25.3. After this, as he was giving siege to Gaza, the principal city of Syria, a clod of earth, which had been dropped from on high by a bird, struck him on the shoulder. The bird alighted on one of the battering-engines, and was at once caught in the network of sinews which were used to give a twist to the ropes.
25.3. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πολιορκοῦντι Γάζαν αὐτῷ, τῆς Συρίας μεγίστην πόλιν, ἐμπίπτει βῶλος εἰς τὸν ὦμον ἀφεθεὶς ἄνωθεν ὑπὸ ὄρνιθος, ὁ δὲ ὄρνις ἐφʼ ἓν τῶν μηχανημάτων καθίσας ἔλαθεν ἐνσχεθεὶς τοῖς νευρίνοις κεκρυφάλοις, οἷς πρὸς τὰς ἐπιστροφὰς τῶν σχοινίων ἐχρῶντο.
25.4. And the omen was fulfilled as Aristander predicted; for though Alexander was wounded in the shoulder, he took the city. Moreover, as he was dispatching great quantities of the spoils home to Olympias and Cleopatra and his friends, he sent also to Leonidas his tutor five hundred talents’ weight of frankincense and a hundred of myrrh, in remembrance of the hope with which that teacher had inspired his boyhood.
25.4. καὶ τὸ σημεῖον ἀπέβη κατὰ τὴν Ἀριστάνδρου πρόρρησιν ἐτρώθη μὲν γὰρ Ἀλέξανδρος εἰς τὸν ὦμον, ἔλαβε δὲ τὴν πόλιν. ἀποστέλλων δέ πολλὰ τῶν λαφύρων Ὀλυμπιάδι καὶ Κλεοπάτρᾳ καὶ τοῖς φίλοις, κατέπεμψε καὶ Λεωνίδῃ τῷ παιδαγωγῷ τάλαντα λιβανωτοῦ πεντακόσια καὶ σμύρνης ἑκατόν, ἀναμνησθεὶς παιδικῆς ἐλπίδος.
25.5. It would seem, namely, that Leonidas, as Alexander was one day sacrificing and taking incense with both hands to throw upon the altar-fire, said to him:—“Alexander, when thou hast conquered the spice-bearing regions thou canst be thus lavish with thine incense; now, however, use sparingly what thou hast.” Accordingly, Alexander now wrote him: “I have sent thee myrrh and frankincense in abundance, that thou mayest stop dealing parsimoniously with the gods.”
25.5. ὁ γὰρ Λεωνίδης, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἐν θυσίᾳ ποτὲ πρὸς τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἐπιδραξάμενον ἀμφοτέραις ταῖς χερσὶ καὶ καθαγίσαντα τοῦ θυμιάματος, ὅταν ἔφη, τῆς ἀρωματοφόρου κρατήσῃς, Ἀλέξανδρε, πλουσίως οὕτως ἐπιθυμιάσεις· νῦν δὲ φειδομένως χρῶ τοῖς παροῦσι. τότε οὖν Ἀλέξανδρος ἔγραψε πρὸς αὐτόν ἀπεστάλκαμέν σοι λιβανωτὸν ἄφθονον καὶ σμύρναν, ὅπως παύσῃ πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς μικρολογούμενος.
26.1. When a small coffer was brought to him, which those in charge of the baggage and wealth of Dareius thought the most precious thing there, he asked his friends what valuable object they thought would most fittingly be deposited in it. And when many answered and there were many opinions, Alexander himself said he was going to deposit the Iliad there for safe keeping.
26.1. κιβωτίου δέ τινος αὐτῷ προσενεχθέντος, οὗ πολυτελέστερον οὐδὲν ἐφάνη τοῖς τὰ Δαρείου χρήματα καὶ τὰς ἀποσκευὰς παραλαμβάνουσιν, ἠρώτα τοὺς φίλους ὅ τι δοκοίη μάλιστα τῶν ἀξίων σπουδῆς εἰς αὐτὸ καταθέσθαι· πολλὰ δὲ πολλῶν λεγόντων αὐτὸς ἔφη τὴν Ἰλιάδα φρουρήσειν ἐνταῦθα καταθέμενος.
26.2. This is attested by many trustworthy authorities. And if what the Alexandrians tell us on the authority of Heracleides is true, then it would seem that Homer was no idle or unprofitable companion for him in his expedition. They say, namely, that after his conquest of Egypt he wished to found a large and populous Greek city which should bear his name, and by the advice of his architects was on the point of measuring off and enclosing a certain site for it.
26.2. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν οὐκ ὀλίγοι τῶν ἀξιοπίστων μεμαρτυρήκασιν. εἰ δʼ, ὅπερ Ἀλεξανδρεῖς λέγουσιν Ἡρακλείδῃ πιστεύοντες, ἀληθές ἐστιν, οὔκουν ἀργὸς οὐδὲ ἀσύμβολος αὐτῷ συστρατεύειν ἔοικεν Ὅμηρος, λέγουσι γὰρ ὅτι τῆς Αἰγύπτου κρατήσας ἐβούλετο πόλιν μεγάλην καὶ πολυάνθρωπον Ἑλληνίδα συνοικίσας ἐπώνυμον ἑαυτοῦ καταλιπεῖν, καί τινα τόπον γνώμῃ τῶν ἀρχιτεκτόνων ὅσον οὐδέπω διεμετρεῖτο καὶ περιέβαλλεν.
26.3. Then, in the night, as he lay asleep, he saw a wonderful vision. A man with very hoary locks and of a venerable aspect appeared to stand by his side and recite these verses:—Now, there is an island in the much-dashing sea, In front of Egypt; Pharos is what men call it.Accordingly, he rose up at once and went to Pharos, which at that time was still an island, a little above the Canobic mouth of the Nile, but now it has been joined to the mainland by a causeway.
26.3. εἶτα νύκτωρ κοιμώμενος ὄψιν εἶδε θαυμαστήν ἀνὴρ πολιὸς εὖ μάλα τὴν κόμην καὶ γεραρὸς τὸ εἶδος ἔδοξεν αὐτῷ παραστὰς λέγειν τὰ ἔπη τάδε·νῆσος ἔπειτά τις ἔστι πολυκλύστῳ ἐνὶ πόντῳ,Αἰγύπτου προπάροιθε· Φάρον δέ ἑ κικλήσκουσιν.εὐθὺς οὖν ἐξαναστὰς ἐβάδιζεν ἐπὶ τὴν Φάρον, ἣ τότε μὲν ἔτι νῆσος ἦν, τοῦ Κανωβικοῦ μικρὸν ἀνωτέρω στόματος, νῦν δὲ διὰ χώματος ἀνείληπται πρὸς τὴν ἤπειρον.
26.4. And when he saw a site of surpassing natural advantages (for it is a strip of land like enough to a broad isthmus extending between a great lagoon and a stretch of sea which terminates in a large harbour), he said he saw now that Homer was not only admirable in other ways, but also a very wise architect, and ordered the plan of the city to be drawn in conformity with this site.
26.4. ὡς οὖν εἶδε τόπον εὐφυΐᾳ διαφέροντα ταινία γάρ ἐστιν ἰσθμῷ πλάτος ἔχοντι σύμμετρον ἐπιεικῶς διείργουσα λίμνην τε πολλὴν καὶ θάλασσαν ἐν λιμένι μεγάλῳ τελευτῶσαν, εἰπὼν ὡς Ὅμηρος ἦν ἄρα τά τε ἄλλα θαυμαστὸς καὶ σοφώτατος ἀρχιτέκτων, ἐκέλευσε διαγράψαι τὸ σχῆμα τῆς πόλεως τῷ τόπῳ συναρμόττοντας.
26.5. There was no chalk at hand, so they took barley-meal and marked out with it on the dark soil a rounded area, to whose inner arc straight lines extended so as to produce the figure of a chlamys, or military cloak, the lines beginning from the skirts (as one may say), and narrowing the breadth of the area uniformly. The king was delighted with the design; but suddenly birds from the river and the lagoon, infinite in number and of every sort and size, settled down upon the place like clouds and devoured every particle of the barley-meal, so that even Alexander was greatly disturbed at the omen.
26.5. καὶ γῆ μὲν οὐ παρῆν λευκή, τῶν δὲ ἀλφίτων λαμβάνοντες ἐν πεδίῳ μελαγγείῳ κυκλοτερῆ κόλπον ἦγον, οὗ τὴν ἐντὸς περιφέρειαν εὐθεῖαι βάσεις ὥσπερ ἀπὸ κρασπέδων εἰς σχῆμα χλαμύδος ὑπελάμβανον, ἐξ ἴσου συνάγουσαι τὸ μέγεθος, ἡσθέντος δὲ τῇ διαθέσει τοῦ βασιλέως αἰφνίδιον ὄρνιθες ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ καὶ τῆς λίμνης, πλήθει τε ἄπειροι καὶ κατὰ γένος παντοδαποὶ καὶ μέγεθος, ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον καταίροντες νέφεσιν ἐοικότες οὐδὲ μικρὸν ὑπέλιπον τῶν ἀλφίτων, ὥστε καὶ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον διαταραχθῆναι πρὸς τὸν οἰωνόν.
