15.1. As to the number of his forces, those who put it at the smallest figure mention thirty thousand foot and four thousand horse; those who put it at the highest, forty-three thousand foot and five thousand horse. To provision these forces, Aristobulus says he had not more than seventy talents; Duris speaks of maintenance for only thirty days; and Onesicritus says he owed two hundred talents besides.
15.1. τῆς δὲ στρατιᾶς τὸ πλῆθος οἱ μὲν ἐλάχιστον λέγοντες τρισμυρίους πεζοὺς καὶ τετρακισχιλίους ἱππεῖς, οἱ δὲ πλεῖστον πεζοὺς μὲν τετρακισμυρίους καὶ τρισχιλίους, ἱππέας δὲ πεντακισχιλίους ἀναγράφουσιν. ἐφόδιον δὲ τούτοις οὐ πλέον ἑβδομήκοντα ταλάντων ἔχειν αὐτόν Ἀριστόβουλος ἱστορεῖ, Δοῦρις δὲ τριάκοντα μόνον ἡμερῶν διατροφήν, Ὀνησίκριτος δὲ καὶ διακόσια τάλαντα προσοφείλειν.
15.2. But although he set out with such meagre and narrow resources, he would not set foot upon his ship until he had enquired into the circumstances of his companions and allotted to one a farm, to another a village, and to another the revenue from some hamlet or harbour. And when at last nearly all of the crown property had been expended or allotted, Perdiccas said to him: “But for thyself, O king, what art thou leaving?” And when the king answered, “My hopes,” “In these, then,” said Perdiccas, “we also will share who make the expedition with thee.”
15.2. ἀλλὰ καίπερ ἀπὸ μικρῶν καὶ στενῶν οὕτως ὁρμώμενος, οὐ πρότερον ἐπέβη τῆς νεώς ἢ τὰ τῶν ἑταίρων πράγματα σκεψάμενος ἀπονεῖμαι τῷ μὲν ἀγρόν, τῷ δὲ κώμην, τῷ δὲ συνοικίας πρόσοδον ἢ λιμένος. ἤδη δὲ κατανηλωμένων καὶ διαγεγραμμένων σχεδὸν ἁπάντων τῶν βασιλικῶν ὁ Περδίκκας σεαυτῷ δέ, εἶπεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τί καταλείπεις; τοῦ δὲ φήσαντος ὅτι τὰς ἐλπίδας, οὐκοῦν, ἔφη, καὶ ἡμεῖς τούτων κοινωνήσομεν οἱ μετὰ σοῦ στρατευόμενοι.
15.3. Then he declined the possessions which had been allotted to him, and some of the other friends of Alexander did likewise. But upon those who wanted and would accept his favours Alexander bestowed them readily, and most of what he possessed in Macedonia was used up in these distributions. Such was the ardour and such the equipment with which he crossed the Hellespont.
15.3. παραιτησαμένου δὲ τοῦ Περδίκκου τὴν διαγεγραμμένην κτῆσιν αὐτῷ, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων φίλων ἔνιοι τὸ αὐτὸ ἐποίησαν, τοῖς δὲ λαμβάνουσι καὶ δεομένοις προθύμως ἐχαρίζετο, καὶ τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ διανέμων οὕτως κατηνάλωσε. τοιαύτῃ μὲν ὁρμῇ καὶ παρασκευῇ διανοίας τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον διεπέρασεν.
15.4. Then, going up to Ilium, he sacrificed to Athena and poured libations to the heroes. Furthermore, the gravestone of Achilles he anointed with oil, ran a race by it with his companions, naked, as is the custom, and then crowned it with garlands, pronouncing the hero happy in having, while he lived, a faithful friend, and after death, a great herald of his fame.
15.4. ἀναβὰς δὲ εἰς Ἴλιον ἔθυσε τῇ Ἀθηνᾷ καὶ τοῖς ἥρωσιν ἔσπεισε. τὴν δὲ Ἀχιλλέως στήλην ἀλειψάμενος λίπα καὶ μετὰ τῶν ἑταίρων συναναδραμὼν γυμνὸς, ὥσπερ ἔθος ἐστίν, ἐστεφάνωσε, μακαρίσας αὐτόν ὅτι καὶ ζῶν φίλου πιστοῦ καὶ δὲ τελευτήσας μεγάλου κήρυκος ἔτυχεν.
15.5. As he was going about and viewing the sights of the city, someone asked him if he wished to see the lyre of Paris. “For that lyre,” said Alexander, “I care very little; but I would gladly see that of Achilles, to which he used to sing the glorious deeds of brave men.”
15.5. ἐν δὲ τῷ περιϊέναι καὶ θεᾶσθαι τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐρομένου τινὸς αὐτόν εἰ βούλεται τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου λύραν ἰδεῖν, ἐλάχιστα φροντίζειν ἐκείνης ἔφη, τὴν δὲ Ἀχιλλέως ζητεῖν, ᾗ τὰ κλέα καὶ τὰς πράξεις ὕμνει τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐκεῖνος.
16.1. Meanwhile the generals of Dareius had assembled a large force and set it in array at the crossing of the river Granicus, so that it was practically necessary to fight, as it were at the gates of Asia, for entrance and dominion there. But most of the Macedonian officers were afraid of the depth of the river, and of the roughness and unevenness of the farther banks, up which they would have to climb while fighting. Some, too, thought they ought to observe carefully the customary practice in regard to the month (for in the month of Daesius the kings of Macedonia were not wont to take the field with an army). This objection Alexander removed by bidding them call the month a second Artemisius; and when Parmenio, on the ground that it was too late in the day, objected to their risking the passage, he declared that the Hellespont would blush for shame, if, after having crossed that strait, he should be afraid of the Granicus, and plunged into the stream with thirteen troops of horsemen.
16.1. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τῶν Δαρείου στρατηγῶν μεγάλην δύναμιν ἡθροικότων καὶ παρατεταγμένων ἐπὶ τῇ διαβάσει τοῦ Γρανικοῦ, μάχεσθαι μὲν ἴσως ἀναγκαῖον ἦν, ὥσπερ ἐν πύλαις τῆς Ἀσίας, περὶ τῆς εἰσόδου καὶ ἀρχῆς· τοῦ δὲ ποταμοῦ τὸ βάθος καὶ τὴν ἀνωμαλίαν καὶ τραχύτητα τῶν πέραν ὄχθων, πρός οὓς ἔδει γίνεσθαι τὴν ἀπόβασιν μετὰ μάχης, τῶν πλείστων δεδιότων, ἐνίων δὲ καὶ τὸ περὶ τόν μῆνα νενομισμένον οἰομένων δεῖν φυλάξασθαι (Δαισίου γὰρ οὐκ εἱώθεισαν οἱ βασιλεῖ τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐξάγειν τὴν στρατιάν), τοῦτο μὲν ἐπηνωρθώσατο κελεύσας δεύτερον Ἀρτεμίσιον ἄγειν, τοῦ δὲ Παρμενίωνος, ὡς ὀψὲ τῆς ὥρας οὔσης, οὐκ ἐῶντος ἀποκινδυνεύειν, εἰπὼν αἰσχύνεσθαι τόν Ἑλλήσποντον εἰ φοβήσεται τόν Γρανικὸν διαβεβηκὼς ἐκεῖνον, ἐμβάλλει τῷ ῥεύματι σὺν ἴλαις ἱππέων τρισκαίδεκα.
16.3. And since he was charging against hostile missiles and precipitous positions covered with infantry and cavalry, and through a stream that swept men off their feet and surged about them, he seemed to be acting like a frenzied and foolish commander rather than a wise one. However, he persisted in his attempt to cross, gained the opposite banks with difficulty and much ado, though they were moist and slippery with mud, and was at once compelled to fight pell-mell and engage his assailants man by man, before his troops who were crossing could form into any order.
16.3. καὶ πρός ἐναντία βέλη καὶ τόπους ἀπορρῶγας ὅπλοις καταπεφραγμένους καὶ ἵπποις ἐλαύνων, καὶ διὰ ῥεύματος παραφέροντος καὶ περικλύζοντος, ἔδοξε μανικῶς καὶ πρός ἀπόνοιαν μᾶλλον ἢ γνώμῃ στρατηγεῖν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἐμφὺς τῇ διαβάσει καὶ κρατήσας τῶν τόπων χαλεπῶς καὶ μόλις, ὑγρῶν καὶ περισφαλῶν γενομένων διὰ τόν πηλόν, εὐθὺς ἠναγκάζετο φύρδην μάχεσθαι καὶ κατʼ ἄνδρα συμπλέκεσθαι τοῖς ἐπιφερομένοις, πρὶν εἰς τάξιν τινὰ καταστῆναι τοὺς διαβαίνοντας.
16.4. For the enemy pressed upon them with loud shouts, and matching horse with horse, plied their lances, and their swords when their lances were shattered. Many rushed upon Alexander, for he was conspicuous by his buckler and by his helmet’s crest, on either side of which was fixed a plume of wonderful size and whiteness. But although a javelin pierced the joint of his breastplate, he was not wounded; and when Rhoesaces and Spithridates, two Persian commanders, made at him together, he avoided the one, and smote Rhoesaces, who wore a breastplate, with his spear; and when this weapon snapped in two with the blow, he took to his sword.
