians, in close formation, whenever they charged the Acarnanians in a body, threw the enemy at that point into confusion, killing and wounding many of them, but they could not effect a complete rout. For wherever the Acarnanians saw a part of their own line being broken by the Messenians they went to the support of their harassed troops at this point and checked the Messenians, overwhelming them by numbers.
25.7. οἱ δὲ Μεσσήνιοι συνεστραμμένοι μετʼ ἀλλήλων, ὁπότε ἀθρόοι τοῖς Ἀκαρνᾶσιν ἐμπέσοιεν, ἐτάρασσον μὲν τοὺς κατὰ ταὐτὸ ἑστηκότας καὶ ἐφόνευόν τε αὐτῶν καὶ ἐτίτρωσκον πολλούς, τελέαν δὲ οὐκ ἐδύναντο ἐργάσασθαι φυγήν· ὅπου γὰρ τῆς τάξεως αἴσθοιντό τι οἱ Ἀκαρνᾶνες τῆς αὑτῶν ὑπὸ τῶν Μεσσηνίων διασπώμενον, κατὰ τοῦτο ἀμύνοντες τοῖς βιαζομένοις αὑτῶν ἀνεῖργον τοὺς Μεσσηνίους ἐπικρατοῦντες τῷ πλήθει.
25.8. The Messenians, beaten back and again attempting to pierce the massed troops of the Acarnanians at another point, would meet with the same result. Wherever they attacked, they threw the enemy into confusion and drove them a short distance, but as the Acarnanians again streamed eagerly to this point, they were driven back against their will. The battle was evenly contested until evening, but when at nightfall the Acarnanians received reinforcements from their cities, the blockade of the Messenians was formed.
25.8. οἱ δὲ ὁπότε ἀνακοπεῖεν, κατʼ ἄλλο αὖθις πειρώμενοι διακόψαι τὴν Ἀκαρνάνων φάλαγγα τὸ αὐτὸ ἂν ἔπασχον· ὅτῳ μὲν προσβάλλοιεν, διέσειόν τε καὶ τροπὴν ἐπὶ βραχὺ ἐποίουν, ἐπιρρεόντων δὲ αὖθις κατὰ τοῦτο σπουδῇ τῶν Ἀκαρνάνων ἀπετρέποντο ἄκοντες. γενομένου δὲ ἰσορρόπου τοῦ ἀγῶνος ἄχρι ἑσπέρας καὶ Ἀκαρνᾶσιν ὑπὸ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν νύκτα ἐπελθούσης δυνάμεως ἀπὸ τῶν πόλεων, οὕτω τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις περιειστήκει πολιορκία.
25.9. They had no fear of the wall being taken by assault, either by the Acarnanians scaling it or by themselves being forced to abandon their posts. But in the eighth month all their provisions alike had been consumed.
25.9. καὶ ἁλῶναι μὲν κατὰ κράτος τὸ τεῖχος ἢ ὑπερβάντων τῶν Ἀκαρνάνων ἢ καὶ ἀπολιπεῖν βιασθεῖσιν αὐτοῖς τὴν φρουρὰν δέος ἦν οὐδέν· τὰ δὲ ἐπιτήδειά σφισι πάντα ὁμοίως ὀγδόῳ μηνὶ ἐξανήλωτο. ἐς μὲν δὴ τοὺς Ἀκαρνᾶνας ἐχρῶντο ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους χλευασίᾳ, μὴ σφᾶς τὰ σιτία προδοῦναί ποτε ἂν μηδὲ ἐς ἔτος δέκατον πολιορκουμένους·
25.10. They shouted to the Acarnanians from the wall in mockery that their supplies would not fail them until the tenth year of the siege, but they themselves sallied out of Oeniadae at the time of the first sleep. Their escape became known to the Acarnanians and they were compelled to fight, losing some three hundred and killing still more of the enemy. But the greater part of them got through the Acarnanians, and reaching the territory of the Aetollans, who were their friends, arrived safely at Naupactus.
25.10. αὐτοὶ δὲ περὶ ὕπνον πρῶτον ἐξελθόντες ἐκ τῶν Οἰνιαδῶν, ⟨καὶ⟩ γενομένης τοῦ δρασμοῦ σφῶν τοῖς Ἀκαρνᾶσιν αἰσθήσεως [καὶ] ἐς μάχην ἀναγκασθέντες ἀφικέσθαι, περὶ τριακοσίους μὲν ἀποβάλλουσι καὶ πλείονας ἔτι αὐτοὶ τῶν ἐναντίων κατεργάζονται, τὸ δὲ πολὺ αὐτῶν διεκπίπτουσι διὰ τῶν Ἀκαρνάνων καὶ ἐπιλαμβανόμενοι τῆς Αἰτωλῶν ἐχόντων σφίσιν ἐπιτηδείως ἐς τὴν Ναύπακτον ἀνασώζονται.
26.1. Afterwards, as at all times, they were stirred by their hatred against the Lacedaemonians, and provided the most striking example of their hostility towards them in the war which took place between the Peloponnesians and the Athenians. For they offered Naupactus as a base against Peloponnese, and Messenian slingers from Naupactus helped to capture the Spartans cut off in Sphacteria.
26.1. τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τούτου τόν τε ἄλλον χρόνον ἐνέκειτό σφισι τὸ ἐς Λακεδαιμονίους μῖσος καὶ τὴν ἔχθραν ἐς αὐτοὺς μάλιστα ἐπεδείξαντο ἐπὶ τοῦ γενομένου Πελοποννησίοις πρὸς Ἀθηναίους πολέμου· τήν τε γὰρ Ναύπακτον ὁρμητήριον ἐπὶ τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ παρείχοντο καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ Σφακτηρίᾳ Σπαρτιατῶν ἀποληφθέντας Μεσσηνίων σφενδονῆται τῶν ἐκ Ναυπάκτου συνεξεῖλον.
26.2. When the Athenian reverse at Aegospotami took place, the Lacedaemonians, having command of the sea, then drove the Messenians from Naupactus; they went to their kinsmen in Sicily and to Rhegium, but the majority came to Libya and to the Euesperitae there, who had suffered severely in war with barbarian neighbors and were inviting any Greek to join them. So the majority of the Messenians went to them, their leader being Comon, who had commanded them in Sphacteria.
26.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸ πταῖσμα ἐγένετο ⟨τὸ⟩ Ἀθηναίων ἐν Αἰγὸς ποταμοῖς, οὕτω καὶ ἐκ Ναυπάκτου τοὺς Μεσσηνίους ἐκβάλλουσιν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ναυσὶν ἐπικρατοῦντες, οἳ ἐς Σικελίαν τε παρὰ τοὺς συγγενεῖς καὶ ἐς Ῥήγιον ἐστάλησαν, τὸ πλεῖστον δὲ αὐτῶν ἔς τε Λιβύην ἀφίκετο καὶ Λιβύης ἐς Εὐεσπερίτας· οἱ γὰρ Εὐεσπερῖται πολέμῳ κακωθέντες ὑπὸ βαρβάρων προσοίκων πάντα τινὰ Ἕλληνα ἐπεκαλοῦντο σύνοικον. ἐς τούτους τῶν Μεσσηνίων τὸ πολὺ ἀπεχώρησεν· ἡγεμὼν δέ σφισιν ἦν Κόμων, ὃς καὶ περὶ τὴν Σφακτηρίαν ἐστρατήγησεν αὐτοῖς.
26.3. A year before the victory of the Thebans at Leuctra, heaven foretold their return to Peloponnese to the Messenians. It is said that in Messene on the Straits the priest of Heracles saw a vision in a dream: it seemed that Heracles Manticlus was bidden by Zeus as a guest to Ithome. Also among the Euesperitae Comon dreamt that he lay with his dead mother, but that afterwards she came to life again. He hoped that as the Athenians had recovered their seapower, they would be restored to Naupactus. But the dream really indicated the recovery of Messene.
26.3. ἐνιαυτῷ δὲ πρότερον ἢ κατορθῶσαι Θηβαίους τὰ ἐν Λεύκτροις, προεσήμαινεν ὁ δαίμων Μεσσηνίοις τὴν ἐς Πελοπόννησον κάθοδον. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ ἐν Μεσσήνῃ ⟨τῇ⟩ πρὸς τῷ πορθμῷ τὸν ἱερέα τοῦ Ἡρακλέους λέγουσιν ὀνείρατος ἰδεῖν ὄψιν—τὸν Ἡρακλέα ἔδοξε κληθῆναι τὸν Μάντικλον ἐπὶ ξενίᾳ ἐς Ἰθώμην ὑπὸ τοῦ Διός—, τοῦτο δὲ ἐν Εὐεσπερίταις Κόμων συγγενέσθαι νεκρᾷ τῇ μητρὶ ἐδόκει, συγγενομένου δὲ αὖθίς οἱ τὴν μητέρα ἀναβιῶναι. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐπήλπιζεν Ἀθηναίων δυνηθέντων ναυτικῷ κάθοδον ἔσεσθαί σφισιν ἐς Ναύπακτον· τὸ δὲ ἄρα ἐδήλου τὸ ὄνειρον ἀνασώσεσθαι Μεσσήνην.