26.6. However, the seers exhorted him to be of good cheer, since the city here founded by him would have most abundant and helpful resources and be a nursing mother for men of every nation, and so he ordered those in charge of the work to proceed with it, while he himself set out for the temple of Ammon. The journey thither was long, full of toils and hardships, and had two perils. One is the dearth of water, which leaves the traveller destitute of it for many days; the other arises when a fierce south wind smites men travelling in sand of boundless depth, as is said to have been the case with the army of Cambyses, long ago; the wind raised great billows of sand all over the plain and buried up fifty thousand men, to their utter destruction.
26.6. πται πρὸς τὴν ἤπειρον. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῶν μάντεων θαρρεῖν παραινούντων πολυαρκεστάτην γὰρ οἰκίζεσθαι πόλιν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, καὶ παντοδαπῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐσομένην τροφόν ἔργου κελεύσας ἔχεσθαι τοὺς ἐπιμελητάς αὐτὸς ὥρμησεν εἰς Ἄμμωνος, ὁδὸν μακρὰν καὶ πολλὰ μὲν ἔχουσαν ἐργώδη καὶ ταλαίπωρα, κινδύνους δὲ δύο, τὸν μὲν ἀνυδρίας, διʼ ἣν ἔρημός ἐστιν οὐκ ὀλίγων ἡμερῶν, τὸν δέ, εἰ λάβρος ἐν ἄμμῳ βαθείᾳ καὶ ἀχανεῖ πορευομένοις ἐπιπέσοι νότος, ὥς που καὶ πάλαι λέγεται περὶ τὸν Καμβύσου στρατὸν, ἀναστήσας θῖνα μεγάλην καὶ κυματώσας τὸ πεδίον μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων πέντε καταχῶσαι καὶ διαφθεῖραι.
26.7. Almost all of Alexander’s followers took all these things into consideration, but it was difficult to turn him aside from any course so ever when he had once set out upon it. For Fortune, by yielding to his onsets, was making his purpose obstinate, and the high spirit which he carried into his undertakings rendered his ambition finally invincible, so that it subdued not only enemies, but even times and places.
26.7. ταῦτα πάντα σχεδὸν πάντες ἐλογίζοντο, χαλεπὸν δὲ ἦν Ἀλέξανδρον ἀποτρέψαι πρὸς ὁτιοῦν ὡρμημένον. ἥ τε γὰρ τύχη ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς ὑπείκουσα τὴν γνώμην ἰσχυρὰν ἐποίει, καὶ τὸ θυμοειδὲς ἄχρι τῶν πραγμάτων ὑπεξέφερε τὴν φιλονεικίαν ἀήττητον, οὐ μόνον πολεμίους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τόπους καὶ καιροὺς καταβιαζομένην.
27.1. At all events, during the journey which he made at this time, the assistance rendered him by Heaven in his perplexities met with more credence than the oracles which he afterwards received, nay, in a way, the oracles obtained credence in consequence of such assistance. For, to begin with, much rain from heaven and persistent showers removed all fear of thirst, quenched the dryness of the sand, so that it became moist and compact, and made the air purer and good to breathe.
27.1. ἐν γοῦν τῇ τότε πορείᾳ τὰ συντυχόντα ταῖς ἀπορίαις παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ βοηθήματα τῶν ὑστέρων χρησμῶν ἐπιστεύθη μᾶλλον τρόπον δέ τινα καὶ τοῖς χρησμοῖς ἡ πίστις ἐκ τούτων ὑπῆρξε, πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἐκ Διὸς ὕδωρ πολὺ καὶ διαρκεῖς ὑετοὶ γενόμενοι τόν τε τῆς δίψης φόβον ἔλυσαν, καὶ τὴν ξηρότητα κατασβέσαντες τῆς ἄμμου, νοτερᾶς γενομένης καὶ πρὸς αὑτὴν ξυμπεσούσης, εὔπνουν τόν ἀέρα καὶ καθαρώτερον παρέσχον.
27.2. Again, when the marks for the guides became confused, and the travellers were separated and wandered about in ignorance of the route, ravens appeared and assumed direction of their march, flying swiftly on in front of them when they followed, and waiting for them when they marched slowly and lagged behind.
27.2. ἔπειτα τῶν ὅρων, οἵπερ ἦσαν τοῖς ὁδηγοῖς, συγχυθέντων καὶ πλάνης οὔσης καὶ διασπασμοῦ τῶν βαδιζόντων διὰ τὴν ἄγνοιαν, κόρακες ἐκφανέντες ὑπελάμβανον τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τῆς πορείας, ἑπομένων μὲν ἔμπροσθεν πετόμενοι καὶ σπεύδοντες, ὑστεροῦντας δὲ καὶ βραδύνοντας ἀναμένοντες·
27.3. Moreover, what was most astonishing of all, Callisthenes tells us that the birds by their cries called back those who straggled away in the night, and cawed until they had set them in the track of the march. When Alexander had passed through the desert and was come to the place of the oracle, the prophet of Ammon gave him salutation from the god as from a father; whereupon Alexander asked him whether any of the murderers of his father had escaped him.
27.3. ὃ δὲ ἦν θαυμασιώτατον, ὡς Καλλισθένης φησί, ταῖς φωναῖς ἀνακαλούμενοι τοὺς πλανωμένους νύκτωρ καὶ κλάζοντες εἰς ἴχνος καθίστασαν τῆς πορείας. ἐπεὶ δὲ διεξελθὼν τὴν ἔρημον ἧκεν εἰς τόν τόπον, ὁ μὲν προφήτης αὐτὸν ὁ Ἄμμωνος ἀπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ χαίρειν, ὡς ἀπὸ πατρὸς, προσεῖπεν ὁ δὲ ἐπήρετο μή τις αὐτὸν εἴη διαπεφευγὼς τῶν τοῦ πατρὸς φονέων.
27.4. To this the prophet answered by bidding him be guarded in his speech, since his was not a mortal father. Alexander therefore changed the form of his question, and asked whether the murderers of Philip had all been punished; and then, regarding his own empire, he asked whether it was given to him to become lord and master of all mankind. The god gave answer that this was given to him, and that Philip was fully avenged. Then Alexander made splendid offerings to the god and gave his priests large gifts of money.
27.4. εὐφημεῖν δὲ τοῦ προφήτου κελεύσαντος, οὐ γὰρ εἶναι πατέρα θνητὸν αὐτῷ, μεταβαλὼν ἐπυνθάνετο, τοὺς Φιλίππου φονεῖς εἰ πάντας εἴη τετιμωρημένος εἶτα περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς, εἰ πάντων αὐτῷ δίδωσιν ἀνθρώπων κυρίῳ γενέσθαι, χρήσαντος δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τοῦτο διδόναι καὶ Φίλιππον ἀπέχειν ἔκπλεω τὴν δίκην, ἐδωρεῖτο τόν θεὸν ἀναθήμασι λαμπροῖς καὶ χρήμασι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους.
27.5. This is what most writers state regarding the oracular responses; but Alexander himself, in a letter to his mother, says that he received certain secret responses, which he would tell to her, and to her alone, on his return. And some say that the prophet, wishing to show his friendliness by addressing him with “O paidion,” or O my son, in his foreign pronunciation ended the words with “s” instead of “n,” and said, “O paidios,” and that Alexander was pleased at the slip in pronunciation, and a story became current that the god had addressed him with “O pai Dios,” or O son of Zeus.
27.5. ταῦτα περὶ τῶν χρησμῶν οἱ πλεῖστοι γράφουσιν αὐτὸς δὲ Ἀλέξανδρος ἐν ἐπιστολῇ πρὸς τὴν μητέρα φησὶ γεγονέναι τινὰς αὐτῷ μαντείας ἀπορρήτους, ἃς αὐτὸς ἐπανελθὼν φράσει πρὸς μόνην ἐκείνην. ἔνιοι δέ φασι τόν μὲν προφήτην Ἑλληνιστὶ βουλόμενον προσειπεῖν μετά τινος φιλοφροσύνης ὦ παιδίον, ἐν τῷ τελευταίῳ τῶν φθόγγων ὑπὸ βαρβαρισμοῦ πρὸς τὸ σίγμα ἐξενεχθῆναι καὶ εἰπεῖν, ὧ παιδίος, ἀντὶ τοῦ νῦ τῷ σίγμα χρησάμενον, ἀσμένῳ δὲ τῷ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ τὸ σφάλμα τῆς φωνῆς γενέσθαι καὶ διαδοθῆναι λόγον ὡς παῖδα Διὸς αὐτὸν τοῦ θεοῦ προσειπόντος.
27.6. We are told, also, that he listened to the teachings of Psammon the philosopher in Egypt, and accepted most readily this utterance of his, namely, that all mankind are under the kingship of God, since in every case that which gets the mastery and rules is divine. Still more philosophical, however, was his own opinion and utterance on this head, namely that although God was indeed a common father of all mankind, still, He made peculiarly His own the noblest and best of them.