16.4. ἐνέκειντο γὰρ κραυγῇ, καὶ τοὺς ἵππους παραβάλλοντες τοῖς ἵπποις ἐχρῶντο δόρασι, καὶ ξίφεσι τῶν δοράτων συντριβέντων. ὠσαμένων δὲ πολλῶν ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἦν δὲ τῇ πέλτῃ καὶ τοῦ κράνους τῇ χαίτῃ διαπρεπής, ἧς ἑκατέρωθεν εἱστήκει πτερὸν λευκότητι καὶ μεγέθει θαυμαστόν, ἀκοντισθεὶς μὲν ὑπὸ τὴν ὑποπτυχίδα τοῦ θώρακος οὐκ ἐτρώθη, Ῥοισάκου δὲ καὶ Σπιθριδάτου τῶν στρατηγῶν προσφερομένων ἅμα, τόν μὲν ἐκκλίνας, Ῥοισάκῃ δὲ προεμβαλὼν τεθωρακισμένῳ καὶ τὸ δόρυ κατακλάσας ἐπὶ τὸ ἐγχειρίδιον ὥρμησε.
16.5. Then, while he was thus engaged with Rhoesaces, Spithridates rode up from one side, raised himself up on his horse, and with all his might came down with a barbarian battle-axe upon Alexander’s head. Alexander’s crest was broken off together with one of its plumes, and his helmet could barely and with difficulty resist the blow, so that the edge of the battle-axe touched the topmost hair of his head. But while Spithridates was raising his arm again for another stroke, Cleitus, “Black Cleitus,” got the start of him and ran him through the body with his spear. At the same time Rhoesaces also fell, smitten by Alexander’s sword.
16.5. συμπεπτωκότων δὲ αὐτῶν ὁ Σπιθριδάτης ὑποστήσας ἐκ πλαγίων τόν ἵππον καὶ μετὰ σπουδῆς συνεξαναστάς κοπίδι βαρβαρικῇ κατήνεγκε· καὶ τόν μὲν λόφον ἀπέρραξε μετὰ θατέρου πτεροῦ, τὸ δὲ κράνος πρὸς τὴν πληγὴν ἀκριβῶς καὶ μόλις ἀντέσχεν, ὥστε τῶν πρώτων ψαῦσαι τριχῶν τὴν πτέρυγα τῆς κοπίδος, ἑτέραν δὲ τόν Σπιθριδάτην πάλιν ἐπαιρόμενον ἔφθασε Κλεῖτος ὁ μέλας τῷ ξυστῷ διελάσας μέσον, ὁμοῦ δὲ καὶ Ῥοισάκης ἔπεσεν ὑπὸ Ἀλεξάνδρου ξίφει πληγείς.
16.6. While Alexander’s cavalry were making such a dangerous and furious fight, the Macedonian phalanx crossed the river and the infantry forces on both sides engaged. The enemy, however, did not resist vigorously, nor for a long time, but fled in a rout, all except the Greek mercenaries. These made a stand at a certain eminence, and asked that Alexander should promise them quarter.
16.6. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ κινδύνου καὶ ἀγῶνος οὔσης τῆς ἱππομαχίας ἥ τε φάλαγξ διέβαινε τῶν Μακεδόνων καὶ συνῆγον αἱ πεζαὶ δυνάμεις, οὐ μὴν ὑπέστησαν εὐρώστως οὐδὲ πολὺν χρόνον, ἀλλʼ ἔφυγον τραπόμενοι, πλὴν τῶν μισθοφόρων Ἑλλήνων, οὗτοι δὲ πρός τινι λόφῳ συστάντες ᾔτουν τὰ πιστὰ τόν Ἀλέξανδρον.
16.7. But he, influenced by anger more than by reason, charged foremost upon them and lost his horse, which was smitten through the ribs with a sword (it was not Bucephalas, but another); and most of the Macedonians who were slain or wounded fought or fell there, since they came to close quarters with men who knew how to fight and were desperate. Of the Barbarians, we are told, twenty thousand footmen fell, and twenty-five hundred horsemen. But on Alexander’s side, Aristobulus says there were thirty-four dead in all, of whom nine were footmen.
16.7. ὁ δὲ θυμῷ μᾶλλον ἢ λογισμῷ πρῶτος ἐμβαλὼν τόν τε ἵππον ἀποβάλλει ξίφει πληγέντα διὰ τῶν πλευρῶν ἦν δὲ ἕτερος, οὐχ ὁ Βουκεφάλας, καὶ τοὺς πλείστους τῶν ἀποθανόντων καὶ τραυματισθέντων ἐκεῖ συνέβη κινδυνεῦσαι καὶ πεσεῖν,ʼ πρός ἀνθρώπους ἀπεγνωκότας καὶ μαχίμους συμπλεκομένους. λέγονται δὲ πεζοὶ μὲν δισμύριοι τῶν βαρβάρων, ἱππεῖς δὲ δισχίλιοι πεντακόσιοι πεσεῖν. τῶν δὲ περὶ τόν Ἀλέξανδρον Ἀριστόβουλός φησι τέσσαρας καὶ τριάκοντα νεκροὺς γενέσθαι τοὺς πάντας, ὧν ἐννέα πεζοὺς εἶναι.
16.8. Of these, then, Alexander ordered statues to be set up in bronze, and Lysippus wrought them. Moreover, desiring to make the Greeks partners in his victory, he sent to the Athenians in particular three hundred of the captured shields, and upon the rest of the spoils in general he ordered a most ambitious inscription to be wrought: “Alexander the son of Philip and all the Greeks except the Lacedaemonians from the Barbarians who dwell in Asia.” But the drinking vessels and the purple robes and whatever things of this nature he took from the Persians, all these, except a few, he sent to his mother.
16.8. τούτων μὲν οὖν ἐκέλευσεν εἰκόνας ἀνασταθῆναι χαλκᾶς, ἃς Λύσιππος εἰργάσατο. κοινούμενος δὲ τὴν νίκην τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἰδίᾳ μὲν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἔπεμψε τῶν αἰχμαλώτων τριακοσίας ἀσπίδας, κοινῇ δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις λαφύροις ἐκέλευσεν ἐπιγράψαι φιλοτιμοτάτην ἐπιγραφήν Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ Φιλίππου καὶ οἱ Ἕλληνες πλὴν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων τῶν τὴν Ἀσίαν κατοικούντων ἐκπώματα δὲ καὶ πορφύρας, καὶ ὅσα τοιαῦτα τῶν Περσικῶν ἔλαβε, πάντα τῇ μητρὶ πλὴν ὀλίγων ἔπεμψεν.
17.1. This contest at once made a great change in the situation to Alexander’s advantage, so that he received the submission even of Sardis, the bulwark of the barbarian dominion on the sea-coast, and added the rest of the country to his conquests. Halicarnassus alone withstood him, and Miletus, which cities he took by storm and subdued all the territories about them. Then he was in doubt as to his future course.
17.1. οὗτος ὁ ἀγὼν μεγάλην εὐθὺς ἐποίησε τῶν πραγμάτων μεταβολὴν πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον, ὥστε καὶ Σάρδεις, τὸ πρόσχημα τῆς ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ τῶν βαρβάρων ἡγεμονίας, παραλαβεῖν καὶ τἆλλα προστίθεσθαι. μόνη δὲ Ἁλικαρνασσὸς ἀντέστη καὶ Μίλητος, ἃς ἑλὼν κατὰ κράτος καὶ τὰ περὶ αὐτὰς πάντα χειρωσάμενος ἀμφίβολος ἦν πρὸς τὰ λοιπὰ τῇ γνώμῃ.
17.2. Many times he was eager to encounter Dareius and put the whole issue to hazard, and many times he would make up his mind to practice himself first, as it were, and strengthen himself by acquiring the regions along the sea with their resources, and then to go up against that monarch. Now, there is in Lycia, near the city of Xanthus, a spring, which at this time, as we are told, was of its own motion upheaved from its depths, and overflowed, and cast forth a bronze tablet bearing the prints of ancient letters, in which it was made known that the empire of the Persians would one day be destroyed by the Greeks and come to an end.
17.2. καὶ πολλάκις μὲν ἔσπευδε Δαρείῳ συμπεσὼν ἀποκινδυνεῦσαι περὶ τῶν ὅλων, πολλάκις δὲ τοῖς ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ πράγμασι καὶ χρήμασι διενοεῖτο πρῶτον οἷον ἐνασκήσας καὶ ῥώσας αὑτόν οὕτως ἀναβαίνειν ἐπʼ ἐκεῖνον. ἔστι δὲ τῆς Λυκίας κρήνη περὶ τὴν Ξανθίων πόλιν, ἧς τότε λέγουσιν αὐτομάτως περιτραπείσης καὶ ὑπερβαλούσης ἐκ βυθοῦ δέλτον ἐκπεσεῖν χαλκῆν τύπους ἔχουσαν ἀρχαίων γραμμάτων, ἐν οἷς ἐδηλοῦτο παύσεσθαι τὴν Περσῶν ἀρχὴν ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων καταλυθεῖσαν.