26.4. Not long afterwards the Lacedaemonians suffered at Leuctra the disaster that had long been due. For at the end of the oracle given to Aristodemus, who reigned over the Messenians, are the words:Act as fate wills, destruction comes on this man before that,signifying that he and the Messenians must suffer evil at the present, but that hereafter destruction would overtake Lacedaemon.
26.4. ἐγένετό τε οὐ μετὰ πολὺ ἐν Λεύκτροις Λακεδαιμονίων τὸ ἀτύχημα ὀφειλόμενον ἐκ παλαιοῦ· Ἀριστοδήμῳ γὰρ τῷ βασιλεύσαντι Μεσσηνίων ἐπὶ τελευτῇ τοῦ χρησμοῦ τοῦ δοθέντος ἐστὶνἕρδʼ ὅππῃ τὸ χρεών· ἄτη δʼ ἄλλοισι πρὸ ἄλλων·ὡς ἐν μὲν τῷ παρόντι ἐκεῖνον δέον καὶ Μεσσηνίους κακῶς πρᾶξαι, χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον καὶ Λακεδαίμονα ἐπιληψομένης τῆς ἄτης.
26.5. Then after their victory at Leuctra the Thebans sent messengers to Italy, Sicily and to the Euesperitae, and summoned the Messenians to Peloponnese from every other quarter where they might be, and they, with longing for their country and through the hatred which had ever remained with them for the Lacedaemonians, assembled quicker than could have been expected.
26.5. τότε δὲ ἐν Λεύκτροις οἱ Θηβαῖοι νενικηκότες ἀγγέλους ἐς Ἰταλίαν τε καὶ Σικελίαν καὶ παρὰ τοὺς Εὐεσπερίτας ἀπέστελλον, ἔκ τε τῆς ἄλλης, εἴ πού τις Μεσσηνίων εἴη, πανταχόθεν ἀνεκάλουν ἐς Πελοπόννησον. οἱ δὲ θᾶσσον ἢ ὡς ἄν τις ἤλπισε συνελέχθησαν γῆς τε τῆς πατρίδος πόθῳ καὶ διὰ τὸ ἐς Λακεδαιμονίους μῖσος παραμεῖναν ἀεί σφισιν.
26.6. To Epaminondas it seemed in no way easy to found a city that could resist the Lacedaemonians, nor could he discover where in the land to build it. For the Messenians refused to settle again in Andania and Oechalia, because their disasters had befallen them when they dwelt there. To Epaminondas in his difficulty it is said that an ancient man, closely resembling a priest of Demeter, appeared in the night and said: “My gift to thee is that thou shalt conquer whomsoever thou dost assail; and when thou dost pass from men, Theban, I will cause thy name to be unforgotten and give thee glory. But do thou restore to the Messenians their fatherland and cities, for now the wrath of the Dioscuri against them hath ceased.”
26.6. Ἐπαμινώνδᾳ δὲ οὔτε ἄλλως ἐφαίνετο ῥᾴδια ἀξιόμαχον πόλιν ἐποικίσαι Λακεδαιμονίοις οὔτε ὅπου χρὴ κτίσαι τῆς χώρας ἐξευρίσκει· τὴν γὰρ Ἀνδανίαν οἱ Μεσσήνιοι καὶ Οἰχαλίαν οὐκ ἔφασαν ἀνοικιεῖν, ὅτι αἱ συμφοραί σφισιν ἐγεγόνεσαν ἐνταῦθα οἰκοῦσιν. ἀποροῦντι οὖν αὐτῷ πρεσβύτην ἄνδρα, ἱεροφάντῃ μάλιστα εἰκασμένον, νύκτωρ φασὶν ἐπιστάντα εἰπεῖν· “σοὶ μὲν δῶρά ἐστι παρʼ ἐμοῦ κρατεῖν ὅτῳ ἂν μεθʼ ὅπλων ἐπέρχῃ· καὶ ἢν ἐξ ἀνθρώπων γένῃ, ἔγωγε ὦ Θηβαῖε ποιήσω μή ποτε ἀνώνυμον μηδὲ ἄδοξόν ⟨σε⟩ γενέσθαι. σὺ δὲ Μεσσηνίοις γῆν τε πατρίδα καὶ πόλεις ἀπόδος, ἐπειδὴ καὶ τὸ μήνιμα ἤδη σφίσι πέπαυται τὸ Διοσκούρων”.
26.7. This he said to Epaminondas, and revealed this to Epiteles the son of Aeschines, who had been chosen by the Argives to be their general and to refound Messene. He was bidden by the dream, wherever he found yew and myrtle growing on Ithome, to dig between them and recover the old woman, for, shut in her brazen chamber, she was overcome and well-nigh fainting. When day dawned, Epiteles went to the appointed place, and as he dug, came upon a brazen urn.
26.7. Ἐπαμινώνδᾳ μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεγεν, Ἐπιτέλει δὲ τῷ Αἰσχίνου τάδε ἐμήνυε—στρατηγεῖν δὲ αὐτὸν οἱ Ἀργεῖοι τὸν Ἐπιτέλην καὶ Μεσσήνην ἀνοικίζειν ᾕρηντο— τοῦτον οὖν τὸν ἄνδρα ἐκέλευεν ὁ ὄνειρος, ἔνθα ἂν τῆς Ἰθώμης εὕρῃ πεφυκυῖαν σμίλακα καὶ μυρσίνην, τὸ μέσον ὀρύξαντα αὐτῶν ἀνασῶσαι τὴν γραῦν· κάμνειν γὰρ ἐν τῷ χαλκῷ καθειργμένην θαλάμῳ καὶ ἤδη λιποψυχεῖν αὐτήν. ὁ δὲ Ἐπιτέλης, ὡς ἐπελάμβανεν ἡμέρα, παραγενόμενος ἐς τὸ εἰρημένον χωρίον ἐπέτυχεν ὀρύσσων ὑδρίᾳ χαλκῇ, καὶ αὐτίκα παρὰ τὸν Ἐπαμινώνδαν κομίσας τό τε ἐνύπνιον ἐξηγεῖτο καὶ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον τὸ πῶμα ἀφελόντα ἐκέλευεν ὅ τι ἐνείη σκοπεῖσθαι.
26.8. He took it at once to Epaminondas, told him the dream and bade him remove the lid and see what was within. Epaminondas, after sacrifice and prayer to the vision that had appeared, opened the urn and having opened it found some tin foil, very thin, rolled like a book. On it were inscribed the mysteries of the Great Goddesses, and this was the pledge deposited by Aristomenes. They say that the man who appeared to Epiteles and Epaminondas in their sleep was Caucon, who came from Athens to Messene the daughter of Triopas at Andania.
26.8. ὁ δὲ θύσας καὶ εὐξάμενος τῷ πεφηνότι ὀνείρατι ἤνοιγε τὴν ὑδρίαν, ἀνοίξας δὲ εὗρε κασσίτερον ἐληλασμένον ἐς τὸ λεπτότατον· ἐπείλικτο δὲ ὥσπερ τὰ βιβλία. ἐνταῦθα τῶν Μεγάλων θεῶν ἐγέγραπτο ἡ τελετή, καὶ τοῦτο ἦν παρακαταθήκη τοῦ Ἀριστομένους. τοῦτον τὸν ἐπελθόντα τῷ Ἐπιτέλει καὶ Ἐπαμινώνδᾳ καθεύδουσι Καύκωνα εἶναι λέγουσιν, ὃς ἀφίκετο ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν ἐς Ἀνδανίαν παρὰ Μεσσήνην τὴν Τριόπα.
27.1. The wrath of the sons of Tyndareus against the Messenians began before the battle in Stenyclerus, and arose, I think, for the following reason. Panormus and Gonippus of Andania, young men in the bloom of youth, were close friends in all things, and marched together into battle and on raids into Laconia.
27.1. τὸ δὲ τῶν Τυνδάρεω παίδων μήνιμα ἐς τοὺς Μεσσηνίους ἤρξατο μὲν πρὸ τῆς ἐν Στενυκλήρῳ μάχης, γενέσθαι ⟨δὲ⟩ αὐτὸ διʼ αἰτίαν τοιάνδε εἰκάζω. μειράκια ὡραῖα ἐξ Ἀνδανίας, Πάνορμος καὶ Γώνιππος, τά τε ἄλλα οἰκείως εἶχον ἀλλήλοις καὶ κοινὰς ἐπὶ τὰς μάχας ἐξόδους καὶ καταδρομὰς ἐποιοῦντο ἐς τὴν Λακωνικήν.