27.6. λέγεται δὲ καὶ Ψάμμωνος ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ τοῦ φιλοσόφου διακούσας ἀποδέξασθαι μάλιστα τῶν λεχθέντων, ὅτι πάντες οἱ ἄνθρωποι βασιλεύονται ὑπὸ θεοῦ· τὸ γὰρ ἄρχον ἐν ἑκάστῳ καὶ κρατοῦν θεῖόν ἐστιν ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον αὐτὸς περὶ τούτων φιλοσοφώτερον δοξάζειν καὶ λέγειν, ὡς πάντων μὲν ὄντα κοινὸν ἀνθρώπων πατέρα τόν θεόν, ἰδίους δὲ ποιούμενον ἑαυτοῦ τοὺς ἀρίστους.
28.1. In general, he bore himself haughtily towards the Barbarians, and like one fully persuaded of his divine birth and parentage, but with the Greeks it was within limits and somewhat rarely that he assumed his own divinity. However, in writing to the Athenians concerning Samos, he said: “I cannot have given you that free and illustrious city; for ye received it from him who was then your master and was called my father,” meaning Philip.
28.1. καθόλου δὲ πρὸς μὲν τοὺς βαρβάρους σοβαρὸς ἦν καὶ σφόδρα πεπεισμένῳ περὶ τῆς ἐκ θεοῦ γενέσεως καὶ τεκνώσεως ὅμοιος, τοῖς δὲ Ἕλλησι μετρίως καὶ ὑποφειδομένως ἑαυτὸν ἐξεθείαζε πλὴν περὶ Σάμου γράφων Ἀθηναίοις, ἐγὼ μὲν οὐκ ἂν, φησὶν, ὑμῖν ἐλευθέραν πόλιν ἔδωκα καὶ ἔνδοξον ἔχετε δὲ αὐτὴν λαβόντες παρὰ τοῦ τότε κυρίου καὶ πατρὸς ἐμοῦ προσαγορευομένου, λέγων τὸν Φίλιππον.
28.2. At a later time, however, when he had been hit by an arrow and was suffering great pain, he said:This, my friends, that flows here, is blood, and not“Ichor, such as flows from the veins of the blessed gods.”Once, too, there came a great peal of thunder, and all were terrified at it; whereupon Anaxarchus the sophist who was present said to Alexander: “Couldst thou, the son of Zeus, thunder like that?” At this, Alexander laughed and said: “Nay, I do not wish to cause fear in my friends, as thou wouldst have me do, thou who despisest my suppers because, as thou sayest, thou seest the tables furnished with fish, and not with satraps’ heads.”
28.2. ὕστερον δὲ πληγῇ περιπεσὼν ὑπὸ τοξεύματος καὶ περιαλγὴς γενόμενος, τοῦτο μὲν εἶπεν, ὦ φίλοι, τὸ ῥέον αἷμα, καὶ οὐκ ἰχώρ, οἷός πέρ τε ῥέει μακάρεσσι θεοῖσιν. ἐπεὶ δὲ μεγάλης ποτὲ βροντῆς γενομένης καὶ πάντων ἐκπλαγέντων Ἀνάξαρχος ὁ σοφιστὴς παρὼν ἔφη πρὸς αὐτὸν, μή τι σὺ τοιοῦτον ὁ τοῦ Διός; γελάσας ἐκεῖνος, οὐ βούλομαι γὰρ, εἶπε, φοβερὸς εἶναι τοῖς φίλοις, ὥσπερ σύ με κελεύεις ὁ καταφαυλίζων μου τὸ δεῖπνον, ὅτι ταῖς τραπέζαις ἰχθύας ὁρᾷς· ἐπικειμένους, οὐ σατραπῶν κεφαλάς.
28.3. For, in fact, we are told that Anaxarchus, on seeing a present of small fish which the king had sent to Hephaestion, had uttered the speech above mentioned, as though he were disparaging and ridiculing those who undergo great toils and dangers in the pursuit of eminence and power, since in the way of enjoyments and pleasures they have little or nothing more than other men. From what has been said, then, it is clear that Alexander himself was not foolishly affected or puffed up by the belief in his divinity, but used it for the subjugation of others.
28.3. τῷ γὰρ ὄντι λέγεται τὸν Ἀνάξαρχον ἰχθυδίων Ἡφαιστίωνι πεμφθέντων ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως τὸν προειρημένον ἐπιφθέγξασθαι λόγον, οἷον ἐξευτελίζοντα καὶ κατειρωνευόμενον τοὺς τὰ περίβλεπτα μεγάλοις πόνοις καὶ κινδύνοις διώκοντας, ὡς οὐδὲν ἢ μικρὸν ἐν ἡδοναῖς καὶ ἀπολαύσεσι πλέον ἔχοντας τῶν ἄλλων. ὁ δʼ οὖν Ἀλέξανδρος καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν εἰρημένων δῆλός ἐστιν αὐτὸς οὐδὲν πεπονθὼς οὐδὲ τετυφωμένος, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἄλλους καταδουλούμενος τῇ δόξῃ τῆς θειότητος.
29.1. When he had returned from Egypt into Phoenicia, he honoured the gods with sacrifices and solemn processions, and held contests of dithyrambic choruses and tragedies which were made brilliant, not only by their furnishings, but also by the competitors who exhibited them. For the kings of Cyprus were the choregi, or exhibitors, just like, at Athens, those chosen by lot from the tribes, and they competed against each other with amazing ambition. Most eager of all was the contention between Nicocreon of Salamis and Pasicrates of Soli.
29.1. εἰς δὲ Φοινίκην ἐπανελθὼν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου θυσίας τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ πομπὰς ἐπετέλει καὶ χορῶν κυκλίων καὶ τραγικῶν ἀγῶνας, οὐ μόνον ταῖς παρασκευαῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῖς ἁμίλλαις λαμπροὺς γενομένους, ἐχορήγουν γὰρ οἱ βασιλεῖς τῶν Κυπρίων, ὥσπερ Ἀθήνησιν οἱ κληρούμενοι τὰς φυλάς, καὶ ἠγωνίζοντο θαυμαστῇ φιλοτιμίᾳ πρὸς ἀλλήλους, μάλιστα δὲ Νικοκρέων ὁ Σαλαμίνιος καὶ Πασικράτης ὁ Σόλιος διεφιλονείκησαν.
29.2. For the lot assigned to these exhibitors the most celebrated actors, to Pasicrates Athenodorus, and to Nicocreon Thessalus, in whose success Alexander himself was interested. He did not reveal this interest, however, until, by the votes of the judges, Athenodorus had been proclaimed victor. But then, as it would appear, on leaving the theatre, he said that he approved the decision of the judges, but would gladly have given up a part of his kingdom rather than to have seen Thessalus vanquished.
29.2. οὗτοι γὰρ ἔλαχον τοῖς ἐνδοξοτάτοις ὑποκριταῖς χορηγεῖν, Πασικράτης μὲν Ἀθηνοδορῳ, Νικοκρέων δὲ Θεσσαλῷ, περὶ ὃν ἐσπουδάκει καὶ αὐτὸς Ἀλέξανδρος, οὐ μὴν διέφηνε τὴν σπουδὴν πρότερον ἢ ταῖς ψήφοις ἀναγορευθῆναι νικῶντα τὸν Ἀθηνόδωρον. τότε δέ, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἀπιὼν ἔφη τοὺς μὲν κριτὰς ἐπαινεῖν, αὐτὸς μέντοι μέρος ἂν ἡδέως προέσθαι τῆς βασιλείας ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ Θεσσαλὸν ἰδεῖν νενικημένον.
29.3. And yet, when Athenodorus, who had been fined by the Athenians for not keeping his engagement in the dramatic contest of their Dionysiac festival, asked the king to write a letter to them in his behalf, though he would not do this, he sent them the amount of the fine from his own purse. Furthermore, when Lycon of Scarpheia, who was acting successfully before Alexander, inserted into the comedy a verse containing a request for ten talents, Alexander laughed and gave them to him.
29.3. ἐπεὶ δὲ Ἀθηνόδωρος ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ζημιωθείς, ὅτι πρὸς τὸν ἀγῶνα τῶν Διονυσίων οὐκ ἀπήντησεν, ἠξίου γράψαι περὶ αὐτοῦ τὸν βασιλέα, τοῦτο μὲν οὐκ ἐποίησε, τὴν δὲ ζημίαν ἀπέστειλε παρʼ ἑαυτοῦ. Λύκωνος δὲ τοῦ Σκαρφέως εὐημεροῦντος ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ καὶ στίχον εἰς τὴν κωμῳδίαν ἐμβαλόντος αἴτησιν περιέχοντα δέκα ταλάντων, γελάσας ἔδωκε.