17.3. Encouraged by this prophecy, Alexander hastened to clear up the seacoast as far as Cilicia and Phoenicia. His rapid passage along the coasts of Pamphylia has afforded many historians material for bombastic and terrifying description. They imply that by some great and heaven-sent good fortune the sea retired to make way for Alexander, although at other times it always came rolling in with violence from the main, and scarcely ever revealed to sight the small rocks which lie close up under the precipitous and riven sides of the mountain.
17.3. τούτοις ἐπαρθείς ἠπείγετο τὴν παραλίαν ἀνακαθήρασθαι μέχρι τῆς Φοινίκης καὶ Κιλικίας, ἡ δὲ τῆς Παμφυλίας παραδρομὴ πολλοῖς γέγονε τῶν ἱστορικῶν ὑπόθεσις γραφικὴ πρὸς ἔκπληξιν καὶ ὄγκον, ὡς θείᾳ τινὶ τύχῃ παραχωρήσασαν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ τὴν θάλασσαν, ἄλλως ἀεὶ τραχεῖαν ἐκ πελάγους προσφερομένην, σπανίως δέ ποτε λεπτοὺς καὶ προσεχεῖς ὑπὸ τὰ κρημνώδη καὶ παρερρωγότα τῆς ὀρεινῆς πάγους διακαλύπτουσαν.
17.4. And Menander, in one of his comedies, evidently refers jestingly to this marvel:—How Alexander-like, indeed, this is; and if I seek some one,Spontaneous he’ll present himself; and if I clearly mustPass through some place by sea, this will lie open to my steps.Alexander himself; however, made no such prodigy out of it in his letters, but says that he marched by way of the so-called Ladder, and passed through it, setting out from Phaselis.
17.4. δηλοῖ δὲ καὶ Μένανδρος ἐν κωμῳδίᾳ παίζων πρὸς τὸ παράδοξονὡς Ἀλεξανδρῶδες ἤδη τοῦτο· κἂν ζητῶ τινα,αὐτόματος οὗτος παρέσται· κἂν διελθεῖν δηλαδήδιὰ θαλάσσης δέῃ τόπον τινʼ, οὗτος ἔσται μοι βατός.αὐτὸς δὲ Ἀλέξανδρος ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς οὐδὲν τοιοῦτον τερατευσάμενος ὁδοποιῆσαί φησι τὴν λεγομένην Κλίμακα καὶ διελθεῖν ὁρμήσας ἐκ Φασηλίδος.
17.5. This was the reason for his spending several days in that city, during which he noticed that a statue of Theodectas, a deceased citizen of Phaselis, had been erected in the marketplace. Once, therefore, after supper and in his cups, he led a band of revellers to the statue and crowned it with many of their garlands, thus in pleasantry returning no ungraceful honour for the past association with the man which he owed to Aristotle and philosophy.
17.5. διὸ καὶ πλείονας ἡμέρας ἐν τῇ πόλει διέτριψεν ἐν αἷς καὶ Θεοδέκτου τεθνηκότος ἦν δὲ Φασηλίτης ἰδὼν εἰκόνα ἀνακειμένην ἐν ἀγορᾷ, μετὰ δεῖπνον ἐπεκώμασε μεθύων καὶ τῶν στεφάνων ἐπέρριψε πολλούς, οὐκ ἄχαριν ἐν παιδιᾷ ἀποδιδοὺς τιμὴν τῇ γενομένῃ διʼ Ἀριστοτέλην καὶ φιλοσοφίαν ὁμιλίᾳ πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα.
18.1. After this, he overpowered such of the Pisidians as had offered him resistance, and subdued Phrygia; and after he had taken the city of Gordium, reputed to have been the home of the ancient Midas, he saw the much-talked-of waggon bound fast to its yoke with bark of the cornel-tree, and heard a story confidently told about it by the Barbarians, to the effect that whosoever loosed the fastening was destined to become king of the whole world.
18.1. μετὰ ταῦτα Πισιδῶν τε τοὺς ἀντιστάντας ᾕρει καί Φρυγίαν ἐχειροῦτο καί Γόρδιον πόλιν, ἑστίαν Μίδου τοῦ παλαιοῦ γενέσθαι λεγομένην, παραλαβών, τὴν θρυλουμένην ἅμαξαν εἶδε φλοιῷ κρανείας ἐνδεδεμένην, καί λόγον ἐπʼ αὐτῇ πιστευόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων ἤκουσεν, ὡς τῷ λύσαντι τὸν δεσμὸν εἵμαρται βασιλεῖ γενέσθαι τῆς οἰκουμένης.
18.2. Well, then, most writers say that since the fastenings had their ends concealed, and were intertwined many times in crooked coils, Alexander was at a loss how to proceed, and finally loosened the knot by cutting it through with his sword, and that when it was thus smitten many ends were to be seen. But Aristobulus says that he undid it very easily, by simply taking out the so-called “hestor,” or pin, of the waggon-pole, by which the yoke-fastening was held together, and then drawing away the yoke.
18.2. οἱ μὲν οὖν πολλοί φασι, τῶν δεσμῶν τυφλὰς ἐχόντων τὰς ἀρχὰς καί διʼ ἀλλήλων πολλάκις σκολιοῖς ἑλιγμοῖς ὑποφερομένων, τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἀμηχανοῦντα λῦσαι διατεμεῖν τῇ μαχαίρᾳ τὸ σύναμμα, καί πολλὰς ἐξ αὐτοῦ κοπέντος ἀρχὰς φανῆναι. Ἀριστόβουλος δὲ καί πάνυ λέγει ῥᾳδίαν αὐτῷ τὴν λύσιν γενέσθαι, ἐξελόντι τοῦ ῥυμοῦ τὸν ἕστορα καλούμενον, ᾧ συνείχετο τὸ ζυγόδεσμον, εἶθʼ οὕτως ὑφελκύσαντι τὸν ζυγόν.
18.3. Setting out from there, he subdued Paphlagonia and Cappadocia, and on hearing of the death of Memnon, one of the commanders of Dareius on the sea-board, who was thought likely to give Alexander abundant trouble and infinite annoyance, he was all the more encouraged for his expedition into the interior.
18.3. ἐντεῦθεν Παφλαγόνας τε καί Καππαδόκας προσαγαγόμενος, καὶ τὴν Μέμνονος ἀκούσας τελευτήν, ὃς τῶν ἐπὶ θαλάττῃ Δαρείου στρατηγῶν ἐπίδοξος ἦν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ πολλὰ πράγματα καί μυρίας ἀντιλήψεις καί ἀσχολίας παρέξειν, ἐπερρώσθη πρὸς τὴν ἄνω στρατείαν μᾶλλον.
18.4. Moreover, Dareius was already coming down to the coast from Susa, exalted in spirit by the magnitude of his forces (for he was leading an army of six hundred thousand men), and also encouraged by a certain dream, which the Magi interpreted in a way to please him rather than as the probabilities demanded. For he dreamed that the Macedonian phalanx was all on fire, and that Alexander, attired in a robe which he himself formerly used to wear when he was a royal courier, was waiting upon him, after which service he passed into the temple of Belus and disappeared.
18.4. ἤδη δὲ καί Δαρεῖος ἐκ Σούσων κατέβαινεν, ἐπαιρόμενός τε τῷ πλήθει τῆς δυνάμεως ἑξήκοντα γὰρ ἦγε μυριάδας στρατοῦ, καί τινος ὀνείρου θαρρύνοντος αὐτόν, ὃν οἱ μάγοι πρὸς χάριν ἐξηγοῦντο μᾶλλον ἢ κατὰ τὸ εἰκός, ἔδοξε γὰρ πυρὶ νέμεσθαι πολλῷ τὴν Μακεδόνων φάλαγγα, τὸν δὲ Ἀλέξανδρον ἔχοντα στολήν ἣν αὐτὸς ἐφόρει πρότερον ἀστάνδης ὢν βασιλέως, ὑπηρετεῖν αὐτῷ· παρελθόντα δὲ εἰς τὸ τοῦ Βήλου τέμενος ἀφανῆ γενέσθαι.
18.5. By this means, as it would seem, it was suggested to Dareius from Heaven that the exploits of the Macedonians would be conspicuous and brilliant, that Alexander would be master of Asia, just as Dareius became its master when he was made king instead of royal courier, and would speedily end his life with glory.
18.5. διὰ τούτων, ὡς ἔοικεν, ὑπεδηλοῦτο παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ λαμπρὰ μὲν γενήσεσθαι καί περιφανῆ τὰ τῶν Μακεδόνων, Ἀλέξανδρον δὲ τῆς μὲν Ἀσίας κρατήσειν, ὥσπερ ἐκράτησε Δαρεῖος ἐξ ἀστάνδου βασιλεὺς γενόμενος, ταχὺ δὲ σὺν δόξῃ τὸν βίον ἀπολείψειν.