27.2. The Lacedaemonians were keeping a feast of the Dioscuri in camp and had turned to drinking and sports after the midday meal, when Gonippus and Panormus appeared to them, riding on the finest horses and dressed in white tunics and scarlet cloaks, with caps on their heads and spears in their hands. When the Lacedaemonians saw them they bowed down and prayed, thinking that the Dioscuri themselves had come to their sacrifice.
27.2. Λακεδαιμονίων δὲ ἐπὶ στρατοπέδου Διοσκούροις ἑορτὴν ἀγόντων καὶ ἤδη πρὸς πότον καὶ παιδιὰς τετραμμένων μετὰ τὸ ἄριστον, ὁ Γώνιππος καὶ ὁ Πάνορμος χιτῶνας λευκοὺς καὶ χλαμύδας πορφυρᾶς ἐνδύντες ἐπί τε ἵππων τῶν καλλίστων ὀχούμενοι καὶ ἐπὶ ταῖς κεφαλαῖς πίλους, ἐν δὲ ταῖς χερσὶ δόρατα ἔχοντες ἐπιφαίνονται Λακεδαιμονίοις. οἱ δὲ ὡς εἶδον, προσεκύνουν τε καὶ εὔχοντο, ἀφῖχθαι δοκοῦντές σφισιν αὐτοὺς ἐς τὴν θυσίαν τοὺς Διοσκούρους.
27.3. When once they had come among them, the youths rode right through them, striking with their spears, and when many had been killed, returned to Andania, having outraged the sacrifice to the Dioscuri. It was this, in my view, that roused the Dioscuri to their hatred of the Messenians. But now, as the dream declared to Epaminondas, the Dioscuri no longer opposed the return of the Messenians.
27.3. οἱ νεανίσκοι δὲ ὡς ἅπαξ ἀνεμίχθησαν, διεξήλαυνον διὰ πάντων παίοντες τοῖς δόρασι, καὶ ἤδη κειμένων πολλῶν ἀποχωροῦσιν ἐς Ἀνδανίαν, καθυβρίσαντες τῶν Διοσκούρων τῇ θυσίᾳ. τοῦτο ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν προήγαγε τοὺς Διοσκούρους ἐς τὸ ἔχθος τὸ Μεσσηνίων· τότε δέ, ὡς ἐδήλου τῷ Ἐπαμινώνδᾳ τὸ ὄνειρον, οὐκ ἦν ἔτι τοῖς Διοσκούροις ἀκούσιος τῶν Μεσσηνίων ἡ κάθοδος.
27.4. Epaminondas was most strongly drawn to the foundation by the oracles of Bacis, who was inspired by the Nymphs and left prophecies regarding others of the Greeks as well as the return of the Messenians:Then indeed shall the bright bloom of Sparta perish and Messene again shall be inhabited for all time.I have discovered that Bacis also told in what manner Eira would be captured, and this too is one of his oracles:The men of Messene o'ercome by the thunder's roll and spouting rain.
27.4. μάλιστα δὲ τὸν Ἐπαμινώνδαν ἐς τὸν οἰκισμὸν οἱ Βάκιδος ἐνῆγον χρησμοί. Βάκιδι γὰρ μανέντι ἐκ Νυμφῶν ἐς ἄλλους τέ ἐστιν Ἑλλήνων καὶ ἐς τὴν Μεσσηνίων κάθοδον προειρημένακαὶ τότε δὴ Σπάρτης μὲν ἀπʼ ἀγλαὸν ἄνθος ὀλεῖται,Μεσσήνη δʼ αὖτις οἰκήσεται ἤματα πάντα.ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ περὶ τῆς Εἴρας, ὅντινα ἁλώσοιτο τρόπον, Βάκιν ἐφώρασα εἰρηκότα· καί οἱ καὶ τόδε ἐστὶ τῶν χρησμῶν,οἵ τʼ ἀπὸ Μεσσήνης πατάγῳ κρουνοῖς τε δαμείσης.
27.5. When the mysteries were recovered, all who were of the priestly family set them down in books. As Epaminondas considered the spot where the city of the Messenians now stands most convenient for the foundation, he ordered enquiry to be made by the seers if the favour of the gods would follow him here. When they announced that the offerings were auspicious, he began preparations for the foundation, ordering stone to be brought, and summoning men skilled in laying out streets and in building houses, temples, and ring-walls.
27.5. ὡς δὲ ἡ τελετή σφισιν ἀνεύρητο, ταύτην μέν, ὅσοι τοῦ γένους τῶν ἱερέων ἦσαν, κατετίθεντο ἐς βίβλους· Ἐπαμινώνδας δέ, ὥς οἱ τὸ χωρίον, ἔνθα νῦν ἔχουσιν οἱ Μεσσήνιοι τὴν πόλιν, μάλιστα ἐς οἰκισμὸν ἐφαίνετο ἐπιτήδειον, ἐκέλευεν ἀνασκοπεῖσθαι τοῖς μάντεσιν, ⟨εἴ⟩ οἱ βουλήσεται ταύτῃ καὶ τὰ τῶν θεῶν ἐπιχωρῆσαι. φαμένων δὲ καὶ τούτων εἶναι τὰ ἱερὰ αἴσια, οὕτω παρεσκευάζετο ἐς τὸν οἰκισμόν, λίθους τε ἄγεσθαι κελεύων καὶ ἄνδρας μεταπεμπόμενος, οἷς τέχνη στενωποὺς κατατέμνεσθαι καὶ οἰκίας καὶ ἱερὰ οἰκοδομεῖσθαι καὶ τείχη περιβάλλεσθαι.
27.6. When all was in readiness, victims being provided by the Arcadians, Epaminondas himself and the Thebans then sacrificed to Dionysus and Apollo Ismenius in the accustomed manner, the Argives to Argive Hera and Nemean Zeus, the Messenians to Zeus of Ithome and the Dioscuri, and their priests to the Great Goddesses and Caucon. And together they summoned heroes to return and dwell with them, first Messene the daughter of Triopas, after her Eurytus, Aphareus and his children, and of the sons of Heracles Cresphontes and Aepytus. But the loudest summons from all alike was to Aristomenes.
27.6. ὡς δὲ ἐγεγόνει τὰ πάντα ἐν ἑτοίμῳ, τὸ ἐντεῦθεν—ἱερεῖα γὰρ παρεῖχον οἱ Ἀρκάδες—αὐτὸς μὲν Ἐπαμινώνδας καὶ οἱ Θηβαῖοι Διονύσῳ καὶ Ἀπόλλωνι ἔθυον Ἰσμηνίῳ τὸν νομιζόμενον τρόπον, Ἀργεῖοι δὲ τῇ τε Ἥρᾳ τῇ Ἀργείᾳ καὶ Νεμείῳ Διί, Μεσσήνιοι δὲ Διί τε Ἰθωμάτᾳ καὶ Διοσκούροις, οἱ δέ σφισιν ἱερεῖς θεαῖς ταῖς Μεγάλαις καὶ Καύκωνι. ἐπεκαλοῦντο δὲ ἐν κοινῷ καὶ ἥρωάς σφισιν ἐπανήκειν συνοίκους, Μεσσήνην μὲν τὴν Τριόπα μάλιστα, ἐπὶ ταύτῃ δὲ Εὔρυτον καὶ Ἀφαρέα τε καὶ τοὺς παῖδας, παρὰ δὲ Ἡρακλειδῶν Κρεσφόντην τε καὶ Αἴπυτον· πλείστη δὲ καὶ παρὰ πάντων ἀνάκλησις ἐγίνετο Ἀριστομένους.
27.7. For that day they were engaged in sacrifice and prayer, but on the following days they raised the circuit of the walls, and within built houses and the temples. They worked to the sound of music, but only from Boeotian and Argive flutes, and the tunes of Sacadas and Pronomus were brought into keen competition. The city itself was given the name Messene, but they founded other towns. The men of Nauplia were not disturbed at Mothone, and they allowed the people of Asine to remain in their home, remembering their kindness when they refused to join the Lacedaemonians in the war against them.
27.7. καὶ τὴν μὲν τότε ἡμέραν πρὸς θυσίαις τε καὶ εὐχαῖς ἦσαν, ταῖς δὲ ἐφεξῆς τοῦ τείχους τὸν περίβολον ἤγειρον καὶ ἐντὸς οἰκίας καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ ἐποιοῦντο. εἰργάζοντο δὲ καὶ ὑπὸ μουσικῆς ἄλλης μὲν οὐδεμιᾶς, αὐλῶν δὲ Βοιωτίων καὶ Ἀργείων· τά τε Σακάδα καὶ Προνόμου μέλη τότε δὴ προήχθη μάλιστα ἐς ἅμιλλαν. αὐτῇ μὲν δὴ τῇ πόλει Μεσσήνην ἔθεντο ὄνομα, ἀνῴκιζον δὲ καὶ ἄλλα πολίσματα.
27.8. The men of Nauplia on the return of the Messenians to Peloponnese brought them such gifts as they had, and while praying continually to the gods for their return begged the Messenians to grant protection to themselves.