29.4. When Dareius sent to him a letter and friends, begging him to accept ten thousand talents as ransom for the captives, to hold all the territory this side of the Euphrates, to take one of his daughters in marriage, and on these terms to be his ally and friend, Alexander imparted the matter to his companions. “If I were Alexander,” said Parmenio, “I would accept these terms.” “And so indeed would I,” said Alexander, “were I Parmenio.” But to Dareius he wrote: “Come to me, and thou shalt receive every courtesy; but otherwise I shall march at once against thee.”
29.4. Δαρείου δὲ πέμψαντος ἐπιστολὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ φίλους δεομένους μύρια μὲν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἑαλωκότων λαβεῖν τάλαντα, τὴν δὲ ἐντὸς Εὐφράτου πᾶσαν ἔχοντα καὶ γήμαντα μίαν τῶν θυγατέρων φίλον εἶναι καὶ σύμμαχον, ἐκοινοῦτο τοῖς ἑταίροις καὶ Παρμενίωνος εἰπόντος ἐγὼ μὲν, εἰ Ἀλέξανδρος ἤμην, ἔλαβον ἂν ταῦτα, κἀγὼ, νὴ Δία, εἶπεν ὁ Ἀλέξανδρος, εἰ Παρμενίων πρὸς δὲ τὸν Δαρεῖον ἔγραψεν, ὡς οὐδενὸς ἀτυχήσει τῶν φιλανθρώπων ἐλθὼν πρὸς αὐτόν, εἰ δὲ μή, αὐτὸς ἐπʼ ἐκεῖνον ἤδη πορεύεσθαι.
30.1. Soon, however, he repented him of this answer, when the wife of Dareius died in childbirth, and it was evident that he was distressed at this loss of opportunity to show great kindness. Accordingly, he gave the woman a sumptuous burial. One of the eunuchs of the bed-chamber who had been captured with the women, Teireos by name, ran away from the camp, made his way on horseback to Dareius, and told him of the death of his wife.
30.1. ταχὺ μέντοι μετεμελήθη τῆς Δαρείου γυναικὸς ἀποθανούσης ἐν ὠδῖσι καὶ φανερὸς ἦν ἀνιώμενος ὡς ἐπίδειξιν οὐ μικρὰν ἀφῃρημένος χρηστότητος. ἔθαψεν οὖν τὴν ἄνθρωπον οὐδεμιᾶς πολυτελείας φειδόμενος, τῶν δὲ θαλαμηπόλων τις εὐνούχων, οἳ συνεαλώκεισαν ταῖς γυναιξίν, ἀποδρὰς ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου καὶ πρὸς Δαρεῖον ἀφιππασάμενος, Τείρεως ὄνομα, φράζει τὸν θάνατον αὐτῷ τῆς γυναικός.
30.2. Then the king, beating upon his head and bursting into lamentation, said: “Alas for the evil genius of the Persians, if the sister and wife of their king must not only become a captive in her life, but also in her death be deprived of royal burial.” “Nay, O King,” answered the chamberlain, “as regards her burial, and her receiving every fitting honour, thou hast no charge to make against the evil genius of the Persians.”
30.2. ὡς δὲ πληξάμενος τὴν κεφαλὴν καὶ ἀνακλαύσας φεῦ τοῦ Περσῶν ἔφη δαίμονος, εἰ τὴν βασιλέως γυναῖκα καὶ ἀδελφὴν οὐ μόνον αἰχμάλωτον γενέσθαι ζῶσαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τελευτήσασαν ἄμοιρον κεῖσθαι ταφῆς βασιλικῆς ὑπολαβὼν ὁ θαλαμηπόλος, ἀλλὰ ταφῆς γε χάριν εἶπεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, καὶ τιμῆς ἁπάσης καὶ τοῦ πρέποντος οὐδὲν ἔχεις αἰτιάσασθαι τὸν πονηρὸν δαίμονα Περσῶν.
30.3. “For neither did my mistress Stateira, while she lived, or thy mother or thy children, lack any of their former great blessings except the light of thy countenance, which Lord Oromazdes will cause to shine again with lustre; nor after her death was she deprived of any funeral adornment, nay, she was honoured with the tears of enemies. For Alexander is as gentle after victory as he is terrible in battle.”
30.3. οὔτε γάρ ζώσῃ τῇ δεσποίνῃ Στατείρᾳ καὶ μητρὶ σῇ καὶ τέκνοις ἐνέδει τῶν πρόσθεν ἀγαθῶν καὶ καλῶν ἢ τὸ σὸν ὁρᾶν φῶς, ὃ πάλιν ἀναλάμψει λαμπρὸν ὁ κύριος Ὠρομάσδης, οὔτε ἀποθανοῦσα κόσμου τινὸς ἄμοιρος γέγονεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πολεμίων τετίμηται δάκρυσιν. οὕτω γάρ ἐστι χρηστὸς κρατήσας Ἀλέξανδρος, ὡς δεινὸς μαχόμενος.
30.4. When Dareius heard this, his agitation and grief swept him into absurd suspicions, and leading the eunuch away into a more secluded part of his tent, he said: “If thou also, together with the fortune of the Persians, dost not side with the Macedonians, and if I, Dareius, am still thy lord and master, tell me, as thou reverest the great light of Mithras and the right hand of thy king, is it not the least of Stateira’s misfortunes that I am now lamenting? While she was alive did I not suffer more pitiful evils? And would not my wretched fortune have been more compatible with my honour if I had met with an angry and savage enemy? For what intercourse that is proper can a young man have with an enemy’s wife when it leads to such marks of honour?”
30.4. ταῦτα ἀκούσαντα Δαρεῖον ἡ ταραχὴ καὶ τὸ πάθος ἐξέφερε πρὸς ὑποψίας ἀτόπους· καὶ τὸν εὐνοῦχον ἐνδοτέρω τῆς σκηνῆς ἀπαγαγών, εἰ μὴ καὶ σὺ μετὰ τῆς Περσῶν, ἔφη, τύχης μακεδονίζεις, ἀλλʼ ἔτι σοι δεσπότης ἐγὼ Δαρεῖος, εἰπέ μοι σεβόμενος Μίθρου τε φῶς μέγα καὶ δεξιὰν βασίλειον, ἄρα μὴ τὰ μικρότατα τῶν Στατείρας κλαίω κακῶν, οἰκτρότερα δὲ ζώσης ἐπάσχομεν, καὶ μᾶλλον ἂν κατʼ ἀξίαν ἐδυστυχοῦμεν ὠμῷ καὶ σκυθρωπῷ περιπεσόντες ἐχθρῷ; τί γὰρ εὐπρεπὲς ἀνδρὶ νέῳ πρὸς ἐχθροῦ γυναῖκα μέχρι τιμῆς τοσαύτης συμβόλαιον;
30.5. While the king was still speaking, Teireos threw himself down at his feet and besought him to hold his peace, and neither to wrong Alexander, nor shame his dead sister and wife, nor rob himself of the greatest consolation for his disasters, namely, the belief that he had been conquered by a man who was superior to human nature; nay, he should even admire Alexander for having shown greater self-restraint in dealing with Persian women than valour against Persian men.
30.5. ἔτι λέγοντος αὐτοῦ καταβαλὼν ἐπὶ τοὺς πόδας Τείρεως αὑτὸν ἱκέτευεν εὐφημεῖν καὶ μήτε Ἀλέξανδρον ἀδικεῖν μήτε τὴν τεθνεῶσαν ἀδελφὴν καὶ γυναῖκα καταισχῦναι, μήτε αὑτοῦ τὴν μεγίστην ὧν ἔπταικεν ἀφαιρεῖσθαι παραμυθίαν, τὸ δοκεῖν ὑπʼ ἀνδρὸς ἡττῆσθαι κρείττονος ἢ κατὰ τὴν ἀνθρωπίνην φύσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ θαυμάζειν Ἀλέξανδρον ὡς πλείονα ταῖς Περσῶν γυναιξὶ σωφροσύνην ἢ Πέρσαις ἀνδρείαν ἐπιδεδειγμένον.
30.6. Then, while the eunuch was confirming his testimony with the most solemn oaths, and discoursing on the general self-mastery and magnanimity of Alexander, Dareius went out to his companions, and lifting his hands towards heaven, prayed: “O ye gods of my race and kingdom, above all things else grant that I may leave the fortune of Persia reestablished in the prosperity wherein I found it, in order that my victory may enable me to requite Alexander for the favours which I received at his hands when I had lost my dearest possessions;”
30.6. ἅμα δὲ ὅρκους τε φρικώδεις τοῦ θαλαμηπόλου κινοῦντος ὑπὲρ τούτων, καὶ περὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἐγκρατείας καὶ μεγαλοψυχίας τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου λέγοντος, ἐξελθὼν πρὸς τοὺς ἑταίρους ὁ Δαρεῖος καὶ χεῖρας ἀνατείνας πρὸς τὸν οὐρανόν ἐπεύξατο· θεοὶ γενέθλιοι καὶ βασίλειοι, μάλιστα μὲν ἐμοὶ διδοίητε τὴν Περσῶν τύχην εἰς ὀρθὸν αὖθις σταθεῖσαν ἐφʼ οἷς ἐδεξάμην ἀγαθοῖς ἀπολιπεῖν, ἵνα κρατήσας ἀμείψωμαι τὰς Ἀλεξάνδρου χάριτας ὧν εἰς τὰ φίλτατα πταίσας ἔτυχον·
30.7. “but if, then, a fated time has now come, due to divine jealousy and the vicissitudes of things, and the sway of the Persians must cease, grant that no other man may sit upon the throne of Cyrus but Alexander.” That these things were thus done and said is the testimony of most historians.