19.1. Dareius was still more encouraged by Alexander’s long delay in Cilicia, which he attributed to cowardice. The delay was due, however, to a sickness, which assailed him in consequence of fatigues, according to some, but according to others, because he took a bath in the river Cydnus, whose waters were icy cold.
19.1. ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ἐθάρρησε καταγνοὺς δειλίαν Ἀλεξάνδρου πολὺν χρόνον ἐν Κιλικίᾳ διατρίψαντος. ἦν δὲ ἡ διατριβὴ διὰ νόσον, ἣν οἱ μὲν ἐκ κόπων, οἱ δὲ λουσαμένῳ ἐν τῷ τοῦ Κύδνου ῥεύματι καταπαγέντι προσπεσεῖν λέγουσι.
19.2. Be that as it may, none of the other physicians had the courage to administer remedies, but thinking that the danger was too great to be overcome by any remedy whatever, they were afraid of the charges which would be made against them by the Macedonians in consequence of their failure; but Philip the Acarnanian, who saw that the king was in an evil plight, put confidence in his friendship, and thinking it a shameful thing not to share his peril by exhausting the resources of art in trying to help him even at great risk, prepared a medicine and persuaded him to drink it boldly, if he was anxious to regain his strength for the war.
19.2. τῶν μὲν οὖν ἄλλων ἰατρῶν οὐδεὶς ἐθάρρει βοηθήσειν, ἀλλὰ τὸν κίνδυνον οἰόμενοι πάσης ἰσχυρότερον εἶναι βοηθείας ἐφοβοῦντο τὴν ἐκ τοῦ σφαλῆναι διαβολὴν πρὸς τοὺς Μακεδόνας· Φίλιππος δʼ ὁ Ἀκαρνὰν μοχθηρὰ μὲν ἑώρα τὰ περὶ αὐτὸν ὄντα, τῇ δὲ φιλίᾳ πιστεύων, καὶ δεινὸν ἡγούμενος εἰ κινδυνεύοντι μὴ συγκινδυνεύσει μέχρι τῆς ἐσχάτης πείρας βοηθῶν καὶ παραβαλλόμενος, ἐπεχείρησε φαρμακείᾳ καὶ συνέπεισεν αὐτὸν ὑπομεῖναι καὶ πιεῖν, σπεύδοντα ῥωσθῆναι πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον.
19.3. Meanwhile, however, Parmenio sent a letter to Alexander from the camp, urging him to he on his guard against Philip, for the reason that he had been persuaded by Dareius with the promise of large gifts and a marriage with his daughter, to kill Alexander. Alexander read the letter and placed it under his pillow, without showing it to any one of his friends. When the time appointed was at hand, and Philip came in with the king’s companions, carrying the medicine in a cup, Alexander handed him the letter, while he himself took the medicine from him with readiness and no sign of suspicion. It was an amazing sight, then, and one well worthy of the stage,—the one reading the letter, the other drinking the medicine, and then both together turning their eyes upon one another, but not with the same expression; for Alexander, by his glad and open countenance, showed his good will towards Philip and his trust in him, while Philip was beside himself at the calumny, now lifting up his hands towards heaven and calling upon the gods to witness his innocence, and now falling upon the couch on which Alexander lay and beseeching him to be of good courage and obey his physician.
19.3. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Παρμενίων ἔπεμψεν ἐπιστολὴν ἀπὸ στρατοπέδου, διακελευόμενος αὐτῷ φυλάξασθαι τὸν Φίλιππον ὡς ὑπὸ Δαρείου πεπεισμένον ἐπὶ δωρεαῖς μεγάλαις καὶ γάμῳ θυγατρὸς ἀνελεῖν Ἀλέξανδρον. ὁ δὲ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἀναγνοὺς καὶ μηδενὶ δείξας τῶν φίλων ὑπὸ τὸ προσκεφάλαιον ὑπέθηκεν. ὡς δὲ τοῦ καιροῦ παρόντος εἰσῆλθε μετὰ τῶν ἑταίρων ὁ Φίλιππος τὸ φάρμακον ἐν κύλικι κομίζων, ἐκείνῳ μὲν ἐπέδωκε τὴν ἐπιστολήν, αὐτὸς δὲ τὸ φάρμακον ἐδέξατο προθύμως καὶ ἀνυπόπτως, ὥστε θαυμαστὴν καὶ θεατρικὴν τὴν ὄψιν εἶναι, τοῦ μὲν ἀν ἀναγινώσκοντος, τοῦ δὲ πίνοντος, εἶτα ἅμα πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀποβλεπόντων οὐχ ὁμοίως, ἀλλὰ τοῦ μὲν Ἀλεξάνδρου φαιδρῷ τῷ προσώπῳ καὶ διακεχυμένῳ τὴν πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον εὐμένειαν καὶ πίστιν ἀποφαίνοντος, ἐκείνου δὲ πρὸς τὴν διαβολὴν ἐξισταμένου καὶ ποτὲ μὲν θεοκλυτοῦντος καὶ πρὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀνατείνοντος τὰς χεῖρας, ποτὲ δὲ τῇ κλίνῃ περιπίπτοντος καὶ παρακαλοῦντος τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον εὐθυμεῖν καὶ προσέχειν αὐτῷ.
19.5. For at first the medicine mastered the patient, and as it were drove back and buried deep his bodily powers, so that his voice failed, he fell into a swoon, and became almost wholly unconscious. However, he was speedily restored to his senses by Philip, and when he had recovered strength he showed himself to the Macedonians, who refused to be comforted until they had seen Alexander.
19.5. τὸ γὰρ φάρμακον ἐν ἀρχῇ κρατῆσαν τοῦ σώματος οἷον ἀπέωσε καὶ κατέδυσεν εἰς βάθος τὴν δύναμιν, ὥστε καὶ φωνὴν ἐπιλιπεῖν καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν αἴσθησιν ἀσαφῆ καὶ μικρὰ κομιδῇ γενέσθαι, λιποθυμίας ἐπιπεσούσης· οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ ταχέως ἀναληφθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ Φιλίππου καὶ ῥαΐσας αὑτὸν ἐπέδειξε τοῖς Μακεδόσιν οὐ γὰρ ἐπαύοντο πρὶν ἰδεῖν τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἀθυμοῦντες.
20.1. Now, there was in the army of Dareius a certain Macedonian who had fled from his country, Amyntas by name, and he was well acquainted with the nature of Alexander. This man, when he saw that Dareius was eager to attack Alexander within the narrow passes of the mountains, begged him to remain where he was, that he might fight a decisive battle with his vast forces against inferior numbers in plains that were broad and spacious.
20.1. ἦν δέ τις ἐν τῷ Δαρείου στρατῷ πεφευγὼς ἐκ Μακεδονίας ἀνὴρ Μακεδών, Ἀμύντας, οὐκ ἄπειρος τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου φύσεως, οὗτος ὡρμημένον ἰδὼν Δαρεῖον εἴσω τῶν στενῶν βαδίζειν ἐπʼ Ἀλέξανδρον, ἐδεῖτο κατὰ χώραν ὑπομένειν, ἐν πλάτος ἔχουσι πεδίοις καί ἀναπεπταμένοις πρὸς ἐλάττονας πλήθει τοσούτῳ διαμαχούμενον.
20.2. And when Dareius replied that he was afraid the enemy would run away before he could get at them, and Alexander thus escape him, “Indeed,” said Amyntas, “on this point, O king, thou mayest be without fear; for he will march against thee, nay, at this very moment, probably, he is on the march.” Dareius would not listen to these words of Amyntas, but broke camp and marched into Cilicia, and at the same time Alexander marched into Syria against him.
20.2. ἀποκριναμένου δὲ Δαρείου δεδιέναι μὴ φθάσωσιν αὑτὸν ἀποδράντες οἱ πολέμιοι καί διαφυγὼν Ἀλέξανδρος, ἀλλὰ τούτου γε, εἶπεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, χάριν θάρρει βαδιεῖται γὰρ ἐκεῖνος ἐπὶ σέ, καί σχεδὸν ἤδη βαδίζει. ταῦτα λέγων Ἀμύντας οὐκ ἔπειθεν, ἀλλʼ ἀναστὰς ἐπορεύετο Δαρεῖος εἰς Κιλικίαν, ἅμα δὲ Ἀλέξανδρος εἰς Συρίαν ἐπʼ ἐκεῖνον.
20.3. But having missed one another in the night, they both turned back again, Alexander rejoicing in his good fortune, and eager to meet his enemy in the passes, while Dareius was as eager to extricate his forces from the passes and regain his former camping-ground. For he already saw that he had done wrong to throw himself into places which were rendered unfit for cavalry by sea and mountains and a river running through the middle (the Pinarus), which were broken up in many parts, and favoured the small numbers of his enemy.