27.8. Ναυπλιεῖς δὲ ἐκ Μοθώνης οὐκ ἀνέστησαν· κατὰ χώραν δὲ καὶ Ἀσιναίους μένειν εἴων, τούτοις μὲν καὶ εὐεργεσίαν ἀπομνημονεύοντες πολεμῆσαι μετὰ Λακεδαιμονίων πρὸς σφᾶς οὐ θελήσασι, Ναυπλιεῖς δὲ κατιοῦσιν ἐς Πελοπόννησον Μεσσηνίοις τε δῶρα ἤγαγον ὁποῖα εἶχον καὶ ἅμα μὲν ὑπὲρ καθόδου τῆς ἐκείνων συνεχέσιν ἐς τὸ θεῖον ταῖς εὐχαῖς, ἅμα δὲ ὑπὲρ σωτηρίας τῆς σφετέρας δεήσεσιν ἐς ἐκείνους ἐχρῶντο.
27.9. The Messenians returned to Peloponnese and recovered their own land two hundred and eighty-seven years after the capture of Eira, in the archonship of Dyscinetus at Athens and in the third year of the hundred and second Olympiad, when Damon of Thurii was victorious for the second time. It was no short time for the Plataeans that they were in exile from their country, and for the Delians when they settled in Adramyttium after being expelled from their island by the Athenians.
27.9. κατῆλθον δὲ ἐς Πελοπόννησον οἱ Μεσσήνιοι καὶ ἀνεσώσαντο τὴν αὑτῶν ἑπτὰ καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ διακοσίοις ἔτεσιν ὕστερον μετὰ Εἴρας ἅλωσιν, Δυσκινήτου μὲν Ἀθήνῃσιν ἄρχοντος, τρίτῳ δὲ ἔτει τῆς δευτέρας καὶ ἑκατοστῆς Ὀλυμπιάδος, ἣν Δάμων Θούριος τὸ δεύτερον ἐνίκα. οὐκ ὀλίγος μὲν οὖν ὁ χρόνος καὶ Πλαταιεῦσιν ἐγένετο, ἐφʼ ὅσον καὶ ἐκεῖνοι τὴν αὑτῶν ἔφευγον, καὶ Δηλίοις, ἡνίκα ᾤκησαν Ἀδραμύττιον ἐκβληθέντες ἐκ τῆς σφετέρας ὑπὸ Ἀθηναίων [καὶ Ὀρχομενίων]·
27.10. The Minyae, driven by the Thebans from Orchomenos after the battle of Leuctra, were restored to Boeotia by Philip the son of Amyntas, as were also the Plataeans. When Alexander had destroyed the city of the Thebans themselves, Cassander the son of Antipater rebuilt it after a few years. The exile of the Plataeans seems to have lasted the longest of those mentioned, but even this was not for more than two generations.
27.10. οἱ δὲ Μινύαι, μετὰ τὴν μάχην τὴν ἐν Λεύκτροις ἐκπεσόντες ὑπὸ Θηβαίων ἐξ Ὀρχομενοῦ, κατήχθησαν ἐς Βοιωτίαν ὑπὸ Φιλίππου τοῦ Ἀμύντου, καὶ οὗτοι καὶ οἱ Πλαταιεῖς. Θηβαίων δὲ αὐτῶν ἐρημώσαντος Ἀλεξάνδρου τὴν πόλιν, αὖθις ἔτεσιν οὐ πολλοῖς ὕστερον Κάσσανδρος Ἀντιπάτρου τὰς Θήβας ἔκτισεν. φαίνεται μὲν δὴ τῶν κατειλεγμένων ἐπὶ μακρότατον ἡ Πλαταϊκὴ φυγὴ συμβᾶσα, οὐ μέντοι περαιτέρω γε ἢ ἐπὶ δύο ἐγένετο οὐδʼ αὐτὴ γενεάς.
27.11. But the wanderings of the Messenians outside the Peloponnese lasted almost three hundred years, during which it is clear that they did not depart in any way from their local customs, and did not lose their Doric dialect, but even to our day they have retained the purest Doric in Peloponnese.
27.11. Μεσσήνιοι δὲ ἐκτὸς Πελοποννήσου τριακόσια ἔτη μάλιστα ἠλῶντο, ἐν οἷς οὔτε ἐθῶν εἰσι δῆλοι παραλύσαντές τι τῶν οἴκοθεν οὔτε τὴν διάλεκτον τὴν Δωρίδα μετεδιδάχθησαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐς ἡμᾶς ἔτι τὸ ἀκριβὲς αὐτῆς Πελοποννησίων μάλιστα ἐφύλασσον.
28.1. After their return they had nothing to fear at first from the Lacedaemonians. For the Lacedaemonians, restrained by fear of the Thebans, submitted to the foundation of Messene and to the gathering of the Arcadians into one city. But when the Phocian or, as it is called, the Sacred War caused the Thebans to withdraw from Peloponnese, the Lacedaemonians regained courage and could no longer refrain from attacking the Messenians.
28.1. κατελθοῦσι δὲ αὐτοῖς κατʼ ἀρχὰς μὲν ἀπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων δεινὸν ἦν οὐδέν· κατεχόμενοι γὰρ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι φόβῳ τῷ Θηβαίων Μεσσήνης τε ἠνείχοντο ἐποικιζομένης καὶ Ἀρκάδων ἐς μίαν ἠθροισμένων πόλιν. ὡς δὲ ὁ πόλεμος ὁ Φωκικός, καλούμενος δὲ ⟨ὁ⟩ αὐτὸς οὗτος καὶ ἱερός, ἀπήγαγεν ἐκ Πελοποννήσου Θηβαίους, ἀνεθάρρησάν τε οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ τῶν Μεσσηνίων οὐκέτι ἐδύναντο ἀπέχεσθαι.
28.2. The Messenians maintained the war with the help of the Argives and Arcadians, and asked the Athenians for help. They refused to join in an attack on Laconia, but promised to render assistance in person if the Lacedaemonians began war and invaded Messenia. Finally the Messenians formed an alliance with Philip the son of Amyntas and the Macedonians; it was this, they say, that prevented them from taking part in the battle which the Greeks fought at Chaeroneia. They refused, however, to bear arms against the Greeks.
28.2. Μεσσήνιοι δὲ αὐτοί τε μετὰ Ἀργείων καὶ Ἀρκάδων ἀντεῖχον τῷ πολέμῳ καὶ Ἀθηναίων ἀμῦναί σφισιν ἐδεήθησαν· οἱ δὲ ἐς μὲν τὴν Λακωνικὴν οὔποτε μετὰ ἐκείνων ἐσβαλεῖν ἔφασαν, ἀρχόντων δὲ Λακεδαιμονίων πολέμου καὶ ἐπιστρατευόντων τῇ Μεσσηνίᾳ παρέσεσθαι καὶ αὐτοί σφισιν ἐπηγγέλλοντο. τέλος δὲ οἱ Μεσσήνιοι Φιλίππῳ σύμμαχοι τῷ Ἀμύντου καὶ Μακεδόσιν ἐγένοντο, καὶ τοῦτο σφᾶς λέγουσιν ἀποκωλῦσαι τοῦ συμβάντος τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἀγῶνος ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ μὴ μετασχεῖν· οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἐναντία θέσθαι τὰ ὅπλα ἠθέλησαν.
28.3. After the death of Alexander, when the Greeks had raised a second war against the Macedonians, the Messenians took part, as I have shown earlier in my account of Attica. They did not join the Greeks against the Gauls, as Cleonymus and the Lacedaemonians refused to grant them a truce.
28.3. Ἀλεξάνδρου δὲ ἀποθανόντος καὶ τῶν Ἑλλήνων πόλεμον δεύτερον τότε ἀνῃρημένων πρὸς Μακεδόνας, μετέσχον καὶ οἱ Μεσσήνιοι τοῦ πολέμου, καθὰ καὶ πρότερον ἐδήλωσα ἐν τῇ Ἀτθίδι συγγραφῇ. Γαλάταις δὲ μεθʼ Ἑλλήνων οὐκ ἐμαχέσαντο, Κλεωνύμου καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων σπείσασθαι σπονδάς σφισιν οὐ θελησάντων.
28.4. Not long afterwards the Messenians occupied Elis, employing strategy and daring alike. The Eleians in the earliest times were the most law-abiding of the Peloponnesians, but when Philip the son of Amyntas did all the harm to Greece that has been related, he also bribed the leading men in Elis; the Eleians were divided by factions for the first time and came to blows, it is said.
28.4. οὐ πολλῷ δὲ ὕστερον ἔσχον Ἦλιν Μεσσήνιοι, σοφίᾳ τε ὁμοῦ χρησάμενοι καὶ τολμήματι. Ἠλεῖοι γὰρ τὰ μὲν παλαιότατα εὐνομώτατοι Πελοποννησίων ἦσαν· Φιλίππου δὲ τοῦ Ἀμύντου τά τε ἄλλα ὁπόσα εἴρηται κακουργήσαντος τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ Ἠλείων τοὺς δυνατοὺς διαφθείραντος χρήμασι, στασιάζουσι πρῶτον τότε Ἠλεῖοι καὶ ἐς ὅπλα, ὡς λέγουσι, χωροῦσι.