30.7. εἰ δʼ ἄρα τις οὗτος εἱμαρτὸς ἥκει χρόνος, ὀφειλόμενος νεμέσει καὶ μεταβολῇ, παύσασθαι τὰ Περσῶν, μηδεὶς ἄλλος ἀνθρώπων καθίσειεν εἰς τὸν Κύρου θρόνον πλὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου ταῦτα μὲν οὕτω γενέσθαι τε καὶ λεχθῆναί φασιν οἳ πλεῖστοι τῶν συγγραφέων.
31.1. But to return to Alexander, when he had subdued all the country on this side of the Euphrates, he marched against Dareius, who was coming down to meet him with a million men. On this march one of his companions told him, as a matter worth laughing at, that the camp-followers, in sport, had divided themselves into two bands, and set a general and commander over each of them, one of whom they called Alexander, and the other Dareius;
31.1. Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ τὴν ἐντὸς τοῦ Εὐφράτου πᾶσαν ὑφʼ ἑαυτῷ ποιησάμενος ἤλαυνεν ἐπὶ Δαρεῖον ἑκατὸν μυριάσι στρατοῦ καταβαίνοντα. καί τις αὐτῷ φράζει τῶν ἑταίρων, ὡς δὴ γέλωτος ἄξιον πρᾶγμα, τοὺς ἀκολούθους παίζοντας εἰς δύο μέρη διῃρηκέναι σφᾶς αὐτούς, ὧν ἑκατέρου στρατηγὸν εἶναι καὶ ἡγεμόνα, τὸν μὲν Ἀλέξανδρον, τὸν δὲ Δαρεῖον ὑπʼ αὐτῶν προσαγορευόμενον·
31.2. and that they had begun by pelting one another with clods of earth, then had fought with their fists, and finally, heated with the desire of battle, had taken to stones and sticks, being now many and hard to quell. When he heard this, Alexander ordered the leaders themselves to fight in single combat; to the one called Alexander he himself gave armour, and to the one called Dareius, Philotas. The army were spectators of the combat, counting the issue as in some measure an omen of the future. After a strenuous battle, the one called Alexander was victorious, and received as a reward twelve villages and the right to wear Persian dress. This, at any rate, is what we are told by Eratosthenes.
31.2. ἀρξαμένους δὲ βώλοις ἀκροβολίζεσθαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους, εἶτα πυγμαῖς, τέλος ἐκκεκαῦσθαι τῇ φιλονεικίᾳ καὶ μέχρι λίθων καὶ ξύλων, πολλοὺς καὶ δυσκαταπαύστους γεγονότας. ταῦτα ἀκούσας ἐκέλευσεν αὐτοὺς μονομαχῆσαι τοὺς ἡγεμόνας καὶ τὸν μὲν Ἀλέξανδρον αὐτὸς ὥπλισε, τὸν δὲ Δαρεῖον Φιλώτας, ἐθεᾶτο δὲ ὁ στρατός, ἐν οἰωνῷ τινι τοῦ μέλλοντος τιθέμενος τὸ γιγνόμενον. ἰσχυρᾶς δὲ τῆς μάχης γενομένης ἐνίκησεν ὁ καλούμενος Ἀλέξανδρος, καὶ δωρεὰν ἔλαβε δώδεκα κώμας καὶ στολῇ Περσικῇ χρῆσθαι. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν Ἐρατοσθένης ἱστόρηκε.
31.3. Now, the great battle against Dareius was not fought at Arbela, as most writers state, but at Gaugamela. The word signifies, we are told, camel’s house, since one of the ancient kings of the country, after escaping from his enemies on a swift camel, gave the animal a home here, assigning certain villages and revenues for its maintenance.
31.3. τὴν δὲ μεγάλην μάχην πρὸς Δαρεῖον οὐκ ἐν Ἀρβήλοις, ὥσπερ οἱ πολλοὶ γράφουσιν, ἀλλὰ ἐν Γαυγαμήλοις γενέσθαι συνέπεσε, σημαίνειν δέ φασιν οἶκον καμήλου τὴν διάλεκτον, ἐπεὶ τῶν πάλαι τις βασιλέων ἐκφυγὼν πολεμίους ἐπὶ καμήλου δρομάδος ἐνταῦθα καθίδρυσεν αὐτήν, ἀποτάξας τινὰς κώμας καὶ προσόδους εἰς τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν.
31.4. It so happened that in the month Boëdromion the moon suffered an eclipse, about the beginning of the Mysteries at Athens, and on the eleventh night after the eclipse, the armies being now in sight of one another, Dareius kept his forces under arms, and held a review of them by torch-light; but Alexander, while his Macedonians slept, himself passed the night in front of his tent with his seer Aristander, celebrating certain mysterious sacred rites and sacrificing to the god Fear.
31.4. ἡ μὲν οὖν σελήνη τοῦ Βοηδρομιῶνος ἐξέλιπε περὶ τὴν τῶν μυστηρίων τῶν Ἀθήνησιν ἀρχήν, ἑνδεκάτῃ δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκλείψεως νυκτὶ τῶν στρατοπέδων ἐν ὄψει γεγονότων, Δαρεῖος μὲν ἐν ὅπλοις συνεῖχε τὴν δύναμιν, ὑπὸ λαμπάδων ἐπιπορευόμενος τὰς τάξεις, Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ τῶν Μακεδόνων ἀναπαυομένων αὐτὸς πρὸ τῆς σκηνῆς μετὰ τοῦ μάντεως Ἀριστάνδρου διέτριβεν, ἱερουργίας τινὰς ἀπορρήτους ἱερουργούμενος καὶ τῷ Φόβῳ σφαγιαζόμενος.
31.5. Meanwhile the older of his companions, and particularly Parmenio, when they saw the plain between the Niphates and the Gordyaean mountains all lighted up with the barbarian tires, while an indistinguishably mingled and tumultuous sound of voices arose from their camp as if from a vast ocean, were astonished at their multitude and argued with one another that it was a great and grievous task to repel such a tide of war by engaging in broad day-light. They therefore waited upon the king when he had finished his sacrifices, and tried to persuade him to attack the enemy by night, and so to cover up with darkness the most fearful aspect of the coming struggle.
31.5. οἱ δὲ πρεσβύτεροι τῶν ἑταίρων, καὶ μάλιστα Παρμενίων, ὡς τὸ μὲν πεδίον τὸ μεταξὺ τοῦ Νιφάτου καὶ τῶν ὀρῶν τῶν Γορδυαίων ἅπαν ἑωρᾶτο καταλαμπόμενον τοῖς βαρβαρικοῖς φέγγεσιν, ἀτέκμαρτος δέ τις φωνὴ συμμεμιγμένη καὶ θόρυβος ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου καθάπερ ἐξ ἀχανοῦς προσήχει πελάγους, θαυμάσαντες τὸ πλῆθος καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους διαλεχθέντες ὡς μέγα καὶ χαλεπὸν ἔργον εἴη συμπεσόντας ἐκ προφανοῦς τοσοῦτον ὤσασθαι πόλεμον, ἀπὸ τῶν ἱερῶν γενομένῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ προσελθόντες ἔπειθον αὐτὸν ἐπιχειρῆσαι νύκτωρ τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ τῷ σκότῳ τὸ φοβερώτατον συγκαλύψαι τοῦ μέλλοντος ἀγῶνος.
31.7. But he gave them the celebrated answer, “I will not steal my victory”; whereupon some thought that he had made a vainglorious reply, and was jesting in the presence of so great a peril. Others, however, thought that he had confidence in the present situation and estimated the future correctly, not offering Dareius in case of defeat an excuse to pluck up courage again for another attempt, by laying the blame this time upon darkness and night, as he had before upon mountains, defiles, and sea.
31.7. ὁ δὲ τὸ μνημονευόμενον εἰπὼν, οὐ κλέπτω τὴν νίκην, ἐνίοις μὲν ἔδοξε μειρακιώδη καὶ κενὴν ἀπόκρισιν πεποιῆσθαι, παίζων πρὸς τοσοῦτον κίνδυνον, ἐνίοις δὲ καὶ τῷ παρόντι θαρρεῖν καὶ στοχάζεσθαι τοῦ μέλλοντος ὀρθῶς, μὴ διδοὺς πρόφασιν ἡττηθέντι Δαρείῳ πρὸς ἄλλην αὖθις ἀναθαρρῆσαι πεῖραν, αἰτιωμένῳ τούτων νύκτα καὶ σκότος, ὡς ὄρη καὶ στενὰ καὶ θάλασσαν τῶν προτέρων.