20.3. ἐν δὲ τῇ νυκτὶ διαμαρτόντες ἀλλήλων αὖθις ἀνέστρεφον, Ἀλέξανδρος μὲν ἡδόμενός τε τῇ συντυχίᾳ καί σπεύδων ἀπαντῆσαι περὶ τὰ στενά, Δαρεῖος δὲ τὴν προτέραν ἀναλαβεῖν στρατοπεδείαν καί τῶν στενῶν ἐξελίξαι τὴν δύναμιν. ἤδη γὰρ ἐγνώκει παρὰ τὸ συμφέρον ἐμβεβληκὼς ἑαυτὸν εἰς χωρία θαλάττῃ καί ὄρεσι καί ποταμῷ διὰ μέσου ῥέοντι τῷ Πινάρῳ δύσιππα, καί διεσπασμένα πολλαχοῦ, καί πρὸς τῆς ὀλιγότητος τῶν πολεμίων ἔχοντα τὴν θέσιν.
20.4. And not only was the place for the battle a gift of Fortune to Alexander, but his generalship was better than the provisions of Fortune for his victory. For since he was so vastly inferior in numbers to the Barbarians, he gave them no opportunity to encircle him, but, leading his right wing in person, extended it past the enemy’s left, got on their flank, and routed the Barbarians who were opposed to him, fighting among the foremost, so that he got a sword-wound in the thigh. Chares says this wound was given him by Dareius, with whom he had a hand-to-hand combat, but Alexander, in a letter to Antipater about the battle, did not say who it was that gave him the wound; he wrote that he had been wounded in the thigh with a dagger, but that no serious harm resulted from the wound.
20.4. Ἀλεξάνδρῳ δὲ τὸν μὲν τόπον ἡ τύχη παρέσχεν, ἐστρατήγησε δὲ τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς τύχης ὑπαρχόντων πρὸς τὸ νικῆσαι βέλτιον, ὅς γε τοσούτῳ πλήθει τῶν βαρβάρων λειπόμενος ἐκείνοις μὲν οὐ παρέσχε κύκλωσιν, αὐτὸς δὲ τῷ δεξιῷ τὸ εὐώνυμον ὑπερβαλὼν καί γενόμενος κατὰ κέρας φυγὴν ἐποίησε τῶν καθʼ αὑτὸν βαρβάρων, ἐν πρώτοις ἀγωνιζόμενος, ὥστε τρωθῆναι ξίφει τὸν μηρόν, ὡς μὲν Χάρης φησίν, ὑπὸ Δαρείου (συμπεσεῖν γὰρ αὐτοὺς εἰς χεῖρας), Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ περὶ τῆς μάχης ἐπιστέλλων τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀντίπατρον οὐκ εἴρηκεν ὅστις ἦν ὁ τρώσας, ὅτι δὲ τρωθείη τὸν μηρὸν ἐγχειριδίῳ, δυσχερὲς δʼ οὐδὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ τραύματος συμβαίη γέγραφε.
20.5. Although he won a brilliant victory and destroyed more than a hundred and ten thousand of his enemies, he did not capture Dareius, who got a start of four or five furlongs in his flight; but he did take the king’s chariot, and his bow, before he came back from the pursuit.
20.5. νικήσας δὲ λαμπρῶς καί καταβαλὼν ὑπὲρ ἕνδεκα μυριάδας τῶν πολεμίων, Δαρεῖον μὲν οὐχ εἷλε τέτταρας σταδίους ἢ πέντε προλαβόντα τῇ φυγῇ, τὸ δὲ ἅρμα καί τὸ τόξον αὐτοῦ λαβὼν ἐπανῆλθε·
20.6. He found his Macedonians carrying off the wealth from the camp of the Barbarians, and the wealth was of surpassing abundance, although its owners had come to the battle in light marching order and had left most of their baggage in Damascus; he found, too, that his men had picked out for him the tent of Dareius, which was full to overflowing with gorgeous servitors and furniture, and many treasures.
20.6. καί κατέλαβε τοὺς Μακεδόνας τὸν μὲν ἄλλον πλοῦτον ἐκ τοῦ βαρβαρικοῦ στρατοπέδου φέροντας καί ἄγοντας ὑπερβάλλοντα πλήθει, καίπερ εὐζώνων πρὸς τὴν μάχην παραγενομένων καὶ τὰ πλεῖστα τῆς ἀποσκευῆς ἐν Δαμασκῷ καταλιπόντων, τὴν δὲ Δαρείου σκηνὴν ἐξῃρηκότας ἐκείνῳ, θεραπείας τε λαμπρᾶς καί παρασκευῆς καί χρημάτων πολλῶν γέμουσαν.
20.7. Straightway, then, Alexander put off his armour and went to the bath, saying: “Let us go and wash off the sweat of the battle in the bath of Dareius.” “No, indeed,” said one of his companions, “but rather in that of Alexander; for the property of the conquered must belong to the conqueror, and be called his.”
20.7. εὐθὺς οὖν ἀποδυσάμενος τὰ ὅπλα πρὸς τὸ λουτρὸν ἐβάδιζεν, εἰπών· ἴωμεν ἀπολουσόμενοι τὸν ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης ἱδρῶτα τῷ Δαρείου λουτρῷ. καί τις τῶν ἑταίρων μὰ τὸν Δία εἶπεν, ἀλλὰ τῷ Ἀλεξάνδρου· τὰ γὰρ τῶν ἡττωμένων εἶναί τε δεῖ καί προσαγορεύεσθαι τοῦ κρατοῦντος.
20.8. And when he saw the basins and pitchers and tubs and caskets, all of gold, and curiously wrought, while the apartment was marvellously fragrant with spices and unguents, and when he passed from this into a tent which was worthy of admiration for its size and height, and for the adornment of the couch and tables and banquet prepared for him, he turned his eyes upon his companions and said: “This, as it would seem, is to be a king.”
20.8. ὡς δὲ εἶδε μὲν ὅλκια καί κρωσσοὺς καί πυέλους καί ἀλαβάστρους, πάντα χρυσοῦ, ἠσκημένα περιττῶς, ὠδώδει δὲ θεσπέσιον οἷον ὑπὸ ἀρωμάτων καί μύρων ὁ οἶκος, ἐκ δὲ τούτου παρῆλθεν εἰς σκηνὴν ὕψει τε καί μεγέθει καί τῷ περὶ τὴν στρωμνὴν καί τραπέζας καί τὸ δεῖπνον αὐτοῦ κόσμῳ θαύματος ἀξίαν, διαβλέψας πρὸς τοὺς ἑταίρους, τοῦτο ἦν, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἔφη, τὸ βασιλεύειν.
21.1. As he was betaking himself to supper, someone told him that among the prisoners were the mother, wife, and two unmarried daughters of Dareius, and that at sight of his chariot and bow they beat their breasts and lamented, believing that he was dead. Accordingly, after a considerable pause, more affected by their affliction than by his own success, he sent Leonnatus, with orders to tell them that Dareius was not dead, and that they need have no fear of Alexander;
21.1. τρεπομένῳ δὲ πρὸς τὸ δεῖπνον αὐτῷ φράζει τις ἐν τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις ἀγομένας μητέρα καὶ γυναῖκα Δαρείου καὶ θυγατέρας δύο παρθένους ἰδούσας τὸ ἅρμα καὶ τὰ τόξα κόπτεσθαι καὶ θρηνεῖν, ὡς ἀπολωλότος ἐκείνου. συχνὸν οὖν ἐπισχὼν χρόνον Ἀλέξανδρος, καὶ ταῖς ἐκείνων τύχαις μᾶλλον ἢ ταῖς ἑαυτοῦ ἐμπαθὴς γενόμενος, πέμπει Λεοννάτον, ἀπαγγεῖλαι κελεύσας ὡς οὔτε Δαρεῖος τέθνηκεν οὔτε Ἀλέξανδρον δεδιέναι χρή·
21.2. for it was Dareius upon whom he was waging war for supremacy, but they should have everything which they used to think their due when Dareius was undisputed king. If this message was thought by the women to be mild and kindly, still more did the actions of Alexander prove to be humane. For he gave them permission to bury whom they pleased of the Persians, and to use for this purpose raiment and adornment from the spoils, and he abated not one jot of their honourable maintenance, nay, they enjoyed even larger allowances than before.
21.2. Δαρείῳ γὰρ ὑπὲρ ἡγεμονίας πολεμεῖν, ἐκείναις δὲ πάντα ὑπάρξειν ὧν καὶ Δαρείου βασιλεύοντος ἠξιοῦντο. τοῦ δὲ λόγου ταῖς γυναιξὶν ἡμέρου καὶ χρηστοῦ φανέντος ἔτι μᾶλλον τὰ τῶν ἔργων ἀπήντα φιλάνθρωπα. θάψαι γὰρ ὅσους ἐβούλοντο Περσῶν ἔδωκεν, ἐσθῆτι καὶ κόσμῳ χρησαμέναις ἐκ τῶν λαφύρων, θεραπείας τε καὶ τιμῆς ἦν εἶχον οὐδʼ ὁτιοῦν ἀφεῖλε, συντάξεις δὲ καὶ μείζονας ἐκαρποῦντο τῶν προτέρων.