28.5. Henceforward it was likely to be more easy for quarrels to arise among men whose counsels were divided on account of the Lacedaemonians, and they arrived at civil war. Learning this, the Lacedaemonians were preparing to assist their partisans in Elis. While they were being organized in squadrons and distributed in companies, a thousand picked Messenian troops arrived hurriedly at Elis with Laconian blazons on their shields.
28.5. τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τούτου ῥᾷον ἔτι ἔμελλον ἀπεχθήσεσθαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους, οἷς γε καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων ἕνεκα διέστη τὰ βουλεύματα, καὶ ἐς ἔμφυλον προῆλθον πόλεμον. πυνθανόμενοι δὲ ταῦτα οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι παρεσκευάζοντο ὡς Ἠλείων τοῖς φρονοῦσι τὰ σφέτερα ἀμυνοῦντες. καὶ οἱ μὲν κατὰ τέλη τε ἐτάσσοντο καὶ διενέμοντο ἐς τοὺς λόχους· τῶν δὲ Μεσσηνίων λογάδες χίλιοι φθάνουσιν ἀφικόμενοι πρὸς τὴν Ἦλιν, σημεῖα ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀσπίσι Λακωνικὰ ἔχοντες.
28.6. Seeing their shields, all the Laconising party in Elis thought their supporters had arrived and received them into the fortress. But having obtained admission in this way, the Messenians drove out the supporters of the Lacedaemonians and made over the city to their own partisans.
28.6. ὡς δὲ τὰς ἀσπίδας ἐθεάσαντο ὅσοι τοῖς Σπαρτιάταις εὖνοι τῶν Ἠλείων ἦσαν, συμμαχίαν τε ἀφῖχθαί σφισιν ἤλπισαν καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐδέχοντο ἐς τὸ τεῖχος· ἐσελθόντες δὲ τρόπον οἱ Μεσσήνιοι τὸν εἰρημένον τοὺς τὰ Λακεδαιμονίων φρονοῦντας ἐδίωξαν, καὶ ἐπιτρέπουσι τοῖς στασιώταις τοῖς αὑτῶν τὴν πόλιν.
28.7. The trick is Homer's, but the Messenians plainly imitated it opportunely, for Homer represents Patroclus in the Iliad clad in the arms of Achilles, and says that the barbarians were filled with the belief that it was Achilles attacking them, and that their front ranks were thrown into confusion. Other stratagems are the invention of Homer, the coming of the two Greek spies by night among the Trojans, instead of one and later a man coming to Troy, who pretends to be a deserter but actually is to find out their secrets.
28.7. ἔστι μὲν δὴ τὸ σόφισμα Ὁμήρου, φαίνονται δὲ αὐτὸ ἐν δέοντι μιμησάμενοι καὶ οἱ Μεσσήνιοι, ἐπεὶ Πάτροκλόν γε ἐποίησεν ἐν Ἰλιάδι Ὅμηρος Ἀχιλλέως τὰ ὅπλα ἐνδύντα, καὶ ἐγγενέσθαι τε ἔφη τοῖς βαρβάροις δόξαν ὡς Ἀχιλλεὺς ἐπίοι καὶ τοὺς προτεταγμένους αὐτῶν ταραχθῆναι. εὕρηται δὲ καὶ ἄλλα Ὁμήρῳ στρατηγήματα, δύο τε παρὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων κατασκόπους ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ ἀνθʼ ἑνὸς ἐς τοὺς Τρῶας ἀφικέσθαι καὶ ἄνδρα ὕστερον λόγῳ μὲν αὐτόμολον, ἔργῳ δὲ τὰ ἀπόρρητα πολυπραγμονήσοντα ἐς τὸ Ἴλιον ἐσελθεῖν.
28.8. Again, the Trojans who, through youth or years were not of fighting age, he posted as garrison of the walls, while the men of military age were encamped against the Greeks. The wounded Greeks in Homer arm the fighting men, so that even they may not be altogether idle. Indeed Homer's ideas have proved useful to men in every matter.
28.8. ἔτι δὲ τοὺς διὰ νεότητα ἐν τοῖς Τρωσὶν ἢ γῆρας οὐχ ὡραίους μάχεσθαι, τούτους μὲν τὸ τεῖχος φρουρεῖν ἔταξε, τῶν ἐν ἡλικίᾳ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἐπηυλισμένων· Ἑλλήνων δὲ οἱ τὰ τραύματα ἔχοντες ὁπλίζουσιν αὐτῷ τὸ μάχιμον, ἵνα μηδὲ αὐτοὶ παντάπασιν ἀργοῖεν. τὰ Ὁμήρου μὲν οὖν ὠφέλιμα ἐγένετο ἐς ἅπαντα ἀνθρώποις·
29.1. Not long after the affair at Elis, the Macedonians and Demetrius the son of Philip, son of Demetrius, captured Messene. I have already, in my account of Sicyon, narrated most of the crimes of Perseus against Philip himself and against Demetrius the son of Philip. These are the facts relating to the capture of Messene.
29.1. μετὰ δὲ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον τοῦ ἔργου τοῦ πρὸς Ἤλιδι Μακεδόνες καὶ Δημήτριος ὁ Φιλίππου τοῦ Δημητρίου Μεσσήνην καταλαμβάνουσι. τὰ μὲν δὴ πολλὰ ἔς τε αὐτὸν Φίλιππον καὶ τὰ ἐς Δημήτριον τὸν Φιλίππου τολμηθέντα ἐκ Περσέως ἐν τοῖς Σικυωνίοις ἔγραψα ἤδη λόγοις· τὰ δὲ ἐς τὴν κατάληψιν τὴν Μεσσήνης ἔσχεν οὕτω.
29.2. Philip was in need of money, and as it was necessary to raise it at all costs, he sent Demetrius with a fleet to Peloponnese. He put in to one of the less frequented harbors of the Argolid, and at once marched his army by the shortest route to Messene. With an advance guard consisting of all the light-armed troops who knew the road to Ithome, he succeeded just before dawn in scaling the wall unnoticed at a point where it lay between the city and the peak of Ithome.
29.2. χρημάτων ἐσπανίζετο Φίλιππος, καὶ—ἔδει γὰρ πάντως οἱ γενέσθαι χρήματα— ἀποστέλλει Δημήτριον ναυσὶν ἐς Πελοπόννησον. Δημήτριος δὲ κατήγετό που τῆς Ἀργείας ἐς λιμένα τῶν ἐρημοτέρων· αὐτίκα δὲ ὡς εἶχε διὰ τῶν ἐπιτομωτάτων τῆς χώρας τὴν στρατιὰν ἦγεν ἐπὶ Μεσσήνης. προτάξας δὲ ὅσον ἦν τῶν τε ὅπλων τῇ σκευῇ κοῦφον καὶ τῆς ἐς τὴν Ἰθώμην εἶχεν ὁδοῦ οὐκ ἀπείρως, λανθάνει περὶ ὄρθρον μάλιστα ὑπερβὰς τὸ τεῖχος, καθὸ τῆς τε πόλεως μεταξὺ ἦν καὶ ἄκρας τῆς Ἰθώμης.
29.3. When day dawned and the inhabitants had realized the danger that beset them, they were at first under the impression that the Lacedaemonians had forced an entry into the town, and attacked them more recklessly owing to their ancient hatred. But when they discovered from their equipment and speech that it was the Macedonians and Demetrius the son of Philip, they were filled with great fear, when they considered the Macedonian training in warfare and the good fortune which they saw that they enjoyed in all their ventures.
29.3. ὡς δὲ ἡμέρα τε ἐπέσχε καὶ ἤδη τοῖς ἔνδον αἴσθησις ἐγεγόνει τοῦ κατειληφότος κινδύνου, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον αὐτοὺς ἐσῆλθεν ὑπόνοια ὡς οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι σὺν ὅπλοις παρέλθοιεν αὐτῶν ἐς τὴν πόλιν, ὥστε καὶ ὥρμησαν ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς ἀφειδέστερον διὰ τὸ μῖσος τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐκ τε τῶν ὅπλων καὶ τῆς φωνῆς Μακεδόνας καὶ Δημήτριον τὸν Φιλίππου γνωρίζουσιν ὄντας, δεῖμα ἰσχυρὸν παρέστη σφίσι λογιζομένοις τήν τε ἐς τὰ πολεμικὰ τῶν Μακεδόνων μελέτην καὶ τύχην ᾗ πρὸς ἅπαντα ἑώρων χρωμένους αὐτούς.
29.4. Nevertheless the magnitude of the present evil caused them to display a courage beyond their strength, also they were inspired with hope for the best, since it seemed not without divine help that they had accomplished their return to Peloponnese after so long an absence. So the Messenians in the town went against the Macedonians full of courage, and the garrison on the acropolis attacked from the high ground above.