31.8. For Dareius would not give up the war for lack of arms or men when he could draw from so great a host and so vast a territory, but only when he had lost courage and hope, under the conviction brought by a downright defeat in broad day-light.
31.8. οὐ γὰρ ὅπλων οὐδὲ σωμάτων ἀπορίᾳ παύσεσθαι πολεμοῦντα Δαρεῖον ἀπὸ τηλικαύτης δυνάμεως καὶ χώρας τοσαύτης, ἀλλʼ ὅταν ἀφῇ τὸ φρόνημα καὶ τὴν ἐλπίδα, διʼ ἐμφανοῦς ἥττης κατὰ κράτος ἐξελεγχθείς.
32.1. After the men were gone, Alexander lay down in his tent, and is said to have passed the rest of the night in a deeper sleep than usual, so that when his officers came to him in the early morning they were amazed, and on their own authority issued orders that the soldiers should first take breakfast. Then, since the occasion was urgent, Parmenio entered the tent, and standing by his couch called Alexander twice or thrice by name; and when he had thus roused him, he asked him how he could possibly sleep as if he were victorious, instead of being about to fight the greatest of all his battles.
32.1. ἀπελθόντων δὲ τούτων κατακλιθεὶς ὑπὸ σκηνὴν λέγεται τὸ λοιπὸν μέρος τῆς νυκτὸς ὕπνῳ βαθεῖ κρατηθῆναι παρὰ τὸ εἰωθός, ὥστε θαυμάζειν ἐπελθόντας ὄρθρου τοὺς ἡγεμόνας καὶ παρʼ αὑτῶν ἐξενεγκεῖν παράγγελμα πρῶτον ἀριστοποιεῖσθαι τοὺς στρατιώτας ἔπειτα τοῦ καιροῦ κατεπείγοντος εἰσελθόντα Παρμενίωνα καὶ παραστάντα τῇ κλίνῃ δὶς ἢ τρὶς αὐτοῦ φθέγξασθαι τοὔνομα· καὶ διεγερθέντος οὕτως ἐρωτᾶν ὅ τι δὴ πεπονθὼς ὕπνον καθεύδοι νενικηκότος, οὐχὶ μέλλοντος ἀγωνιεῖσθαι τὸν μέγιστον τῶν ἀγώνων.
32.2. Then Alexander said with a smile: “What, pray? Dost thou not think that we are already victorious, now that we are relieved from wandering about in a vast and desolated country in pursuit of a Dareius who avoids a battle?” And not only before the battle, but also in the very thick of the struggle did he show himself great, and firm in his confident calculations.
32.2. τὸν γοῦν Ἀλέξανδρον εἰπεῖν διαμειδιάσαντα τί γάρ; οὐκ ἤδη σοι νενικηκέναι δοκοῦμεν ἀπηλλαγμένοι τοῦ πλανᾶσθαι καὶ διώκειν ἐν πολλῇ καὶ κατεφθαρμένῃ φυγομαχοῦντα χώρᾳ, Δαρεῖον; οὐ μόνον δὲ πρὸ τῆς μάχης, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρʼ αὐτὸν τὸν κίνδυνον ἐπεδείξατο μέγαν καὶ συνεστηκότα τῷ λογίζεσθαι καὶ θαρρεῖν ἑαυτόν.
32.3. For in the battle the left wing under Parmenio was thrown back and in distress, when the Bactrian cavalry fell upon the Macedonians with great impetuosity and violence, and when Mazaeus sent horsemen round outside the line of battle to attack those who were guarding the Macedonian baggage. Therefore, too, Parmenio, much disturbed by both occurrences, sent messengers to Alexander telling him that camp and baggage were gone, unless he speedily sent strong reinforcements from front to rear.
32.3. ἔσχε γὰρ ὁ ἀγὼν ὑποτροπὴν καὶ σάλον ἐν τῷ εὐωνύμῳ κέρατι κατὰ Παρμενίωνα, τῆς Βακτριανῆς ἵππου ῥόθῳ πολλῷ καὶ μετὰ βίας παρεμπεσούσης εἰς τοὺς Μακεδόνας, Μαζαίου δὲ περιπέμψαντος ἔξω τῆς φάλαγγος ἱππεῖς τοῖς σκευοφυλακοῦσι προσβαλοῦντας. διὸ καὶ θορυβούμενος ὑπʼ ἀμφοτέρων ὁ Παρμενίων ἀπέστειλε πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον ἀγγέλους φράζοντας οἴχεσθαι τὸν χάρακα καὶ τὰς ἀποσκευάς, εἰ μὴ κατὰ τάχος βοήθειαν ὀχυρὰν ἀπὸ τοῦ στόματος πέμψειε τοῖς ὄπισθεν.
32.4. Now, it chanced that at that instant Alexander was about to give the signal for the onset to those under his command; but when he heard Parmenio’s message, he declared that Parmenio was beside himself and had lost the use of his reason, and had forgotten in his distress that victors add the baggage of the enemy to their own, and that those who are vanquished must not think about their wealth or their slaves, but only how they may fight gloriously and die with honour.
32.4. ἔτυχε μὲν οὖν κατʼ ἐκεῖνο καιροῦ τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ἐφόδου διδοὺς σημεῖον ὡς δὲ ἤκουσε τὰ παρὰ τοῦ Παρμενίωνος, οὐκ ἔφη σωφρονεῖν αὐτὸν οὐδὲ ἐντὸς εἶναι τῶν λογισμῶν, ἀλλʼ ἐπιλελῆσθαι ταραττόμενον ὅτι νικῶντες μὲν προσκτήσονται καὶ τὰ τῶν πολεμίων, ἡττωμένοις δὲ φροντιστέον οὐ χρημάτων οὐδὲ ἀνδραπόδων, ἀλλʼ ὅπως ἀποθανοῦνται καλῶς καὶ λαμπρῶς ἀγωνιζόμενοι.
32.5. After sending this message to Parmenio, he put on his helmet, but the rest of his armour he had on as he came from his tent, namely, a vest of Sicilian make girt about him, and over this a breastplate of two-ply linen from the spoils taken at Issus. His helmet was of iron, but gleamed like polished silver, a work of Theophilus; and there was fitted to this a gorget, likewise of iron, set with precious stones.
32.5. ταῦτα ἐπιστείλας Παρμενίωνι τὸ κράνος περιέθετο, τὸν δὲ ἄλλον ὁπλισμόν εὐθὺς ἀπὸ σκηνῆς εἶχεν, ὑπένδυμα τῶν Σικελικῶν ζωστόν, ἐπὶ δὲ τούτῳ θώρακα διπλοῦν λινοῦν ἐκ τῶν ληφθέντων ἐν Ἰσσῷ. τὸ δὲ κράνος ἦν μὲν σιδηροῦν, ἔστιλβε δὲ ὥσπερ ἄργυρος καθαρός, ἔργον Θεοφίλου, συνήρμοστο δὲ αὐτῷ περιτραχήλιον ὁμοίως σιδηροῦν λιθοκόλλητον·
32.6. He had a sword, too, of astonishing temper and lightness, a gift from the king of the Citieans, and he had trained himself to use a sword for the most part in his battles. He wore a belt also, which was too elaborate for the rest of his armour; for it was a work of Helicon the ancient, and a mark of honour from the city of Rhodes, which had given it to him; this also he was wont to wear in his battles.
32.6. μάχαιραν δὲ θαυμαστὴν βαφῇ καὶ κουφότητι, δωρησαμένου τοῦ Κιτιέων βασιλέως, εἶχεν, ἠσκημένος τὰ πολλὰ χρῆσθαι μαχαίρᾳ παρὰ τὰς μάχας. ἐπιπόρπωμα δὲ ἐφόρει τῇ μὲν ἐργασίᾳ σοβαρώτερον ἢ κατὰ τὸν ἄλλον ὁπλισμόν ἦν γὰρ ἔργον Ἑλικῶνος τοῦ παλαιοῦ, τιμὴ δὲ τῆς Ῥοδίων πόλεως, ὑφʼ ἧς ἐδόθη δῶρον· ἐχρῆτο δὲ καὶ τούτῳ πρὸς τοὺς ἀγῶνας.
32.7. As long, then, as he was riding about and marshalling some part of his phalanx, or exhorting or instructing or reviewing his men, he spared Bucephalas, who was now past his prime, and used another horse; but whenever he was going into action, Bucephalas would be led up, and he would mount him and at once begin the attack.
32.7. ἄχρι μὲν οὖν συντάττων τι τῆς φάλαγγος ἢ παρακελευόμενος ἢ διδάσκων ἢ ἐφορῶν παρεξήλαυνεν, ἄλλον ἵππον εἶχε, τοῦ Βουκεφάλα φειδόμενος ἤδη παρήλικος ὄντος χωροῦντι δὲ πρὸς ἔργον ἐκεῖνος προσήγετο, καὶ μεταβὰς εὐθὺς ἦρχεν ἐφόδου.