21.3. But the most honourable and most princely favour which these noble and chaste women received from him in their captivity was that they neither heard, nor suspected, nor awaited anything that could disgrace them, but lived, as though guarded in sacred and inviolable virgins’ chambers instead of in an enemy’s camp, apart from the speech and sight of men. And yet it is said that the wife of Dareius was far the most comely of all royal women, just as Dareius himself also was handsomest and tallest of men, and the daughters resembled their parents.
21.3. ἡ δὲ καλλίστη καὶ βασιλικωτάτη χάρις ἦν παρʼ αὐτοῦ γυναιξὶ γενναίαις γενομέναις αἰχμαλώτοις καὶ σώφροσι μήτε ἀκοῦσαι τι μήτε ὑπονοῆσαι μήτε προσδοκῆσαι τῶν αἰσχρῶν, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ οὐκ ἐν στρατοπέδῳ πολεμίων, ἀλλʼ ἐν ἱεροῖς καὶ ἁγίοις φυλαττομένας παρθενῶσιν ἀπόρρητον ἔχειν καὶ ἀόρατον ἑτέροις δίαιταν. καίτοι λέγεταί γε τὴν Δαρείου γυναῖκα πολὺ πασῶν τῶν βασιλίδων εὐπρεπεστάτην γενέσθαι, καθάπερ καὶ αὐτὸς Δαρεῖος ἀνδρῶν κάλλιστος καὶ μέγιστος, τὰς δὲ παῖδας ἐοικέναι τοῖς γονεῦσιν.
21.4. But Alexander, as it would seem, considering the mastery of himself a more kingly thing than the conquest of his enemies, neither laid hands upon these women, nor did he know any other before marriage, except Barsiné. This woman, Memnon’s widow, was taken prisoner at Damascus. And since she had received a Greek education, and was of an agreeable disposition, and since her father, Artabazus, was son of a king’s daughter, Alexander determined (at Parmenio’s instigation, as Aristobulus says) to attach himself to a woman of such high birth and beauty.
21.4. ἀλλʼ Ἀλέξανδρος, ὡς ἔοικε, τοῦ νικᾶν τοὺς πολεμίους τὸ κρατεῖν ἑαυτοῦ βασιλικώτερον ἡγούμενος, οὔτε τούτων ἔθιγεν οὔτε ἄλλην ἔγνω γυναῖκα πρὸ γάμου, πλὴν Βαρσίνης. αὕτη δὲ, μετὰ τὴν Μέμνονος τελευτὴν χήρα γενομένη, περὶ Δαμασκὸν ἐλήφθη. πεπαιδευμένη δὲ παιδείαν Ἑλληνικήν καὶ τὸν τρόπον ἐπιεικὴς οὖσα καὶ πατρὸς Ἀρταβάζου γεγονότος ἐκ βασιλέως θυγατρός, ἐγνώσθη, Παρμενίωνος προτρεψαμένου τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον, ὥς φησιν Ἀριστόβουλος, καλῆς καὶ γενναίας ἅψασθαι γυναικός.
21.5. But as for the other captive women, seeing that they were surpassingly stately and beautiful, he merely said jestingly that Persian women were torments to the eyes. And displaying in rivalry with their fair looks the beauty of his own sobriety and self-control, he passed them by as though they were lifeless images for display.
21.5. τὰς δὲ ἄλλας αἰχμαλώτους ὁρῶν ὁ Ἀλέξανδρος κάλλει καὶ μεγέθει διαφερούσας ἔλεγε παίζων ὡς εἰσὶν ἀλγηδόνες ὀμμάτων αἱ Περσίδες, ἀντεπιδεικνύμενος δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἰδέαν τὴν ἐκείνων τὸ τῆς ἰδίας ἐγκρατείας καὶ σωφροσύνης κάλλος, ὥσπερ ἀψύχους εἰκόνας ἀγαλμάτων παρέπεμψεν.
22.1. Moreover, when Philoxenus, the commander of his forces on the sea-board, wrote that there was with him a certain Theodorus, of Tarentum, who had two boys of surpassing beauty to sell, and enquired whether Alexander would buy them, Alexander was incensed, and cried out many times to his friends, asking them what shameful thing Philoxenus had ever seen in him that he should spend his time in making such disgraceful proposals. And on Philoxenus himself he heaped much reproach in a letter, bidding him send Theodorus to perdition, merchandize and all.
22.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ Φιλόξενος ὁ τῶν ἐπὶ θαλάττῃ στρατηγὸς ἔγραψεν εἶναι παρʼ αὐτῷ Θεόδωρόν τινα Ταραντῖνον ἔχοντα παῖδας ὠνίους δύο τὴν ὄψιν ὑπερφυεῖς, καὶ πυνθανόμενος εἰ πρίηται, χαλεπῶς ἐνεγκὼν ἐβόα πολλάκις πρὸς τοὺς φίλους, ἐρωτῶν τί πώποτε Φιλόξενος αἰσχρὸν αὐτῷ συνεγνωκώς τοιαῦτα ὀνείδη προξενῶν κάθηται, τὸν δὲ Φιλόξενον αὐτόν ἐν ἐπιστολῇ πολλὰ λοιδορήσας ἐκέλευσεν αὐτοῖς φορτίοις τὸν Θεόδωρον εἰς τὸν ὄλεθρον ἀποστέλλειν.
22.2. He severely rebuked Hagnon also for writing to him that he wanted to buy Crobylus, whose beauty was famous in Corinth, as a present for him. Furthermore, on learning that Damon and Timotheus, two Macedonian soldiers under Parmenio’s command, had ruined the wives of certain mercenaries, he wrote to Parmenio ordering him, in case the men were convicted, to punish them and put them to death as wild beasts born for the destruction of mankind.
22.2. ἐπέπληξε δὲ καὶ Ἅγνωνι γράψαντι πρὸς αὐτόν ὅτι Κρωβύλον εὐδοκιμοῦντα ἐν Κορίνθῳ βούλεται πριάμενος ἀγαγεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν, πυνθανόμενος δὲ μισθοφόρων τινῶν γύναια διεφθαρκέναι Δάμωνα καὶ Τιμόθεον Μακεδόνας τῶν ὑπὸ Παρμενίωνι στρατευομένων, ἔγραψε Παρμενίωνι κελεύων, ἐὰν ἐλεγχθῶσιν, ὡς θηρία ἐπὶ καταφθορᾷ τῶν ἀνθρώπων γεγονότα τιμωρησάμενον ἀποκτεῖναι.
22.3. In this letter he also wrote expressly concerning himself: “As for me, indeed, it will be found not only that I have not seen the wife of Dareius or desired to see her, but that I have not even allowed people to speak to me of her beauty.” And he used to say that sleep and sexual intercourse, more than any thing else, made him conscious that he was mortal, implying that both weariness and pleasure arise from one and the same natural weakness.
22.3. καὶ περὶ ἑαυτοῦ κατὰ λέξιν ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ ἐπιστολῇ γέγραφεν· ἐγὼ γὰρ οὐχ ὅτι ἑωρακὼς ἂν εὑρεθείην τὴν Δαρείου γυναῖκα ἢ βεβουλημένος ἰδεῖν, ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ τῶν λεγόντων περὶ τῆς εὐμορφίας αὐτῆς προσδεδεγμένος τὸν λόγον ἔλεγε δὲ μάλιστα συνιέναι θνητὸς ὢν ἐκ τοῦ καθεύδειν καὶ συνουσιάζειν, ὡς ἀπὸ μιᾶς ἐγγινόμενον ἀσθενείας τῇ φύσει καὶ τὸ πονοῦν καὶ τὸ ἡδόμενον.
22.4. He had also the most complete mastery over his appetite, and showed this both in many other ways, and especially by what he said to Ada, whom he honoured with the title of Mother and made queen of Caria. When, namely, in the kindness of her heart, she used to send him day by day many viands and sweetmeats, and finally offered him bakers and cooks reputed to be very skilful, he said he wanted none of them, for he had better cooks which had been given him by his tutor, Leonidas; for his breakfast, namely, a night march, and for his supper, a light breakfast.
22.4. ἢν δὲ καὶ γαστρὸς ἐγκρατέστατος, καὶ τοῦτο ἄλλοις τε πολλοῖς ἐδήλωσε καὶ τοῖς πρὸς Ἄδαν λεχθεῖσιν, ἣν ἐποιήσατο μητέρα καὶ Καρίας βασίλισσαν ἀπέδειξεν. ὡς γὰρ ἐκείνη φιλοφρονουμένη πολλὰ μὲν ὄψα καθʼ ἡμέραν ἀπέστελλεν αὐτῷ καὶ πέμματα, τέλος δὲ τοὺς δοκοῦντας εἶναι δεινοτάτους ὀψοποιοὺς καὶ ἀρτοποιούς, ἔφη τούτων μηδενὸς δεῖσθαι·
22.5. “And this same Leonidas,” he said, “used to come and open my chests of bedding and clothing, to see that my mother did not hide there for me some luxury or superfluity.”