29.4. ὅμως δὲ τοῦ τε παρόντος κακοῦ τὸ μέγεθος ἐδίδασκεν ἀνδρίαν τινὰ καὶ πέρα τοῦ δυνατοῦ γίνεσθαι καὶ ἅμα τὰ ἀμείνω παρίστατο αὐτοῖς ἐλπίζειν· οὐ γὰρ δὴ ἄνευ θεοῦ διὰ τοσούτου σφίσιν ὑπάρξαι τὴν ἐς Πελοπόννησον κάθοδον. οἵ τε οὖν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως Μεσσήνιοι θυμῷ παντὶ ἐς τοὺς Μακεδόνας ἐχώρουν καὶ οἱ φρουροῦντες τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἐπέκειντο ἐξ ὑπερδεξίων.
29.5. In like manner the Macedonians, brave and experienced troops, at first offered a firm resistance. But worn out by their march, attacked by the men and bombarded with tiles and stones by the women, they took to flight in disorder. The majority were pushed over the precipices and killed, for Ithome is very steep at this point. A few escaped by throwing away their arms.
29.5. ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ οἱ Μακεδόνες ὑπό τε ἀρετῆς καὶ ἐμπειρίας τὸ κατʼ ἀρχὰς ἠμύνοντο ἐρρωμένως· ἅτε δὲ ὁδοιπορίᾳ προαπειρηκότες καὶ ὁμοῦ τῶν τε ἀνδρῶν σφισιν ἐγκειμένων καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν γυναικῶν κεράμῳ καὶ λίθοις βαλλόμενοι, σὺν οὐδενὶ ἔφευγον κόσμῳ. καὶ τὸ μὲν πολὺ αὐτῶν ἀπώλετο ὠθούμενοι κατὰ τῶν κρημνῶν, ἀπότομος γὰρ δὴ ταύτῃ μάλιστά ἐστιν ἡ Ἰθώμη· ὀλίγοι δέ τινες καὶ ῥίψαντες τὰ ὅπλα ἀπεσώθησαν.
29.6. The Messenians refrained at first from joining the Achaean league for the following reason, I think. When Pyrrhus the son of Aeacides made war on the Lacedaemonians, they came unasked to their assistance, and as a result of this service a more peaceful disposition towards them came to be established at Sparta. Therefore they were unwilling to revive the feud by joining the league, which was openly declared the bitterest enemy of the Lacedaemonians.
29.6. ἐς δὲ τὸ συνέδριον οἱ Μεσσήνιοι τὸ Ἀχαιῶν ἐπὶ τῷδε οὔ μοι δοκοῦσιν ἐσελθεῖν κατʼ ἀρχάς. Λακεδαιμονίοις αὐτεπάγγελτοι βοηθήσοντες ἀφίκοντο ὑπὸ Πύρρου τοῦ Αἰακίδου πολεμουμένοις, καί σφισιν ἀπὸ τῆς εὐεργεσίας ταύτης ἤδη τὰ ἐκ τῆς Σπάρτης εἰρηνικώτερα ὑπῆρχεν. οὔκουν ἀνακινῆσαι τὸ ἔχθος ἐβούλοντο ἐς τὸ συνέδριον συγχωρήσαντες, οἳ Λακεδαιμονίων μάλιστα πολέμιοι ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ καθεστήκεσαν.
29.7. I realize, as of course did the Messenians, that even without their joining the league the policy of the Achaeans was hostile to the Lacedaemonians. For the Argives and the Arcadian group formed not the smallest element in the league. However, in the course of time they joined the league. And not long afterwards Cleomenes the son of Leonidas, son of Cleonymus, captured the Arcadian Megalopolis in peace-time.
29.7. ὃ δὲ οὐ λέληθεν ἐμέ, οὐδὲ Μεσσηνίους ἐλελήθει δήπου, καὶ μὴ συντελοῦσιν αὐτοῖς ἐς τὸ συνέδριον ὡς ἐπὶ Λακεδαιμονίους τὰ Ἀχαιῶν ὑπάρχοι· ἐν γὰρ δὴ τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς καὶ Ἀργεῖοι καὶ τὸ Ἀρκαδικὸν οὐκ ἐλαχίστη μοῖρα ἦσαν. ἀνὰ χρόνον μέντοι προσεχώρησαν ἐς τὸ Ἀχαϊκόν. οὐ πολλῷ δὲ ὕστερον Κλεομένης ὁ Λεωνίδου τοῦ Κλεωνύμου Μεγάλην πόλιν εἷλεν Ἀρκάδων ἐν σπονδαῖς·
29.8. Of the people of Megalopolis who were caught in the city, some were killed at the time of its capture, but Philopoemen the son of Craugis and all who withdrew with him (the number of the citizens who escaped is said to have been more than two-thirds) were received by the Messenians, who for the sake of the former services rendered by the Arcadians in the time of Aristomenes and again at the founding of Messene now repaid the like.
29.8. τῶν δὲ οἱ καταληφθέντες οἳ μὲν ἀπώλοντο ὑπὸ τὴν ἅλωσιν, Φιλοποίμενα δὲ τὸν Κραύγιδος καὶ ὅσοι μετὰ Φιλοποίμενος ἀπεχώρησαν—γενέσθαι δὲ τῶν Μεγαλοπολιτῶν τὸ διαφυγὸν καὶ ὑπὲρ τὰς δύο μοίρας λέγουσι—τούτους ὑπεδέξαντο οἱ Μεσσήνιοι τῶν τε ἀρχαίων ἔργων ἕνεκα ὁπόσα ἐπὶ Ἀριστομένους ὑπῆρκτο Ἀρκάσι καὶ ὕστερον ἐπὶ τοῦ οἰκισμοῦ τοῦ Μεσσήνης, ἀποδιδόντες σφίσι τὴν ὁμοίαν.
29.9. Such, it would seem, are the vicissitudes of human affairs, that it was the will of heaven that the Messenians should in their turn preserve the Arcadians, and what is still more surprising, that they should capture Sparta. For they fought against Cleomenes at Sellasia and joined with Aratus and the Achaeans to capture Sparta.
29.9. πέφυκε δὲ ἄρα ὡς ἐπίπαν μεταπίπτειν τὰ ἀνθρώπινα, εἰ δὴ Μεσσηνίοις Ἀρκάδας τε ἀντισῶσαι καὶ τὸ ἀδοκητότερον ἔτι ἑλεῖν Σπάρτην ὁ δαίμων ἔδωκεν· Κλεομένει γὰρ περὶ Σελλασίαν ἐμαχέσαντο ἐναντία καὶ τὴν Σπάρτην Ἀράτῳ καὶ Ἀχαιοῖς συγκαθεῖλον.
29.10. When the Lacedaemonians were rid of Cleomenes there rose to power a tyrant Machanidas, and after his death a second tyrant arose in Nabis. As he plundered human property and robbed temples alike, he amassed vast wealth in a short time and with it raised an army. This Nabis seized Messene, but when Philopoemen and the people of Megalopolis arrived during the same night, the Spartan tyrant retired on terms.
29.10. Λακεδαιμονίοις δὲ ἀπηλλαγμένοις Κλεομένους ἐπανίσταται τύραννος Μαχανίδας, ἐκείνου δὲ ἀποθανόντος Νάβις ἀνέφυ σφίσιν αὖθις τύραννος· ἅτε δὲ οὐ τὰ ἀνθρώπων ἀναρπάζοντι αὐτῷ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἱερὰ συλῶντι, ἐν οὐ πολλῷ χρόνῳ χρήματά τε ἄφθονα καὶ ἀπʼ αὐτῶν στρατιὰ συνείλεκτο. τούτου τοῦ Νάβιδος Μεσσήνην καταλαβόντος Φιλοποίμην καὶ οἱ Μεγαλοπολῖται νυκτὸς ἀφίκοντο τῆς αὐτῆς·
29.11. But the Achaeans after this, having some quarrel with the Messenians, invaded them with all their forces and ravaged most of the country. On a second occasion they mustered when the corn was ripe to invade Messenia. But Deinocrates, the head of the government, who had been chosen to command the Messenians on that occasion, compelled Lycortas and his force to retire without effecting anything, by occupying beforehand the passes from Arcadia into Messenia with the Messenians from the city and troops from the surrounding districts that came to their assistance.