33.1. On this occasion, he made a very long speech to the Thessalians and the other Greeks, and when he saw that they encouraged him with shouts to lead them against the Barbarians, he shifted his lance into his left hand, and with his right appealed to the gods, as Callisthenes tells us, praying them, if he was really sprung from Zeus, to defend and strengthen the Greeks.
33.1. τότε δὲ τοῖς Θετταλοῖς πλεῖστα διαλεχθεὶς καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις Ἕλλησιν, ὡς ἐπέρρωσαν αὐτὸν βοῶντες ἄγειν ἐπὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους, τὸ ξυστὸν εἰς τὴν ἀριστερὰν μεταβαλὼν τῇ δεξιᾷ παρεκάλει τοὺς θεούς, ὡς Καλλισθένης φησίν, ἐπευχόμενος, εἴπερ ὄντως Διόθεν ἐστὶ γεγονώς, ἀμῦναι καὶ συνεπιρρῶσαι τοὺς Ἕλληνας.
33.2. Aristander the seer, too, wearing a white mantle and having a crown of gold upon his head, rode along the ranks pointing out to them an eagle which soared above the head of Alexander and directed his flight straight against the enemy, at which sight great courage filled the beholders, and after mutual encouragement and exhortation the cavalry charged at full speed upon the enemy and the phalanx rolled on after them like a flood.
33.2. ὁ δὲ μάντις Ἀρίστανδρος χλανίδα λευκὴν ἔχων καὶ χρυσοῦν στέφανον ἐπεδείκνυτο παριππεύων ἀετὸν ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου συνεπαιωρούμενον καὶ κατευθύνοντα τῇ πτήσει ὄρθιον ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, ὥστε πολὺ μὲν θάρσος ἐγγενέσθαι τοῖς ὁρῶσιν, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ θαρρεῖν καὶ παρακαλεῖν ἀλλήλους δρόμῳ τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν ἱεμένοις ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπικυμαίνειν τὴν φάλαγγα.
33.3. But before the foremost ranks were engaged the Barbarians gave way, and were hotly pursued, Alexander driving the conquered foe towards the centre of their array, where Dareius was. For from afar he was seen by Alexander through the deep ranks of the royal squadron of horse drawn up in front of him, towering conspicuous, a fine-looking man and tall, standing on a lofty chariot, fenced about by a numerous and brilliant array of horsemen, who were densely massed around his chariot and drawn up to receive the enemy.
33.3. πρὶν δὲ συμμεμῖξαι τοὺς πρώτους ἐξέκλιναν οἱ βάρβαροι, καὶ διωγμὸς ἦν πολὺς, εἰς τὰ μέσα συνελαύνοντος Ἀλεξάνδρου τὸ νικώμενον, ὅπου Δαρεῖος ἦν. πόρρωθεν γὰρ αὐτὸν κατεῖδε διὰ τῶν προτεταγμένων ἐν βάθει τῆς βασιλικῆς ἴλης ἐκφανέντα, καλὸν ἄνδρα καὶ μέγαν ἐφʼ ἅρματος ὑψηλοῦ βεβῶτα, πολλοῖς ἱππεῦσι καὶ λαμπροῖς καταπεφραγμένον εὖ μάλα συνεσπειραμένοις περὶ τὸ ἅρμα καὶ παρατεταγμένοις δέχεσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους.
33.4. But when they saw Alexander close at hand and terrible, and driving those who fled before him upon those who held their ground, they were smitten with fear and scattered, for the most part. The bravest and noblest of them, however, slain in front of their king and falling in heaps upon one another, obstructed the Macedonians in their pursuit, weaving and twining themselves in their last agonies about riders and horses.
33.4. ἀλλὰ δεινὸς ὀφθεὶς ἐγγύθεν Ἀλέξανδρος καὶ τοὺς φεύγοντας ἐμβαλὼν εἰς τοὺς μένοντας ἐξέπληξε καὶ διεσκέδασε τὸ πλεῖστον, οἱ δὲ ἄριστοι καὶ γενναιότατοι πρὸ τοῦ βασιλέως φονευόμενοι καὶ κατʼ ἀλλήλων πίπτοντες ἐμποδὼν τῆς διώξεως ἦσαν, ἐμπλεκόμενοι καὶ περισπαίροντες αὑτοῖς καὶ ἵπποις.
33.5. But Dareius, now that all the terrors of the struggle were before his eyes, and now that the forces drawn up to protect him were crowded back upon him, since it was not an easy matter to turn his chariot about and drive it away, seeing that the wheels were obstructed and entangled in the great numbers of the fallen, while the horses, surrounded and hidden away by the multitude of dead bodies, were rearing up and frightening the charioteer, forsook his chariot and his armour, mounted a mare which, as they say, had newly foaled, and took to flight.
33.5. Δαρεῖος δέ, τῶν δεινῶν ἁπάντων ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖς ὄντων καὶ τῶν προτεταγμένων δυνάμεων ἐρειπομένων εἰς αὐτόν, ὡς οὐκ ἦν ἀποστρέψαι τὸ ἅρμα καὶ διεξελάσαι ῥᾴδιον, ἀλλʼ οἵ τε τροχοὶ συνείχοντο πτώμασι πεφυρμένοι τοσούτοις οἵ τε ἵπποι καταλαμβανόμενοι καὶ ἀποκρυπτόμενοι τῷ πλήθει τῶν νεκρῶν ἐξήλλοντο καὶ συνετάραττον τὸν ἡνίοχον, ἀπολείπει μὲν τὸ ἅρμα καὶ τὰ ὅπλα, θήλειαν δέ, ὥς φασι, νεοτόκον ἵππον περιβὰς ἔφυγεν.
33.6. However, it is thought that he would not then have made his escape, had not fresh horsemen come from Parmenio summoning Alexander to his aid, on the ground that a large force of the enemy still held together there and would not give ground. For there is general complaint that in that battle Parmenio was sluggish and inefficient, either because old age was now impairing somewhat his courage, or because he was made envious and resentful by the arrogance and pomp, to use the words of Callisthenes, of Alexander’s power.
33.6. οὐ μὴν τότε ἂν ἐδόκει διαφυγεῖν, εἰ μὴ πάλιν ἧκον ἕτεροι παρὰ τοῦ Παρμενίωνος ἱππεῖς μετακαλοῦντες Ἀλέξανδρον, ὡς συνεστώσης ἔτι πολλῆς δυνάμεως ἐκεῖ καὶ τῶν πολεμίων οὐκ ἐνδιδόντων. ὅλως γὰρ αἰτιῶνται Παρμενίωνα κατʼ ἐκείνην τὴν μάχην νωθρὸν γενέσθαι καὶ δύσεργον, εἴτε τοῦ γήρως ἤδη τι παραλύοντος τῆς τόλμης, εἴτε τὴν ἐξουσίαν καὶ τὸν ὄγκον, ὡς Καλλισθένης φησί, τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου δυνάμεως βαρυνόμενον καὶ προσφθονοῦντα.
33.7. At the time, then, although he was annoyed by the summons, the king did not tell his soldiers the truth about it, but on the ground that it was dark and he would therefore remit further slaughter, sounded a recall; and as he rode towards the endangered portion of his army, he heard by the way that the enemy had been utterly defeated and was in flight.
33.7. τότε δʼ οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀνιαθεὶς τῇ μεταπέμψει τοῖς μὲν στρατιώταις οὐκ ἔφρασε τὸ ἀληθές, ἀλλʼ ὡς ἀνέχων τοῦ φονεύειν καὶ σκότους ὄντος ἀνάκλησιν ἐσήμανεν ἐλαύνων δὲ πρὸς τὸ κινδυνεῦον μέρος ἤκουσε καθʼ ὁδὸν ἡττῆσθαι παντάπασι καὶ φεύγειν τοὺς πολεμίους.
34.1. The battle having had this issue, the empire of the Persians was thought to be utterly dissolved, and Alexander, proclaimed king of Asia, made magnificent sacrifices to the gods and rewarded his friends with wealth, estates, and provinces. And being desirous of honour among the Greeks, he wrote them that all their tyrannies were abolished and they might live under their own laws; moreover, he wrote the Plataeans specially that he would rebuild their city, because their ancestors had furnished their territory to the Greeks for the struggle in behalf of their freedom.
34.1. τοῦτο τῆς μάχης ἐκείνης λαβούσης τὸ πέρας, ἡ μὲν ἀρχὴ παντάπασιν ἡ Περσῶν ἐδόκει καταλελύσθαι, βασιλεὺς δὲ τῆς Ἀσίας Ἀλέξανδρος ἀνηγορευμένος ἔθυε τοῖς θεοῖς μεγαλοπρεπῶς καὶ τοῖς φίλοις ἐδωρεῖτο πλούτους καὶ οἴκους καὶ ἡγεμονίας, φιλοτιμούμενος δὲ πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἔγραψε τὰς τυραννίδας πάσας καταλυθῆναι καὶ πολιτεύειν αὐτονόμους, ἰδίᾳ δὲ Πλαταιεῦσι τὴν πόλιν ἀνοικοδομεῖν, ὅτι τὴν χώραν οἱ πατέρες αὐτῶν ἐναγωνίσασθαι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας παρέσχον.
34.2. He sent also to the people of Croton in Italy a portion of the spoils, honouring the zeal and valour of their athlete Phäyllus, who, in the Median wars, when the rest of the Greeks in Italy refused to help their brother Greeks, fitted out a ship at his own cost and sailed with it to Salamis, that he might have some share in the peril there. So considerate was Alexander towards every form of valour, and such a friend and guardian of noble deeds.
34.2. ἔπεμψε δὲ καὶ Κροτωνιάταις εἰς Ἰταλίαν μέρος τῶν λαφύρων, τὴν Φαΰλλου τοῦ ἀθλητοῦ τιμῶν προθυμίαν καὶ ἀρετήν, ὃς περὶ τὰ Μηδικά τῶν ἄλλων Ἰταλιωτῶν ἀπεγνωκότων τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἰδιόστολον ἔχων ναῦν ἔπλευσεν εἰς Σαλαμῖνα, τοῦ κινδύνου τι μεθέξων. οὕτω τις εὐμενὴς ἦν πρὸς ἅπασαν ἀρετὴν καὶ καλῶν ἔργων φύλαξ καὶ οἰκεῖος.
35.1. As he traversed all Babylonia, which at once submitted to him, he was most of all amazed at the chasm from which fire continually streamed forth as from a spring, and at the stream of naphtha, so abundant as to form a lake, not far from the chasm. This naphtha is in other ways like asphaltum, but is so sensitive to fire that, before the flame touches it, it is kindled by the very radiance about the flame and often sets fire also to the intervening air.
35.1. ἐπιὼν δὲ τὴν Βαβυλωνίαν ἅπασαν εὐθὺς ἐπʼ αὐτῷ γενομένην ἐθαύμασε μάλιστα τό τε χάσμα τὸν πυρὸς ὥσπερ ἐκ πηγῆς συνεχῶς ἀναφερομένου, καὶ τό ῥεῦμα τοῦ νάφθα λιμνάζοντος διὰ τὸ πλῆθος οὐ πόρρω τοῦ χάσματος, ὃς τἆλλα μὲν ἀσφάλτῳ προσέοικεν, οὕτω δὲ εὐπαθὴς πρὸς τὸ πῦρ ἐστιν ὥστε, πρὶν ἢ θιγεῖν τὴν φλόγα, διʼ αὐτῆς τῆς περὶ τὸ φῶς ἐξαπτόμενος αὐγῆς τὸν μεταξὺ πολλάκις ἀέρα συνεκκαίειν.
35.2. To show its nature and power, the Barbarians sprinkled the street leading to Alexander’s quarters with small quantities of the liquid; then, standing at the farther end of the street, they applied their torches to the moistened spots; for it was now getting dark. The first spots at once caught fire, and without an appreciable interval of time, but with the speed of thought, the flame darted to the other end, and the street was one continuous fire.
35.2. ἐπιδεικνύμενοι δὲ τὴν φύσιν αὐτοῦ καὶ δύναμιν οἱ βάρβαροι τὸν ἄγοντα πρὸς τὴν κατάλυσιν τοῦ βασιλέως στενωπὸν ἐλαφρῶ τῷ φαρμάκῳ κατεψέκασαν εἶτα στάντες ἐπʼ ἄκρῳ τοὺς λαμπτῆρας τοῖς βεβρεγμένοις προσέθηκαν ἤδη γὰρ συνεσκόταζε. τῶν δὲ πρώτων εὐθὺς ἁψαμένων οὐκ ἔσχεν ἡ νομὴ χρόνον αἰσθητόν, ἀλλʼ ἅμα νοήματι διῖκτο πρὸς θάτερον πέρας καὶ πῦρ ἐγεγόνει συνεχὲς ὁ στενωπός.
35.3. Now, there was a certain Athenophanes, an Athenian, one of those who were accustomed to minister to the person of the king when he bathed and anointed himself, and to furnish suitable diversion for his thoughts. This man, one time when there was standing by Alexander in the bath-room a youth who had a ridiculously plain countenance, but was a graceful singer (his name was Stephanus), said, “Wilt thou, O King, that we make a trial of the liquid upon Stephanus? For if it should lay hold of him and not be extinguished, I would certainly say that its power was invincible and terrible.”
35.3. ἦν δέ τις Ἀθηνοφάνης Ἀθηναῖος τῶν περὶ ἄλειμμα καὶ λουτρὸν εἰωθότων τὸ σῶμα θεραπεύειν τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τὴν διάνοιαν ἐμμελῶς ἀπάγειν ἐπὶ τὸ ῥᾴθυμον. οὗτος ἐν τῷ λουτρῶνι τότε παιδαρίου τῷ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ παρεστῶτος εὐτελοῦς σφόδρα καὶ γελοίου τὴν ὄψιν, ᾄδοντος δὲ χαριέντως, Στέφανος ἐκαλεῖτο, βούλει, φησὶν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, διάπειραν ἐν Στεφάνῳ τοῦ φαρμάκου λάβωμεν; ἂν γὰρ ἅψηται τούτου καὶ μὴ κατασβεσθῇ, παντάπασιν ἂν φαίην ἄμαχον καὶ δεινὴν αὐτοῦ τὴν δύναμιν εἶναι.
35.4. The youth also, strangely enough, offered himself for the experiment, and as soon as he touched the liquid and began to anoint himself with it, his body broke out into so great a flame and was so wholly possessed by fire that Alexander fell into extreme perplexity and fear; and had it not been by chance that many were standing by holding vessels of water for the bath, the youth would have been consumed before aid reached him.
35.4. προθύμως δέ πως καὶ τοῦ παιδαρίου διδόντος ἑαυτὸν πρὸς τὴν πεῖραν, ἅμα τῷ περιαλεῖψαι καὶ θιγεῖν ἐξήνθησε φλόγα τοσαύτην τὸ σῶμα καὶ πυρὶ κατεσχέθη τὸ πᾶν ὥστε τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον εἰς πᾶν ἀπορίας καὶ δέους ἐλθεῖν εἰ δὲ μὴ κατὰ τύχην πολλοὶ παρῆσαν ἀγγεῖα πρὸς τὸ λουτρὸν ὕδατος διὰ χειρῶν ἔχοντες, οὐκ ἂν ἔφθασεν ἡ βοήθεια τὴν ἐπινομήν.
35.5. Even as it was, they had great difficulty in putting out the fire, for it covered the boy’s whole body, and after they had done so, he was in a sorry plight. It is natural, then, that some who wish to bring fable into conformity with truth should say that this naphtha is the drug which Medeia used, when, in the tragedies, she anoints the crown and the robe. For it was not from these objects themselves, they say, nor of its own accord, that the fire shot up, but a flame was placed near them, which was then so swiftly drawn into conjunction with them that the senses could not take cognisance of it.
35.5. ἀλλὰ καὶ τότε μόγις κατέσβεσαν τὸ σῶμα τοῦ παιδὸς διʼ ὅλου πῦρ γενόμενον, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα χαλεπῶς ἔσχεν. εἰκότως οὖν ἔνιοι τὸν μῦθον ἀνασῴζοντες πρὸς τὴν ἀλήθειαν τοῦτό φασιν εἶναι τὸ τῆς Μηδείας φάρμακον, ᾧ τὸν τραγῳδούμενον στέφανον καὶ τὸν πέπλον ἔχρισεν. οὐ γὰρ ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐκείνων οὐδὲ ἀπʼ αὐτομάτου λάμψαι τὸ πῦρ, ἀλλὰ φλογὸς ἐγγύθεν παρατεθείσης ὀξεῖαν ὁλκὴν καὶ συναφὴν ἄδηλον αἰσθήσει γενέσθαι.
35.6. For the rays and emanations of fire which come from a distance impart to some bodies merely light and warmth; but in those which are dry and porous, or which have sufficiently rich moisture, they collect themselves together, break into fierce flame, and transform the material. There has been much discussion about the origin of … or whether rather the liquid substance that feeds the flame flows out from a soil which is rich and productive of fire.
35.6. τὰς γὰρ ἀκτῖνας καὶ τὰ ῥεύματα τοῦ πυρὸς ἄπωθεν ἐπερχόμενα τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις σώμασι φῶς καὶ θερμότητα προσβάλλειν μόνον, ἐν δὲ τοῖς ξηρότητα πνευματικὴν ἢ νοτίδα λιπαρὰν καὶ διαρκῆ κεκτημένοις ἀθροιζόμενα καὶ πυριγονοῦντα μεταβάλλειν ὀξέως τὴν ὕλην. παρεῖχε δὲ ἀπορίαν ἢ γένεσις … εἴτε μᾶλλον ὑπέκκαυμα τῆς φλογὸς ὑπορρεῖ τὸ ὑγρὸν ἐκ τῆς γῆς φύσιν λιπαρὰν καὶ πυριγόνον ἐχούσης.