22.5. βελτίονας γὰρ ὀψοποιοὺς ἔχειν ὑπὸ τοῦ παιδαγωγοῦ Λεωνίδου δεδομένους αὐτῷ, πρὸς μὲν τὸ ἄριστον, νυκτοπορίαν, πρὸς δὲ τὸ δεῖπνον, ὀλιγαριστίαν. ὁ δʼ αὐτὸς οὗτος ἀνὴρ, ἔφη, καὶ τῶν στρωμάτων ἐπιὼν τὰ ἀγγεῖα καὶ τῶν ἱματίων ἔλυεν, ἐπισκοπῶν μή τί μοι τρυφερὸν ἢ περισσὸν ἡ μήτηρ ἐντέθεικεν.
23.1. To the use of wine also he was less addicted than was generally believed. The belief arose from the time which he would spend over each cup, more in talking than in drinking, always holding some long discourse, and this too when he had abundant leisure. For in the stress of affairs he was not to be detained, as other commanders were, either by wine, or sleep, or any sport, or amour, or spectacle.
23.1. ἦν δὲ καὶ πρός οἶνον ἧττον ἢ ἐδόκει καταφερής. ἔδοξε δὲ διὰ τὸν χρόνον ὃν οὐ πίνων μᾶλλον ἢ λαλῶν εἷλκεν ἐφʼ ἑκάστης κύλικος, ἀει μακρόν τινα λόγον διατιθέμενος, καὶ ταῦτα πολλῆς σχολῆς οὔσης, ἐπεὶ πρός γε τὰς πράξεις οὐκ οἶνος ἐκεῖνον, οὐχ ὕπνος, οὐ παιδιά τις, οὐ γάμος, οὐ θέα, καθάπερ ἄλλους στρατηγούς, ἐπέσχε.
23.2. This is proved by his life, which though altogether brief, he filled to overflowing with the greatest exploits. In his times of leisure, however, after rising and sacrificing to the gods, he immediately took breakfast sitting; then, he would spend the day in hunting, or administering justice, or arranging his military affairs, or reading. If he were making a march which was not very urgent, he would practise, as he went along, either archery or mounting and dismounting from a chariot that was under way.
23.2. δηλοῖ δὲ ὁ βίος, ὃν βιώσας βραχὺν παντάπασι, πλείστων καὶ μεγίστων πράξεων ἐνέπλησεν. ἐν δὲ ταῖς σχολαῖς πρῶτον μὲν ἀναστὰς καὶ θύσας τοῖς θεοῖς εὐθὺς ἠρίστα καθήμενος· ἔπειτα διημέρευε κυνηγῶν ἢ δικάζων ἢ συντάττων τι τῶν πολεμικῶν ἢ ἀναγινώσκων. εἰ δὲ ὁδὸν βαδίζοι μὴ λίαν ἐπείγουσαν, ἐμάνθανεν ἅμα πορευόμενος ἢ τοξεύειν ἢ ἐπιβαίνειν ἅρματος ἐλαυνομένου καὶ ἀποβαίνειν.
23.3. Often, too, for diversion, he would hunt foxes or birds, as may be gathered from his journals. After he had taken quarters for the night, and while he was enjoying bath or anointing, he would enquire of his chief cooks and bakers whether the arrangements for his supper were duly made. When it was late and already dark, he would begin his supper, reclining on a couch, and marvellous was his care and circumspection at table, in order that everything might be served impartially and without stint; but over the wine, as I have said, he would sit long, for conversation’s sake.
23.3. πολλάκις δὲ παίζων καὶ ἀλώπεκας ἐθήρευε καὶ ὄρνιθας, ὡς ἔστι λαβεῖν ἐκ τῶν ἐφημερίδων, καταλύσας δὲ καὶ τρεπόμενος πρός λουτρὸν ἢ ἄλειμμα, τοὺς ἐπὶ τῶν σιτοποιῶν καὶ μαγείρων ἀνέκρινεν εἰ τὰ πρός τὸ δεῖπνον εὐτρεπῶς ἔχουσι. καὶ δειπνεῖν μὲν ὀψὲ καὶ σκότους ἤδη κατακλινόμενος ἤρχετο, θαυμαστὴ δὲ ἦν ἡ ἐπιμέλεια καὶ περίβλεψις ἐπὶ τῆς τραπέζης, ὅπως μηδὲν ἀνίσως μηδὲ ὀλιγώρως διανέμοιτο· τὸν δὲ πότον, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, μακρόν ὑπὸ ἀδολεσχίας ἐξέτεινε.
23.4. And although in other ways he was of all princes most agreeable in his intercourse, and endowed with every grace, at this time his boastfulness would make him unpleasant and very like a common soldier. Not only was he himself carried away into blustering, but he suffered himself to be ridden by his flatterers. These were a great annoyance to the finer spirits in the company, who desired neither to vie with the flatterers, nor yet to fall behind them in praising Alexander. The one course they thought disgraceful, the other had its perils.
23.4. καὶ τἆλλα πάντων ἥδιστος ὢν βασιλέων συνεῖναι καὶ χάριτος οὐδεμιᾶς ἀμοιρῶν, τότε ταῖς μεγαλαυχίαις ἀηδὴς ἐγίνετο καὶ λίαν στρατιωτικός, αὐτός τε πρός τὸ κομπῶδες ὑποφερόμενος καὶ τοῖς κόλαξιν ἑαυτὸν ἀνεικὼς ἱππάσιμον, ὑφʼ ὧν οἱ χαριέστεροι τῶν παρόντων ἐπετρίβοντο, μήτε ἁμιλλᾶσθαι τοῖς κόλαζι μήτε λείπεσθαι βουλόμενοι τῶν αὐτῶν ἐπαίνων, τὸ μὲν γὰρ αἰσχρὸν ἐδόκει, τὸ δὲ κίνδυνον ἔφερε.
23.5. After the drinking was over, he would take a bath and sleep, frequently until midday; and sometimes he would actually spend the entire day in sleep. In the matter of delicacies, too, he himself, at all events, was master of his appetite, so that often, when the rarest fruits or fish were brought to him from the sea-coast, he would distribute them to each of his companions until he was the only one for whom nothing remained.
23.5. μετὰ δὲ τὸν πότον λουσάμενος ἐκάθευδε πολλάκις μέχρι μέσης ἡμέρας· ἔστι δʼ ὅτε καὶ διημέρευεν ἐν τῷ καθεύδειν. αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν καὶ ὄψων ἐγκρατὴς ἦν, ὥστε καὶ τὰ σπανιώτατα πολλάκις τῶν ἀπὸ θαλάττης αὐτῷ κομιζομένων ἀκροδρύων καὶ ἰχθύων ἑκάστῳ διαπεμπόμενος τῶν ἑταίρων ἑαυτῷ μόνῳ μηδὲν καταλιπεῖν·
23.6. His suppers, however, were always magnificent, and the outlay upon them increased with his successes until it reached the sum of ten thousand drachmas. There it stood, and that was the prescribed limit of expenditure for those who entertained Alexander.
23.6. τὸ μέντοι δεῖπνον ἦν ἀεὶ μεγαλοπρεπές, καὶ τοῖς εὐτυχήμασι τῆς δαπάνης ἅμα συναυξομένης τέλος εἰς μυρίας δραχμὰς προῆλθεν. ἐνταῦθα δὲ ἔστη, καὶ τοσοῦτον ὡρίσθη τελεῖν τοῖς ὑποδεχομένοις Ἀλέξανδρον.
24.1. After the battle at Issus, he sent to Damascus and seized the money and baggage of the Persians together with their wives and children. And most of all did the Thessalian horsemen enrich themselves, for they had shown themselves surpassingly brave in the battle, and Alexander sent them on this expedition purposely, wishing to have them enrich themselves. But the rest of the army also was filled with wealth.
24.1. μετὰ δὲ τὴν μάχην τὴν ἐν Ἰσσῷ πέμψας εἰς Δαμασκόν ἔλαβε τὰ χρήματα καὶ τὰς ἀποσκευὰς καὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας τῶν Περσῶν. καὶ πλεῖστα μὲν ὠφελήθησαν οἱ τῶν Θεσσαλῶν ἱππεῖς· τούτους γὰρ ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς διαφερόντως ἐν τῇ μάχῃ γενομένους ἔπεμψεν ἐπίτηδες ὠφεληθῆναι βουλόμενος· ἐνεπλήσθη δὲ καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν εὐπορίας στρατόπεδον.
24.2. Then for the first time the Macedonians got a taste of gold and silver and women and barbaric luxury of life, and now that they had struck the trail, they were like dogs in their eagerness to pursue and track down the wealth of the Persians. However, Alexander determined first to make himself master of the sea-coasts. As for Cyprus, then, its kings came at once and put the island in his hands, together with Phoenicia, with the exception of Tyre.