29.11. καὶ ὁ μὲν Σπαρτιάτης τύραννος ἀπῆλθεν ὑπόσπονδος, Ἀχαιοὶ δὲ ὕστερον τούτων μεμφόμενοί τι Μεσσηνίοις στρατεύουσιν ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς παρασκευῇ τῇ πάσῃ καὶ τὰ πολλὰ ἔτεμον τῆς χώρας. καὶ οἳ μὲν αὖθις περὶ ἀκμὴν σίτου συνελέγοντο ὡς ἐς τὴν Μεσσηνίαν ἐσβαλοῦντες· Δεινοκράτης δὲ δήμου τε προεστηκὼς καὶ Μεσσηνίων ἄρχειν ἐν τῷ τότε ᾑρημένος Λυκόρταν μὲν καὶ τὴν σὺν αὐτῷ στρατιὰν ἀναχωρῆσαι παρεσκεύασεν ἄπρακτον, τὰς ἐς τὴν Μεσσηνίαν ἐκ τῆς Ἀρκαδίας παρόδους προλαβὼν τοῖς τε ἐκ τῆς πόλεως Μεσσηνίοις καὶ ὅσοι τῶν περιοίκων σφίσιν ἤμυναν·
29.12. Philopoemen arrived with a few cavalry some time later than the force with Lycortas and had been unable to obtain any news of it; the Messenians, having the advantage of the high ground, defeated him and took him alive. I will narrate the manner of Philopoemen's capture and death in my account of Arcadia later. The Messenians, who were responsible for his death, were punished and Messene was again brought into the Achaean league.
29.12. Φιλοποίμενος δὲ σὺν ἱππεῦσιν ὀλίγοις ἀφικομένου πολὺ ὕστερον ἢ ὁ μετὰ Λυκόρτα στρατός, πυθέσθαι δὲ οὐδέν πω τῶν ἐς αὐτοὺς δεδυνημένου, νικῶσιν οἱ Μεσσήνιοι γινομένης σφίσιν ⟨ἐξ⟩ ὑπερδεξίων τῆς μάχης καὶ ζῶντα αἱροῦσι Φιλοποίμενα. τρόπον δὲ ὅντινα ὁ Φιλοποίμην ἑάλω καὶ ὡς ἐτελεύτησε, τάδε μὲν ἡμῖν καὶ ὕστερον ὁ Ἀρκαδικὸς λόγος ἐπέξεισι· Μεσσηνίων δὲ οἵ τε Φιλοποίμενι αἴτιοι τῆς τελευτῆς ἔδοσαν δίκας καὶ ἡ Μεσσήνη συνετέλεσεν αὖθις ἐς τὸ Ἀχαϊκόν.
29.13. Hitherto my account has dealt with the many sufferings of the Messenians, how fate scattered them to the ends of the earth, far from Peloponnese, and afterwards brought them safely home to their own country. Let us now turn to a description of the country and cities.
29.13. ἄχρι μὲν δὴ τοῦδε ὁ λόγος ἐπῆλθέ μοι Μεσσηνίων τὰ πολλὰ παθήματα, καὶ ὡς ὁ δαίμων σφᾶς ἐπί τε γῆς τὰ ἔσχατα καὶ ἐπὶ τὰ πορρώτατα Πελοποννήσου σκεδάσας ὕστερον χρόνῳ καὶ ἐς τὴν οἰκείαν ἀνέσωσε· τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τούτου τῆς χώρας καὶ πόλεων τραπώμεθα ἐς ἀφήγησιν.
30.1. There is in our time a city Abia in Messenia on the coast, some twenty stades distant from the Choerius valley. They say that this was formerly called Ire and was one of the seven cities which Homer says that Agamemnon promised to Achilles. When Hyllus and the Dorians were defeated by the Achaeans, it is said that Abia, nurse of Glenus the son of Heracles, withdrew to Ire, and settling there built a temple to Heracles, and that afterwards for this reason Cresphontes, amongst other honors assigned to her, renamed the city after Abia. There was a notable temple of Heracles here, and also of Asclepius.
30.1. ἔστιν ἐφʼ ἡμῶν ἐν τῇ Μεσσηνίᾳ τῆς νάπης τῆς Χοιρίου στάδια εἴκοσι μάλιστα ἀπέχουσα Ἀβία ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ πόλις. ταύτην Ἴρην καλεῖσθαι πάλαι καὶ τῶν ἑπτά φασιν εἶναι πόλεων, ἃς Ἀχιλλεῖ πεποίηκεν Ὅμηρος Ἀγαμέμνονα ὑπισχνούμενον. Ὕλλου δὲ καὶ Δωριέων μάχῃ κρατηθέντων ὑπὸ Ἀχαιῶν, ἐνταῦθα Ἀβίαν Γλήνου τοῦ Ἡρακλέους τροφὸν ἀποχωρῆσαι λέγουσιν ἐς τὴν Ἴρην καὶ οἰκῆσαί τε αὐτόθι καὶ Ἡρακλέους ἱερὸν ἱδρύσασθαι, καί οἱ διὰ ταῦτα ὕστερον Κρεσφόντην ἄλλα τε γέρα νεῖμαι καὶ τῇ πόλει μεταθέσθαι τὸ ὄνομα ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀβίας. Ἡρακλεῖον δὲ ἦν αὐτόθι ἐπιφανὲς καὶ Ἀσκληπιεῖον.
30.2. Pharae is seventy stades distant from Abia. On the road is a salt spring. The Emperor Augustus caused the Messenians of Pharae to be incorporated in Laconia. The founder Pharis is said to have been the son of Hermes and Phylodameia the daughter of Danaus. He had no male children, but a daughter Telegone. Homer, tracing her descendants in the Iliad, says that twins, Crethon and Ortilochus, were born to Diocles, Diocles himself being the son of Ortilochus son of Alpheius. He makes no reference to Telegone, who in the Messenian account bore Ortilochus to Alpheius.
30.2. Φαραὶ δὲ ἀφεστήκασιν Ἀβίας σταδίους ἑβδομήκοντα, καὶ ὕδωρ κατὰ τὴν ὁδόν ἐστιν ἁλμυρόν· βασιλεὺς δὲ Αὔγουστος τοὺς ἐν Φαραῖς Μεσσηνίους συντελεῖν ἀπέταξεν ἐς τὸ Λακωνικόν. τὸν δὲ οἰκιστὴν Φᾶριν Ἑρμοῦ τε καὶ Φυλοδαμείας λέγουσιν εἶναι τῆς Δαναοῦ· Φάρει δὲ ἄρρενας μὲν οὔ φασι γενέσθαι, θυγατέρα δὲ Τηλεγόνην. τοὺς δὲ ἐφεξῆς ἐγενεαλόγησεν Ὅμηρος ἐν Ἰλιάδι διδύμους Κρήθωνα καὶ Ὀρτίλοχον εἶναι Διοκλεῖ, Διοκλέα δὲ αὐτὸν Ὀρτιλόχου τοῦ Ἀλφειοῦ· τὰ δὲ ἐς Τηλεγόνην παρεῖδεν, αὕτη γὰρ λόγῳ τῷ Μεσσηνίων ἐστὶν ἡ τεκοῦσα Ἀλφειῷ τὸν Ὀρτίλοχον.
30.3. I heard also at Pharae that besides the twins a daughter Anticleia was born to Diocles, and that her children were Nicomachus and Gorgasus, by Machaon the son of Asclepius. They remained at Pharae and succeeded to the kingdom on the death of Diocles. The power of healing diseases and curing the maimed has remained with them to this day, and in return for this, sacrifices and votive offerings are brought to their sanctuary. The people of Pharae possess also a temple of Fortune (Tyche) and an ancient image.
30.3. καὶ τάδε ἄλλα ἤκουσα ἐν Φαραῖς, Διοκλεῖ θυγατέρα ἐπὶ τοῖς διδύμοις παισὶν Ἀντίκλειαν γενέσθαι, τῆς δὲ Νικόμαχόν τε εἶναι καὶ Γόργασον, πατρὸς δὲ Μαχάονος τοῦ Ἀσκληπιοῦ· τούτους καταμεῖναί τε αὐτοῦ καὶ ὡς ὁ Διοκλῆς ἐτελεύτησε τὴν βασιλείαν ἐκδέξασθαι. διαμεμένηκε δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ ἐς τόδε ἔτι νοσήματά τε καὶ τοὺς πεπηρωμένους τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἰᾶσθαι· καί σφισιν ἀντὶ τούτων θυσίας ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ ἀναθήματα ἄγουσιν. ἔστι δὲ καὶ Τύχης ναὸς Φαραιάταις καὶ ἄγαλμα ἀρχαῖον.
30.4. Homer is the first whom I know to have mentioned Fortune in his poems. He did so in the Hymn to Demeter, where he enumerates the daughters of Ocean, telling how they played with Kore the daughter of Demeter, and making Fortune one of them. The lines are:We all in a lovely meadow, Leucippe, Phaeno, Electre and Ianthe, Melobosis and Tyche and Ocyrhoe with face like a flower.
30.4. πρῶτος δὲ ὧν οἶδα ἐποιήσατο ἐν τοῖς ἔπεσιν Ὅμηρος Τύχης μνήμην· ἐποιήσατο δὲ ἐν ὕμνῳ τῷ ἐς τὴν Δήμητρα ἄλλας τε τῶν Ὠκεανοῦ θυγατέρας καταριθμούμενος, ὡς ὁμοῦ Κόρῃ τῇ Δήμητρος παίζοιεν, καὶ Τύχην ὡς Ὠκεανοῦ καὶ ταύτην παῖδα οὖσαν· καὶ οὕτως ἔχει τὰ ἔπη·ἡμεῖς μὲν μάλα πᾶσαι ἀνʼ ἱμερτὸν λειμῶνα,Λευκίππη Φαινώ τε καὶ Ἠλέκτρη καὶ ἸάνθηΜηλόβοσίς τε Τύχη τε καὶ Ὠκυρόη καλυκῶπις.
30.5. He said nothing further about this goddess being the mightiest of gods in human affairs and displaying greatest strength, as in the Iliad he represented Athena and Enyo as supreme in war, and Artemis feared in childbirth, and Aphrodite heeding the affairs of marriage. But he makes no other mention of Fortune.
30.5. πέρα δὲ ἐδήλωσεν οὐδὲν ἔτι, ὡς ἡ θεός ἐστιν αὕτη μεγίστη θεῶν ἐν τοῖς ἀνθρωπίνοις πράγμασι καὶ ἰσχὺν παρέχεται πλείστην, ὥσπερ γε ἐν Ἰλιάδι ἐποίησεν Ἀθηνᾶν μὲν καὶ Ἐνυὼ πολεμούντων ἡγεμονίαν ἔχειν, Ἄρτεμιν δὲ γυναικῶν ὠδῖσιν εἶναι φοβερὰν, Ἀφροδίτῃ δὲ τὰ ἔργα μέλειν τῶν γάμων. ἀλλʼ οὗτος μὲν οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἐποίησεν ἐς τὴν Τύχην·
30.6. Bupalos a skilful temple-architect and carver of images, who made the statue of Fortune at Smyrna, was the first whom we know to have represented her with the heavenly sphere upon her head and carrying in one hand the horn of Amaltheia, as the Greeks call it, representing her functions to this extent. The poems of Pindar later contained references to Fortune, and it is he who called her Supporter of the City.
30.6. Βούπαλος δέ, ναούς τε οἰκοδομήσασθαι καὶ ζῷα ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς πλάσαι, Σμυρναίοις ἄγαλμα ἐργαζόμενος Τύχης πρῶτος ἐποίησεν ὧν ἴσμεν πόλον τε ἔχουσαν ἐπὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ καὶ τῇ ἑτέρᾳ χειρὶ τὸ καλούμενον Ἀμαλθείας κέρας ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων. οὗτος μὲν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο ἐδήλωσε τῆς θεοῦ τὰ ἔργα· ᾖσε δὲ καὶ ὕστερον Πίνδαρος ἄλλα τε ἐς τὴν Τύχην καὶ δὴ καὶ Φερέπολιν ἀνεκάλεσεν αὐτήν.
31.1. Not far from Pharae is a grove of Apollo Carneius and a spring of water in it. Pharae is about six stades from the sea. Eighty stades on the road which leads thence into the interior of Messenia is the city of the Thuriatae, which they say had the name Antheia in Homer's poems. Augustus gave Thuria into the possession of the Lacedaemonians of Sparta. For when Augustus was emperor of the Romans, Antony, himself a Roman, made war upon him and was joined by the Messenians and the rest of the Greeks, because the Lacedaemonians were on the side of Augustus.
31.1. ὀλίγον δὲ ἀπωτέρω Φαρῶν Ἀπόλλωνος ἄλσος ἐστὶ Καρνείου καὶ ὕδατος ἐν αὐτῷ πηγή· θαλάσσης δὲ ἕξ που στάδια ἀπέχουσιν αἱ Φαραί. ἐντεῦθεν πρὸς μεσόγαιαν τῆς Μεσσηνίας σταδίους προελθόντι ὀγδοήκοντα, ἔστιν ἡ Θουριατῶν πόλις, Ἄνθειαν δὲ αὐτὴν ἐν τοῖς ἔπεσιν ὠνομάσθαι τοῖς Ὁμήρου λέγουσι· Λακεδαιμονίοις δὲ ἔχειν τοῖς ἐν Σπάρτῃ τὴν Θουρίαν ἔδωκεν Αὔγουστος. Αὐγούστῳ γὰρ βασιλεύοντι Ῥωμαίων ἐπολέμησεν Ἀντώνιος, γένει καὶ οὗτος Ῥωμαῖος· καί οἱ τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι ἄλλοι τε καὶ οἱ Μεσσήνιοι προσέθεντο, ὅτι ἐφρόνουν Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὰ Αὐγούστου.
31.2. For this reason Augustus punished the Messenians and the rest of his adversaries, some more, some less. The people of Thuria left their town, which lay originally on high ground, and came down to live in the plain. Nevertheless the upper town is not entirely deserted, but there are remains of the wall and a temple there, called the temple of the Syrian Goddess. A river called Aris flows past the town in the plain.
31.2. καὶ ὁ μὲν τούτων ἕνεκα Μεσσηνίοις καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν ἀντιταξαμένων τοῖς μὲν αὐτῶν ἔλαττον, τοῖς δὲ καὶ ἐς πλέον ἐπεξῆλθε· Θουριᾶται δὲ ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἐν μετεώρῳ τὸ ἀρχαῖον οἰκουμένης ἐς τὸ πεδίον κατελθόντες οἰκοῦσιν. οὐ μὴν παντάπασί γε οὐδὲ τὴν ἄνω πόλιν ἐκλελοίπασιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τείχους ἐρείπια καὶ ἱερόν ἐστιν αὐτόθι ὀνομαζόμενον θεοῦ Συρίας· τὴν δὲ ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ πόλιν ποταμὸς καλούμενος Ἄρις παρέξεισιν.
31.3. In the interior is a village Calamae and a place Limnae, where is a sanctuary of Artemis Limnatis (Of the lake). They say that Teleclus king of Sparta met his end here.
31.3. ἔστι δὲ ἐν τῇ μεσογαίῳ κώμη Καλάμαι καὶ Λίμναι χωρίον· ἐν δὲ αὐτῷ Λιμνάτιδος ἱερόν ἐστιν Ἀρτέμιδος, ἔνθα Τηλέκλῳ βασιλεύοντι ἐν Σπάρτῃ τὴν τελευτὴν συμβῆναι λέγουσιν.
31.4. On the road from Thuria towards Arcadia are the springs of the Pamisus, at which little children find cures.A road turns to the left from the springs, and after some forty stades is the city of the Messenians under Ithome. It is enclosed not only by Mount Ithome, but on the side towards the Pamisos by Mount Eva. The mountain is said to have obtained its name from the fact that the Bacchic cry of “Evoe” was first uttered here by Dionysus and his attendant women.
31.4. ἰόντι δὲ ἐκ Θουρίας ὡς ἐπὶ Ἀρκαδίας εἰσὶν αἱ πηγαὶ τοῦ Παμίσου· καὶ ἐπʼ αὐταῖς παισὶ μικροῖς ἀκέσματα γίνεται. ἰοῦσι δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν πηγῶν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ καὶ προελθόντι ὡς τεσσαράκοντα στάδια, ἔστι Μεσσηνίοις ἡ ὑπὸ τῇ Ἰθώμῃ πόλις· περιέχεται δὲ οὐ τῇ Ἰθώμῃ μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν Πάμισον τὰ τετραμμένα ὑπὸ τῆς Εὔας· τὸ δὲ ὄνομα γενέσθαι τῷ ὄρει φασὶ Βακχικόν τι ἐπίφθεγμα εὐοῖ Διονύσου πρῶτον ἐνταῦθα αὐτοῦ τε εἰπόντος καὶ τῶν ὁμοῦ τῷ Διονύσῳ γυναικῶν.
31.5. Round Messene is a wall, the whole circuit of which is built of stone, with towers and battlements upon it. I have not seen the walls at Babylon or the walls of Memnon at Susa in Persia, nor have I heard the account of any eye-witness; but the walls at Ambrossos in Phocis, at Byzantium and at Rhodes, all of them the most strongly fortified places, are not so strong as the Messenian wall.
31.5. περὶ δὲ τὴν Μεσσήνην τεῖχος, κύκλος μὲν πᾶς λίθου πεποίηται, πύργοι δὲ καὶ ἐπάλξεις εἰσὶν ἐνῳκοδομημένοι. τὰ μὲν οὖν Βαβυλωνίων ἢ τὰ Μεμνόνεια τὰ ἐν Σούσοις τείχη τοῖς Περσικοῖς οὔτε εἶδον οὔτε ἄλλων περὶ αὐτῶν ἤκουσα αὐτοπτούντων· τὰ δὲ ἐν Ἀμβρός⟨ς⟩ῳ τῇ Φωκικῇ ἔν τε Βυζαντίῳ καὶ Ῥόδῳ—ταῦτα γὰρ δὴ τετείχισται τὰ χωρία ἄριστα—τούτων Μεσσηνίοις ἐστὶν ἐχυρώτερον.