24.2. καὶ γευσάμενοι τότε πρῶτον οἱ Μακεδόνες χρυσοῦ καὶ ἀργύρου καὶ γυναικῶν καὶ διαίτης βαρβαρικῆς, ὥσπερ κύνες ἔσπευδον ἁψάμενοι στίβου διώκειν καὶ ἀνιχνεύειν τὸν τῶν Περσῶν πλοῦτον. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ πρῶτον ἐδόκει κρατύνεσθαι τὰ πρὸς θαλάσσῃ. Κύπρον μὲν οὖν εὐθὺς οἱ βασιλεῖς ἧκον ἐγχειρίζοντες αὐτῷ, καὶ Φοινίκην πλὴν Τύρου.
24.3. But Tyre he besieged for seven months, with moles, and engines-of-war, and two hundred triremes by sea. During this siege he had a dream in which he saw Heracles stretching out his hand to him from the wall and calling him. And many of the Tyrians dreamed that Apollo told them he was going away to Alexander, since he was displeased at what was going on in the city.
24.3. Τύρον δὲ πολιορκῶν ἑπτὰ μῆνας χώμασι καὶ μηχαναῖς καὶ τριήρεσι διακοσίαις ἐκ θαλάττης, ὄναρ εἶδε τὸν Ἡρακλέα δεξιούμενον αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους καὶ καλοῦντα. τῶν δὲ Τυρίων πολλοῖς κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἔδοξεν ὁ Ἀπόλλων λέγειν ὡς ἄπεισι πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον οὐ γὰρ ἀρέσκειν αὐτῷ τὰ πρασσόμενα κατὰ τὴν πόλιν.
24.4. Whereupon, as if the god had been a common deserter caught in the act of going over to the enemy, they encircled his colossal figure with cords and nailed it down to its pedestal, calling him an Alexandrist.
24.4. ἀλλʼ αὐτοὶ μὲν ὥσπερ ἄνθρωπον αὐτομολοῦντα πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπʼ αὐτοφώρῳ τὸν θεὸν εἰληφότες σειράς τε τῷ κολοσσῷ περιέβαλλον αὐτοῦ καὶ καθήλουν πρὸς τὴν βάσιν, Ἀλεξανδριστὴν καλοῦντες. ἑτέραν δὲ ὄψιν Ἀλέξανδρος εἶδε κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους.
24.5. In another dream, too, Alexander thought he saw a satyr who mocked him at a distance, and eluded his grasp when he tried to catch him, but finally, after much coaxing and chasing, surrendered. The seers, dividing the word “satyros” into two parts, said to him, plausibly enough, “Tyre is to be thine.” And a spring is pointed out, near which Alexander dreamed he saw the satyr.
24.5. σάτυρος αὐτῷ φανεὶς ἐδόκει προσπαίζειν πόρρωθεν, εἶτα βουλομένου λαβεῖν ὑπεξέφευγε· τέλος δὲ πολλὰ λιπαρήσαντος καὶ περιδραμόντος ἦλθεν εἰς χεῖρας. οἱ δὲ μάντεις τοὔνομα διαιροῦντες οὐκ ἀπιθάνως ἔφασαν αὐτῷ· σὴ γενήσεται Τύρος. καὶ κρήνην δέ τινα δεικνύουσι, πρὸς ἣν κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἰδεῖν ἔδοξε τὸν Σάτυρον.
24.6. While the siege of the city was in progress, he made an expedition against the Arabians who dwelt in the neighbourhood of Mount Antilibanus. On this expedition he risked his life to save his tutor, Lysimachus, who insisted on following him, declaring himself to be neither older nor weaker than Phoenix. But when the force drew near the mountains, they abandoned their horses and proceeded on foot, and most of them got far on in advance. Alexander himself, however, would not consent to abandon the worn and weary Lysimachus, since evening was already coming on and the enemy were near, but sought to encourage him and carry him along. Before he was aware of it, therefore, he was separated from his army with a few followers, and had to spend a night of darkness and intense cold in a region that was rough and difficult.
24.6. διὰ μέσου δὲ τῆς πολιορκίας ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἄραβας τοὺς προσοικοῦντας τῷ Ἀντιλιβάνῳ στρατεύσας ἐκινδύνευσε διὰ τὸν παιδαγωγὸν Λυσίμαχον· ἐξηκολούθησε γὰρ αὐτῷ λέγων τοῦ Φοίνικος οὐκ εἶναι χείρων οὐδὲ πρεσβύτερος, ἐπεὶ δὲ πλησιάσας τοῖς ὀρεινοῖς καὶ τοὺς ἵππους ἀπολιπὼν πεζὸς ἐβάδιζεν, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πολὺ προῆλθον, αὐτὸς δὲ τὸν Λυσίμαχον, ἑσπέρας ἤδη καταλαμβανούσης καὶ τῶν πολεμίων ἐγγὺς ὄντων, ἀπαγορεύοντα καὶ βαρυνόμενον οὐχ ὑπομένων ἀπολιπεῖν, ἀλλʼ ἀνακαλούμενος καὶ παρακομίζων, ἔλαθε τοῦ στρατεύματος ἀποσπασθεὶς μετʼ ὀλίγων καὶ σκότους ἅμα καὶ ῥίγους σφοδροῦ νυκτερεύων ἐν χωρίοις χαλεποῖς.
24.8. In this plight, he saw far off a number of scattered fires which the enemy were burning. So, since he was confident in his own agility, and was ever wont to cheer the Macedonians in their perplexities by sharing their toils, he ran to the nearest camp-fire. Two Barbarians who were sitting at the fire he despatched with his dagger, and snatching up a fire-brand, brought it to his own party. These kindled a great fire and at once frightened some of the enemy into flight, routed others who came up against them, and spent the night without further peril. Such, then, is the account we have from Chares.
24.8. εἶδεν οὖν πόρρω πυρὰ πολλὰ καιόμενα σποράδην τῶν πολεμίων, θαρρῶν δὲ τοῦ σώματος τῇ κουφότητι, καὶ τῷ πονεῖν αὐτὸς ἀεὶ παραμυθούμενος τὴν ἀπορίαν τῶν Μακεδόνων, προσέδραμε τοῖς ἔγγιστα πῦρ καίουσι· καὶ περικαθημένους τῇ πυρᾷ δύο βαρβάρους πατάξας τῷ ἐγχειριδίῳ καὶ δαλὸν ἁρπάσας ἧκε πρὸς τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ κομίζων, ἐγκαύσαντες δὲ πῦρ πολύ τοὺς μὲν εὐθὺς ἐφόβησαν ὥστε φυγεῖν, τοὺς δʼ ἐπιόντας ἐτρέψαντο, καὶ κατηυλίσθησαν ἀκινδύνως, ταῦτα μὲν οὖν Χάρης ἱστόρηκεν.
25.1. The siege of the city had the following issue. While Alexander was giving the greater part of his forces a rest from the many struggles which they had undergone, and was leading up only a few men to attack the walls, in order that the enemy might have no respite, Aristander the seer made a sacrifice, and after taking the omens, declared very confidently to the bystanders that the city would certainly be captured during that month.
25.1. ἡ δὲ πολιορκία τοιοῦτον ἔσχε πέρας, Ἀλεξάνδρου τὴν μὲν πολλὴν τῆς δυνάμεως ἀναπαύοντος ἀπὸ πολλῶν ἀγώνων τῶν ἔμπροσθεν, ὀλίγους δέ τινας, ὡς μὴ σχολάζοιεν οἱ πολέμιοι, τοῖς τείχεσι προσάγοντος, Ἀρίστανδρος ὁ μάντις ἐσφαγιάζετο καὶ τὰ σημεῖα κατιδὼν θρασύτερον διωρίσατο πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῷ μηνὶ πάντως ἁλώσεσθαι τὴν πόλιν.
25.2. His words produced laughter and jesting, since it was then the last day of the month, and the king, seeing that he was perplexed, and being always eager to support his prophecies, gave orders to reckon that day, not as the thirtieth of the month, but as the twenty-eighth; and then, after the trumpet had sounded the signal, he attacked the walls with greater vigour than he had at first intended. The assault became fierce, and even those troops which had been left in camp could not restrain themselves, but ran in throngs to help the assailants, and the Tyrians gave up the fight. So Alexander took the city on that day.
25.2. γενομένου δὲ χλευασμοῦ καὶ γέλωτος ἦν γὰρ ἡ τελευταία τοῦ μηνὸς ἡμέρα, διηπορημένον αὐτόν ἰδὼν ὁ βασιλεύς καὶ συμφιλοτιμούμενος ἀεὶ τοῖς μαντεύμασιν ἐκέλευε μηκέτι τριακάδα τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην, ἀλλὰ τρίτην φθίνοντος ἀριθμεῖν· καὶ τῇ σάλπιγγι σημήνας ἀπεπειρᾶτο τῶν τειχῶν ἐρρωμενέστερον ἤπερ ἐξ ἀρχῆς διενοήθη. γενομένης δὲ λαμπρᾶς ἐπιβολῆς καὶ μηδὲ τῶν ἐπὶ στρατοπέδου καρτερούντων, ἀλλὰ συντρεχόντων καὶ προσβοηθούντων, ἀπεῖπον οἱ Τύριοι· καὶ τὴν πόλιν εἷλε κατʼ ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν.