35.7. For the soil of Babylonia is very fiery, so that grains of barley often leap out of the ground and bound away, as if its inflammation made the ground throb; and the inhabitants, during the hot season, sleep on skins filled with water.
35.7. καὶ γάρ ἐστιν ἡ Βαβυλωνία σφόδρα πυρώδης, ὥστε τὰς μὲν κριθὰς χαμόθεν ἐκπηδᾶν καὶ ἀποπάλλεσθαι πολλάκις, οἷον ὑπὸ φλεγμονῆς τῶν τόπων σφυγμοὺς ἐχόντων, τοὺς δὲ ἀνθρώπους ἐν τοῖς καύμασιν ἐπʼ ἀσκῶν πεπληρωμένων ὕδατος καθεύδειν.
35.8. Harpalus, moreover, when he was left as overseer of the country and was eager to adorn the royal gardens and walks with Hellenic plants, succeeded with all except ivy; this the soil would not support, but always killed it. The plant could not endure the temper of the soil, for the soil was fiery, while the plant was fond of coolness. However, if such digressions are kept within bounds, perhaps my impatient readers will find less fault with them.
35.8. Ἅρπαλος δὲ τῆς χώρας ἀπολειφθεὶς ἐπιμελητής καὶ φιλοκαλῶν Ἑλληνικαῖς φυτείαις διακοσμῆσαι τὰ βασίλεια καὶ τοὺς περιπάτους, τῶν μὲν ἄλλων ἐκράτησε, τὸν δὲ κιττὸν οὐκ ἔστεξεν ἡ γῆ μόνον, ἀλλʼ ἀεὶ διέφθειρεν οὐ φέροντα τὴν κρᾶσιν ἡ μὲν γὰρ πυρώδης, ὁ δὲ φιλόψυχρος, τῶν μὲν οὖν τοιούτων παρεκβάσεων, ἂν μέτρον ἔχωσιν, ἧττον ἴσως οἱ δύσκολοι κατηγορήσουσιν.
36.1. On making himself master of Susa, Alexander came into possession of forty thousand talents of coined money in the palace, and of untold furniture and wealth besides. Among this they say was found five thousand talents’ weight of purple from Hermione, which, although it had been stored there for a hundred and ninety years, still kept its colours fresh and lively.
36.1. Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ Σούσων κυριεύσας παρέλαβεν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις τετρακισμύρια τάλαντα νομίσματος, τὴν δὲ ἄλλην κατασκευὴν καὶ πολυτέλειαν ἀδιήγητον. ὅπου φασὶ καὶ πορφύρας Ἑρμιονικῆς εὑρεθῆναι τάλαντα πεντακισχίλια, συγκειμένης μὲν ἐξ ἐτῶν δέκα δεόντων διακοσίων, πρόσφατον δὲ τὸ ἄνθος ἔτι καὶ νεαρὸν φυλαττούσης.
36.2. The reason for this, they say, is that honey was used in the purple dyes, and white olive oil in the white dyes; for these substances, after the like space of time, are seen to have a brilliancy that is pure and lustrous. Moreover, Deinon says that the Persian kings had water also brought from the Nile and the Danube and stored up among their treasures, as a sort of confirmation of the greatness of their empire and the universality of their sway.
36.2. αἴτιον δὲ τούτου φασὶν εἶναι τὸ τὴν βαφὴν διὰ μέλιτος γίνεσθαι τῶν ἁλουργῶν, διʼ ἐλαίου δὲ λευκοῦ τῶν λευκῶν καὶ γὰρ τούτων τὸν ἴσον χρόνον ἐχόντων τὴν λαμπρότητα καθαρὰν καὶ στίλβουσαν ὁρᾶσθαι. Δείνων δέ φησι καὶ ὕδωρ ἀπό τε τοῦ Νείλου καὶ τοῦ Ἴστρου μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων μεταπεμπομένους εἰς τὴν γάζαν ἀποτίθεσθαι τοὺς βασιλεῖς, οἷον ἐκβεβαιουμένους τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ τὸ κυριεύειν ἁπάντων.
37.1. Persis was difficult of access, owing to the roughness of the country, and was guarded by the noblest of the Persians (for Dareius had taken to flight); but Alexander found a guide to conduct him thither by a circuit of no great extent. The man spoke two languages, since his father was a Lycian and his mother a Persian; and it was he, they say, whom the Pythian priestess had in mind when she prophesied, Alexander being yet a boy, that a “lycus,” or wolf, would be Alexander’s guide on his march against the Persians.
37.1. τῆς δὲ Περσίδος οὔσης διὰ τραχύτητα δυσεμβόλου καὶ φυλαττομένης ὑπὸ γενναιοτάτων Περσῶν (Δαρεῖος μὲν γὰρ ἐπεφεύγει) γίγνεταί τινος περιόδου κύκλον ἐχούσης οὐ πολὺν ἡγεμὼν αὐτῷ δίγλωσσος ἄνθρωπος, ἐκ πατρὸς Λυκίου, μητρὸς δὲ Περσίδος γεγονώς ὅν φασιν, ἔτι παιδὸς ὄντος Ἀλεξάνδρου, τὴν Πυθίαν προειπεῖν, ὡς λύκος ἔσται καθηγεμὼν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ τῆς ἐπὶ Πέρσας πορείας.
37.2. In this country, then, as it turned out, there was a great slaughter of the prisoners taken; for Alexander himself writes that he gave orders to have the inhabitants butchered, thinking that this would be to his advantage; and they say that as much coined money was found there as at Susa, and that it took ten thousand pairs of mules and five thousand camels to carry away the other furniture and wealth there.
37.2. φόνον μὲν οὖν ἐνταῦθα πολὺν τῶν ἁλισκομένων γενέσθαι συνέπεσε γράφει γὰρ αὐτός ὡς νομίζων αὐτῷ τοῦτο λυσιτελεῖν ἐκέλευεν ἀποσφάττεσθαι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους· νομίσματος δὲ εὑρεῖν πλῆθος, ὅσον ἐν Σούσοις, τὴν δὲ ἄλλην κατασκευὴν καὶ τὸν πλοῦτον ἐκκομισθῆναί φασι μυρίοις ὀρικοῖς ζεύγεσι καὶ πεντακισχιλίαις καμήλοις.
37.3. On beholding a great statue of Xerxes which had been carelessly overthrown by a throng that forced its way into the palace, Alexander stopped before it, and accosting it as if it had been alive, said: “Shall I pass on and leave thee lying there, because of thine expedition against the Hellenes, or, because of thy magnanimity and virtue in other ways, shall I set thee up again?” But finally, after communing with himself a long time in silence, he passed on. Wishing to refresh his soldiers (for it was winter time), he spent four months in that place.
37.3. Ξέρξου δὲ ἀνδριάντα μέγαν θεασάμενος ὑπὸ πλήθους τῶν ὠθουμένων εἰς τὰ βασίλεια πλημμελῶς ἀνατετραμμένον ἐπέστη, καὶ καθάπερ ἔμψυχον προσαγορεύσας, πότερόν σε, εἶπε, διὰ τὴν ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἕλληνας στρατείαν κείμενον παρέλθωμεν ἢ διὰ τὴν ἄλλην μεγαλοφροσύνην καὶ ἀρετὴν ἐγείρωμεν; τέλος δὲ πολὺν χρόνον πρὸς ἑαυτῷ γενόμενος καὶ σιωπήσας παρῆλθε, βουλόμενος δὲ τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀναλαβεῖν (καὶ γὰρ ἦν χειμῶνος ὥρα) τέσσαρας μῆνας αὐτόθι διήγαγε.
37.4. And it is said that when he took his seat for the first time under the golden canopy on the royal throne, Demaratus the Corinthian, a well-meaning man and a friend of Alexander’s, as he had been of Alexander’s father, burst into tears, as old men will, and declared that those Hellenes were deprived of great pleasure who had died before seeing Alexander seated on the throne of Dareius.
37.4. λέγεται δὲ καθίσαντος αὐτοῦ τὸ πρῶτον ὑπὸ τὸν χρυσοῦν οὐρανίσκον ἐν τῷ βασιλικῷ θρόνῳ τὸν Κορίνθιον Δημάρατον εὔνουν ὄντα ἄνδρα καὶ πατρῷον φίλον Ἀλεξάνδρου πρεσβυτικῶς ἐπιδακρῦσαι, καὶ εἰπεῖν ὡς μεγάλης ἡδονῆς στεροῖντο τῶν Ἑλλήνων οἱ τεθνηκότες πρὶν ἰδεῖν Ἀλέξανδρον ἐν τῷ Δαρείου θρόνῳ καθήμενον.
38.1. After this, as he was about to march forth against Dareius, it chanced that he consented to take part in a merry drinking bout of his companions, at which women also came to meet their lovers and shared in their wine and revelry. The most famous among these women was Thaïs, an Athenian, the mistress of Ptolemy, who was afterwards king. She, partly in graceful praise of Alexander, and partly to make sport for him, as the drinking went on, was moved to utter a speech which befitted the character of her native country, but was too lofty for one of her kind.
38.1. ἐκ τούτου μέλλων ἐξελαύνειν ἐπὶ Δαρεῖον ἔτυχε μὲν εἰς μέθην τινὰ καὶ παιδιὰν τοῖς ἑταίροις ἑαυτὸν δεδωκώς, ὥστε καὶ γύναια συμπίνειν ἐπὶ κῶμον ἥκοντα πρὸς τοὺς ἐραστάς. ἐν δὲ τούτοις εὐδοκιμοῦσα μάλιστα Θαῒς ἡ Πτολεμαίου τοῦ βασιλεύσαντος ὕστερον ἑταίρα, γένος Ἀττική, τὰ μὲν ἐμμελῶς ἐπαινοῦσα, τὰ δὲ παίζουσα πρὸς τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον, ἅμα τῇ μέθῃ λόγον εἰπεῖν προήχθη τῷ μὲν τῆς πατρίδος ἤθει πρέποντα, μείζονα δὲ ἢ κατʼ αὑτήν.
38.2. She said, namely, that for all her hardships in wandering over Asia she was being requited that day by thus revelling luxuriously in the splendid palace of the Persians; but it would be a still greater pleasure to go in revel rout and set fire to the house of the Xerxes who burned Athens, she herself kindling the fire under the eyes of Alexander, in order that a tradition might prevail among men that the women in the train of Alexander inflicted a greater punishment upon the Persians in behalf of Hellas than all her famous commanders by sea and land.
38.2. ἔφη γάρ ὧν πεπόνηκε πεπλανημένη τὴν Ἀσίαν ἀπολαμβάνειν χάριν ἐκείνης τῆς ἡμέρας ἐντρυφῶσα τοῖς ὑπερηφάνοις Περσῶν βασιλείοις ἔτι δʼ ἂν ἥδιον ὑποπρῆσαι κωμάσασα τὸν Ξέρξου τοῦ κατακαύσαντος τὰς Ἀθήνας οἶκον, αὐτὴ τὸ πῦρ ἅψασα τοῦ βασιλέως ὁρῶντος, ὡς ἂν λόγος ἔχῃ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους ὅτι τῶν ναυμάχων καὶ πεζομάχων ἐκείνων στρατηγῶν τὰ μετὰ Ἀλεξάνδρου γύναια μείζονα δίκην ἐπέθηκε Πέρσαις ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἑλλάδος.
38.3. As soon as she had thus spoken, tumultuous applause arose, and the companions of the king eagerly urged him on, so that he yielded to their desires, and leaping to his feet, with a garland on his head and a torch in his hand, led them the way.
38.3. ἅμα δὲ τῷ λόγῳ τούτῳ κρότου καὶ θορύβου γενομένου καὶ παρακελεύσεως τῶν ἑταίρων καὶ φιλοτιμίας, ἐπισπασθεὶς ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ ἀναπηδήσας ἔχων στέφανον καὶ λαμπάδα προῆγεν.
38.4. The company followed with shouts and revelry and surrounded the palace, while the rest of the Macedonians who learned about it ran thither with torches and were full of joy. For they hoped that the burning and destruction of the palace was the act of one who had fixed his thoughts on home, and did not intend to dwell among Barbarians. This is the way the deed was done, according to some writers; but others say it was premeditated. However, it is agreed that Alexander speedily repented and gave orders to put out the fire.
38.4. οἱ δὲ ἑπόμενοι κώμῳ καὶ βοῇ περιίσταντο τὰ βασίλεια, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Μακεδόνων οἱ πυνθανόμενοι συνέτρεχον μετὰ λαμπάδων χαίροντες, ἤλπιζον γὰρ ὅτι τοῖς οἴκοι προσέχοντός ἐστι τὸν νοῦν καὶ μὴ μέλλοντος ἐν βαρβάροις οἰκεῖν τὸ πιμπράναι τὰ βασίλεια καὶ διαφθείρειν, οἱ μὲν οὕτω ταῦτα γενέσθαι φασίν, οἱ δὲ ἀπὸ γνώμης· ὅτι δʼ οὖν μετενόησε ταχὺ καὶ κατασβέσαι προσέταξεν ὁμολογεῖται.
39.1. Alexander was naturally munificent, and became still more so as his wealth increased. His gifts, too, were accompanied by a kindly spirit, with which alone, to tell the truth, a giver confers a favour. I will mention a few instances. Ariston, the captain of the Paeonians, having slain an enemy, brought his head and showed it to Alexander, saying: “In my country, O King, such a gift as this is rewarded with a golden beaker.”
39.1. φύσει δὲ ὢν μεγαλοδωρότατος ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐπέδωκεν εἰς τοῦτο τῶν πραγμάτων αὐξομένων· καὶ προσῆν ἡ φιλοφροσύνη, μεθʼ ἧς μόνης ὡς ἀληθῶς οἱ διδόντες χαρίζονται, μνησθήσομαι δὲ ὀλίγων. ἀρίστων ὁ τῶν Παιόνων ἡγούμενος ἀποκτείνας πολέμιον ἄνδρα καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐπιδειξάμενος αὐτῷ, τοῦτο, εἶπεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, παρʼ ἡμῖν ἐκπώματος χρυσοῦ τιμᾶται τὸ δῶρον.
39.2. “Yes,” said Alexander with a laugh, “an empty one; but I will pledge thy health with one which is full of pure wine.” Again, a common Macedonian was driving a mule laden with some of the royal gold, and when the beast gave out, took the load on his own shoulders and tried to carry it. The king, then, seeing the man in great distress and learning the facts of the case, said, as the man was about to lay his burden down, “Don’t give out, but finish your journey by taking this load to your own tent.”
39.2. ὁ δὲ Ἀλέξανδρος γελάσας, κενοῦ γε, εἶπεν, ἐγὼ δέ σοι μεστὸν ἀκράτου προπίομαι. τῶν δὲ πολλῶν τις Μακεδόνων ἤλαυνεν ἡμίονον βασιλικὸν χρυσίον κομίζοντα· κάμνοντος δὲ τοῦ κτήνους αὐτὸς ἀράμενος ἐκόμιζε τὸ φορτίον. ἰδὼν οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς θλιβόμενον αὐτὸν σφόδρα καὶ πυθόμενος τὸ πρᾶγμα, μέλλοντος κατατίθεσθαι, μὴ κάμῃς, εἶπεν, ἀλλὰ πρόσθες ἔτι τὴν λοιπὴν ὁδὸν ἐπὶ τὴν σκηνήν ἑαυτῷ τοῦτο κομίσας.
39.3. Furthermore, he was generally more displeased with those who would not take his gifts than with those who asked for them. And so he wrote to Phocion in a letter that he would not treat him as a friend in future if he rejected his favours. Again, to Serapion, one of the youths who played at ball with him, he used to give nothing because he asked for nothing. Accordingly, whenever Serapion had the ball, he would throw it to others, until the king said: “Won’t you give it to me?” “No,” said Serapion, “because you don’t ask for it,” whereat the king burst out laughing and made him many presents.
39.3. ὅλως δὲ ἤχθετο τοῖς μὴ λαμβάνουσι μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς αἰτοῦσι. καὶ Φωκίωνι μὲν ἔγραψεν ἐπιστολήν ὡς οὐ χρησόμενος αὐτῷ φίλῳ τὸ λοιπόν, εἰ διωθοῖτο τὰς χάριτας. Σεραπίωνι δὲ τῶν ἀπὸ σφαίρας τινὶ νεανίσκων οὐδὲν ἐδίδου διὰ τὸ μηδὲν αἰτεῖν. ὡς οὖν εἰς τὸ σφαιρίζειν παραγενόμενος ὁ Σεραπίων ἄλλοις ἔβαλλε τὴν σφαῖραν, εἰπόντος δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως, ἐμοὶ δὲ οὐ δίδως; οὐ γὰρ αἰτεῖς, εἶπε, τούτῳ μὲν δὴ γελάσας πολλὰ ἔδωκε.
39.4. With Proteas, however, a clever wag and boon companion, he appeared to be angry; but when the man’s friends begged his forgiveness, as did Proteas himself with tears, the king said that he was his friend again, whereat Proteas said: “In that case, O King, give me something to prove it first.” Accordingly, the king ordered that five talents should be given him. What lofty airs his friends and bodyguards were wont to display over the wealth bestowed by him, is plain from a letter which Olympias wrote to him.
39.4. Πρωτέᾳ δέ τινι τῶν περὶ σκώμματα καὶ πότον οὐκ ἀμούσων ἔδοξε διʼ ὀργῆς γεγονέναι τῶν δὲ φίλων δεομένων κἀκείνου δακρύοντος ἔφη διαλλάττεσθαι κἀκεῖνος, οὐκοῦν, εἶπεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, δός τί μοι πιστὸν πρῶτον. ἐκέλευσεν οὖν αὐτῷ πέντε τάλαντα δοθῆναι. περὶ δὲ τῶν τοῖς φίλοις καὶ τοῖς σωματοφύλαξι νεμομένων πλούτων, ἡλίκον εἶχον ὄγκον, ἐμφαίνει διʼ ἐπιστολῆς Ὀλυμπιάς, ἣν ἔγραψε πρὸς αὐτόν.
39.5. She says: “I beg thee to find other ways of conferring favours on those thou lovest and holdest in honour; as it is, thou makest them all the equals of kings and providest them with an abundance of friends, whilst thyself thou strippest bare.” Olympias often wrote him in like vein, but Alexander kept her writings secret, except once when Hephaestion, as was his wont, read with him a letter which had been opened; the king did not prevent him, but took the ring from his own finger and applied its seal to the lips of Hephaestion.
39.5. ἄλλως, φησὶν, εὖ ποίει τοὺς φίλους καὶ ἐνδόξους ἄγε νῦν δʼ ἰσοβασιλέας πάντας ποιεῖς καὶ πολυφιλίας παρασκευάζεις αὐτοῖς, ἑαυτὸν δὲ ἐρημοῖς. πολλάκις δὲ τοιαῦτα τῆς Ὀλυμπιάδος γραφούσης ἐφύλαττεν ἀπόρρητα τὰ γράμματα, πλὴν ἅπαξ Ἡφαιστίωνος, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, λυθεῖσαν ἐπιστολήν αὐτῷ συναναγινώσκοντος οὐκ ἐκώλυσεν, ἀλλὰ τὸν δακτύλιον ἀφελόμενος τὸν αὑτοῦ προσέθηκε τῷ ἐκείνου στόματι τὴν σφραγῖδα.
39.6. Again, though the son of Mazaeus, the most influential man at the court of Dareius, already had a province, Alexander gave him a second and a larger one. He, however, declined it saying: “O King, formerly there was one Dareius, but now thou hast made many Alexanders.” To Parmenio, moreover, Alexander gave the house of Bagoas at Susa, in which it is said there was found apparel worth a thousand talents. Again, he wrote to Antipater bidding him keep guards about his person, since plots were being laid against him.
39.6. Μαζαίου δὲ τοῦ μεγίστου παρὰ Δαρείῳ γενομένου παιδὶ σατραπείαν ἔχοντι δευτέραν προσετίθει μείζονα, παραιτούμενος δὲ ἐκεῖνος εἶπεν· ὦ βασιλεῦ, τότε μὲν ἦν εἷς Δαρεῖος, νῦν δὲ σὺ πολλοὺς πεποίηκας Ἀλεξάνδρους. Παρμενίωνι μὲν οὖν τὸν Βαγώου ἔδωκεν οἶκον τὸν περὶ Σοῦσα, ἐν ᾧ λέγεται χιλίων ταλάντων εὑρεθῆναι ἱματισμὸν. πρὸς δʼ Ἀντίπατρον ἔγραψε κελεύων ἔχειν φύλακας τοῦ σώματος ὡς ἐπιβουλευόμενον.
39.7. To his mother, also, he sent many presents, but would not suffer her to meddle in affairs nor interfere in his campaigns; and when she chided him for this, he bore her harshness patiently. Once, however, after reading a long letter which Antipater had written in denunciation of her, he said Antipater knew not that one tear of a mother effaced ten thousand letters.
39.7. τῇ δὲ μητρὶ πολλὰ μὲν ἐδωρεῖτο καὶ κατέπεμπεν, οὐκ εἴα δὲ πολυπραγμονεῖν οὐδὲ παραστρατηγεῖν ἐγκαλούσης δὲ πρᾴως ἔφερε τὴν χαλεπότητα. πλὴν ἅπαξ ποτὲ Ἀντιπάτρου μακρὰν κατʼ αὐτῆς γράψαντος ἐπιστολήν ἀναγνοὺς ἀγνοεῖν εἶπεν Ἀντίπατρον ὅτι μυρίας ἐπιστολὰς ἓν δάκρυον ἀπαλείφει μητρός.
40.1. He saw that his favourites had grown altogether luxurious, and were vulgar in the extravagance of their ways of living. For instance, Hagnon the Teian used to wear silver nails in his boots; Leonnatus had dust for his gymnastic exercises brought to him on many camels from Egypt; Philotas had hunting-nets a hundred furlongs long; when they took their exercise and their baths, more of them actually used myrrh than olive oil, and they had in their train rubbers and chamberlains. Alexander therefore chided them in gentle and reasonable fashion.
40.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοὺς περὶ αὑτὸν ἑώρα παντάπασιν ἐκτετρυφηκότας καὶ φορτικοὺς ταῖς διαίταις καὶ πολυτελείαις ὄντας, ὥστε Ἅγνωνα μέν τὸν Τήϊον ἀργυροῦς ἐν ταῖς κρηπῖσιν ἥλους φορεῖν, Λεοννάτῳ δὲ πολλαῖς καμήλοις ἀπʼ Αἰγύπτου κόνιν εἰς τὰ γυμνάσια παρακομίζεσθαι, Φιλώτᾳ δὲ πρὸς θήρας σταδίων ἑκατὸν αὐλαίας γεγονέναι, μύρῳ δὲ χρωμένους ἰέναι πρὸς ἄλειμμα καὶ λουτρὸν ὅσους οὐδὲ ἐλαίῳ, τρίπτας δὲ καὶ κατευναστὰς περιαγομένους, ἐπετίμησε πρᾴως καὶ φιλοσόφως, θαυμάζειν φάμενος εἰ τοσούτους ἠγωνισμένοι καὶ τηλικούτους ἀγῶνας οὐ μνημονεύουσιν ὅτι τῶν καταπονηθέντων οἱ καταπονήσαντες ἥδιον καθεύδουσιν, οὐδὲ ὁρῶσι τοῖς Περσῶν βίοις τοὺς ἑαυτῶν παραβάλλοντες, ὅτι δουλικώτατον μέν ἐστι τὸ τρυφᾶν, βασιλικώτατον δὲ τὸ πονεῖν.
40.2. He was amazed, he said, that after they had undergone so many and so great contests they did not remember that those who conquer by toil sleep more sweetly than those who are conquered by their toil, and did not see, from a comparison of their own lives with those of the Persians, that it is a very servile thing to be luxurious, but a very royal thing to toil. “And yet,” said he, “how can a man take care of his own horse or furbish up his spear and helmet, if he is unaccustomed to using his hands on his own dear person?” “Know ye not,” said he, “that the end and object of conquest is to avoid doing the same thing as the conquered?” Accordingly, he exerted himself yet more strenuously in military and hunting expeditions, suffering distress and risking his life, so that a Spartan ambassador who came up with him as he was bringing down a great lion, said: “Nobly, indeed, Alexander, hast thou struggled with the lion to see which should be king.”
40.2. καίτοι πῶς ἄν τις, ἔφη, διʼ ἑαυτοῦ θεραπεύσειεν ἵππον ἢ λόγχην ἀσκήσειεν ἢ κράνος, ἀπειθικὼς τοῦ φιλτάτου σώματος ἅπτεσθαι τὰς χεῖρας; οὐκ ἴστε, εἶπεν, ὅτι τοῦ κρατεῖν πέρας ἡμῖν ἐστι τὸ μὴ ταὐτὰ ποιεῖν τοῖς κεκρατημένοις; ἐπέτεινεν οὖν ἔτι μᾶλλον αὐτὸς ἑαυτόν ἐν ταῖς στρατείαις καὶ τοῖς κυνηγεσίοις, κακοπαθῶν καὶ παραβαλλόμενος, ὥστε καὶ Λάκωνα πρεσβευτήν παραγενόμενον αὐτῷ λέοντα καταβάλλοντι μέγαν εἰπεῖν· καλῶς γε, Ἀλέξανδρε, πρὸς τὸν λέοντα ἠγώνισαι περὶ τᾶς βασιλείας.
40.4. This hunting-scene Craterus dedicated at Delphi, with bronze figures of the lion, the dogs, the king engaged with the lion, and himself coming to his assistance; some of the figures were moulded by Lysippus, and some by Leochares.
40.4. τοῦτο τὸ κυνήγιον Κρατερὸς εἰς Δελφοὺς ἀνέθηκεν, εἰκόνας χαλκᾶς ποιησάμενος τοῦ λέοντος καὶ τῶν κυνῶν καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως τῷ λέοντι συνεστῶτος καὶ αὑτοῦ προσβοηθοῦντος, ὧν τὰ μέν Λύσιππος ἔπλασε, τὰ δὲ Λεωχάρης.
41.1. Alexander, then, in exercising himself and at the same time inciting others to deeds of valour, was wont to court danger; but his friends, whose wealth and magnificence now gave them a desire to live in luxury and idleness, were impatient of his long wanderings and military expeditions, and gradually went so far as to abuse him and speak ill of him. He, however, was very mildly disposed at first toward this treatment of himself and used to say that it was the lot of a king to confer favours and be ill-spoken of therefor.
41.1. Ἀλέξανδρος μὲν οὖν ἑαυτὸν ἀσκῶν ἅμα καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους παροξύνων πρὸς ἀρετὴν ἐκινδύνευεν· οἱ δὲ φίλοι διὰ πλοῦτον καὶ ὄγκον ἤδη τρυφᾶν βουλόμενοι καὶ σχολάζειν ἐβαρύνοντο τὰς πλάνας καὶ τὰς στρατείας, καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν οὕτω προῆλθον εἰς τὸ βλασφημεῖν καὶ κακῶς λέγειν αὐτόν, ὁ δὲ καὶ πάνυ πρᾴως ἐν ἀρχῇ πρὸς ταῦτα διέκειτο, φάσκων βασιλικὸν εἶναι τὸ κακῶς ἀκούειν εὖ ποιοῦντα.
41.2. And yet in the most trifling attentions which he paid his familiar friends there were marks of great good-will and esteem. I will instance a few of these. He found fault with Peucestas by letter because, after being bitten by a bear, he wrote about it to the rest of his friends but did not tell him. “Now, however,” said he, “write me how you are, and tell me whether any of your fellow-huntsmen left you in the lurch, that I may punish them.”
41.2. καίτοι τὰ μικρότατα τῶν γενομένων τοῖς συνήθεσι παρʼ αὐτοῦ σημεῖα μεγάλης ὑπῆρχεν εὐνοίας καὶ τιμῆς· ὧν ὀλίγα παραθήσομαι. Πευκέστᾳ μὲν ἔγραψε μεμφόμενος ὅτι δηχθεὶς ὑπʼ ἄρκτου τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ἔγραψεν, αὐτῷ δὲ οὐκ ἐδήλωσεν. ἀλλὰ νῦν γε, φησί, γράψον πῶς ἔχεις, καὶ μή τινές σε τῶν συγκυνηγετούντων ἐγκατέλιπον, ἵνα δίκην δῶσι.
41.3. To Hephaestion, who was absent on some business, he wrote that while they were diverting themselves with hunting an ichneumon, Craterus encountered the lance of Perdiccas and was wounded in the thighs. After Peucestas had safely recovered from an illness, Alexander wrote to the physician, Alexippus, expressing his thanks. While Craterus was sick, Alexander had a vision in his sleep, whereupon he offered certain sacrifices himself for the recovery of his friend, and bade him also sacrifice.
41.3. τοῖς δὲ περὶ Ἡφαιστίωνα διὰ πράξεις τινὰς ἀποῦσιν ἔγραψεν ὅτι παιζόντων αὐτῶν πρὸς ἰχνεύμονα τῷ Περδίκκου δορατίῳ περιπεσὼν Κρατερὸς τοὺς μηροὺς ἐτρώθη. Πευκέστα δὲ σωθέντος ἔκ τινος ἀσθενείας ἔγραψε πρὸς Ἀλέξιππον τὸν ἰατρὸν εὐχαριστῶν. Κρατεροῦ δὲ νοσοῦντος ὄψιν ἰδὼν καθʼ ὕπνον αὐτός τέ τινας θυσίας ἔθυσεν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ κἀκεῖνον θῦσαι ἐκέλευσεν.
41.4. He wrote also to Pausanias, the physician, who wished to administer hellebore to Craterus, partly expressing distress, and partly advising him how to use the medicine. Those who first brought word to him that Harpalus had absconded, namely, Ephialtes and Cissus, he put in fetters, on the ground that they were falsely accusing the man.
41.4. ἔγραψε δὲ καὶ Παυσανίᾳ τῷ ἰατρῷ βουλομένῳ τὸν Κρατερὸν ἐλλεβορίσαι, τὰ μὲν ἀγωνιῶν, τὰ δὲ παραινῶν ὅπως χρήσεται τῇ φαρμακείᾳ, τοὺς δὲ πρώτους τὴν Ἁρπάλου φυγὴν καὶ ἀπόδρασιν ἀπαγγείλαντας ἔδησεν, Ἐφιάλτην καὶ Κίσσον, ὡς καταψευδομένους τοῦ ἀνδρός.
41.5. When he was sending home his aged and infirm soldiers, Eurylochus of Aegae got himself enrolled among the sick, and then, when it was discovered that he had nothing the matter with him, confessed that he was in love with Telesippa, and was bent on following along with her on her journey to the sea-board. Alexander asked of what parentage the girl was, and on hearing that she was a free-born courtesan, said: “I will help you, O Eurylochus, in your amour; but see to it that we try to persuade Telesippa either by arguments or by gifts, since she is free-born.”
41.5. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοὺς ἀσθενοῦντας αὐτοῦ καὶ γέροντας εἰς οἶκον ἀποστέλλοντος Εὐρύλοχος Αἰγαῖος ἐνέγραψεν ἑαυτὸν εἰς τοὺς νοσοῦντας, εἶτα φωραθεὶς ἔχων οὐδὲν κακόν ὡμολόγησε Τελεσίππας ἐρᾶν καὶ συνεπακολουθεῖν ἐπὶ θάλασσαν ἀπιούσης ἐκείνης, ἠρώτησε τίνων ἀνθρώπων ἐστὶ τὸ γύναιον. ἀκούσας δὲ ὅτι τῶν ἐλευθέρων ἑταιρῶν, ἡμᾶς μὲν, εἶπεν, ὦ Εὐρύλοχε, συνερῶντας ἔχεις ὅρα δὲ ὅπως πείθωμεν ἢ λόγοις ἢ δώροις τὴν Τελεσίππαν, ἐπειδήπερ ἐξ ἐλευθέρας ἐστί.
42.1. And it is astonishing that he had time to write so many letters for his friends. For instance, he wrote one giving orders to seek out a slave of Seleucus who had run away into Cilicia; and one in commendation of Peucestas for arresting Nicon, a servant of Craterus; and one to Megabyzus about an attendant who had taken refuge in a sanctuary, bidding him, if possible, entice the slave outside the sanctuary and then arrest him, but not to lay hands upon him in the sanctuary.
42.1. θαυμάσαι δὲ αὑτὸν ἔστιν ὅτι καὶ μέχρι τοιούτων ἐπιστολῶν τοῖς φίλοις ἐσχόλαζεν, οἷα γράφει παῖδα Σελεύκου εἰς Κιλικίαν ἀποδεδρακότα κελεύων ἀναζητῆσαι, καὶ Πευκέσταν ἐπαινῶν ὅτι Νίκωνα, Κρατεροῦ δοῦλον, συνέλαβε, καὶ Μεγαβύζῳ περὶ τοῦ θεράποντος τοῦ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ καθεζομένου, κελεύων αὐτὸν, ἂν δύνηται, συλλαβεῖν ἔξω τοῦ ἱεροῦ προκαλεσάμενος, ἐν δὲ τῷ ἱερῷ μὴ προσάπτεσθαι.
42.2. It is said, too, that at first, when he was trying capital cases, he would put his hand over one of his ears while the accuser was speaking, that he might keep it free and unprejudiced for the accused. But afterwards the multitude of accusations which he heard rendered him harsh, and led him to believe the false because so many were true. And particularly when he was maligned he lost discretion and was cruel and inexorable, since he loved his reputation more than his life or his kingdom.
42.2. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τὰς δίκας διακρίνων ἐν ἀρχῇ τὰς θανατικὰς τὴν χεῖρα τῶν ὤτων τῷ ἑτέρῳ προστιθέναι τοῦ κατηγόρου λέγοντος, ὅπως τῷ κινδυνεύοντι καθαρὸν φυλάττηται καὶ ἀδιάβλητον. ἀλλʼ ὕστερόν γε αὑτὸν ἐξετράχυναν αἱ πολλαὶ διαβολαί, διὰ τῶν ἀληθῶν πάροδον ἐπὶ τὰ ψευδῆ λαβοῦσαι. καὶ μάλιστα κακῶς ἀκούων ἐξίστατο τοῦ φρονεῖν καὶ χαλεπὸς ἦν καὶ ἀπαραίτητος, ἅτε δὴ τὴν δόξαν ἀντὶ τοῦ ζῆν καὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἠγαπηκώς.
42.3. Now, however, he marched out against Dareius, expecting to fight another battle; but when he heard that Dareius had been seized by Bessus, he sent his Thessalians home, after distributing among them a largess of two thousand talents over and above their pay. In consequence of the pursuit of Dareius, which was long and arduous (for in eleven days he rode thirty-three hundred furlongs), most of his horsemen gave out, and chiefly for lack of water.
42.3. τότε δὲ ἐξήλαυνεν ἐπὶ Δαρεῖον ὡς πάλιν μαχούμενος ἀκούσας δὲ τὴν ὑπὸ Βήσσου γενομένην αὐτοῦ σύλληψιν ἀπέλυσε τοὺς Θεσσαλοὺς οἴκαδε, δισχίλια τάλαντα δωρεὰν ἐπιμετρήσας ταῖς μισθοφοραῖς. πρὸς δὲ τὴν δίωξιν ἀργαλέαν καὶ μακρὰν γινομένην ἕνδεκα γὰρ ἡμέραις ἱππάσατο τρισχιλίους καὶ τριακοσίους σταδίους ἀπηγόρευσαν μὲν οἱ πλεῖστοι, καὶ μάλιστα κατὰ τὴν ἀνυδρίον.
42.4. At this point some Macedonians met him who were carrying water from the river in skins upon their mules. And when they beheld Alexander, it being now midday, in a wretched plight from thirst, they quickly filled a helmet and brought it to him. To his enquiry for whom they were carrying the water, they replied: “For our own sons; but if thou livest, we can get other sons, even if we lose these.”
42.4. ἔνθα δὴ Μακεδόνες ἀπήντησαν αὐτῷ τινες ὕδωρ ἐν ἀσκοῖς ἐφʼ ἡμιόνων κομίζοντες ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ· καὶ θεασάμενοι τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἤδη μεσημβρίας οὔσης κακῶς ὑπὸ δίψους ἔχοντα ταχὺ πλησάμενοι κράνος προσήνεγκαν. πυθομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ τίσι κομίζοιεν, υἱοῖς, ἔφασαν, ἰδίοις· ἀλλὰ σοῦ ζῶντος ἑτέρους ποιησόμεθα, κἂν ἐκείνους ἀπολέσωμεν.
42.5. On hearing this he took the helmet into his hands, but when he looked around and saw the horsemen about him all stretching out their heads and gazing at the water, he handed it back without drinking any, but with praises for the men who had brought it; “For,” said he, “if I should drink of it alone, these horsemen of mine will be out of heart.”
42.5. ταῦτα ἀκούσας ἔλαβεν εἰς τὰς χεῖρας τὸ κράνος· περιβλέψας δὲ καὶ θεασάμενος τοὺς περὶ αὑτὸν ἱππεῖς ἅπαντας ἐγκεκλικότας ταῖς κεφαλαῖς καὶ πρὸς τὸ ποτὸν βλέποντας ἀπέδωκεν οὐ πιών, ἀλλʼ ἐπαινέσας τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, ἄν γὰρ αὐτὸς, ἔφη, πίω μόνος, ἀθυμήσουσιν οὗτοι.
42.6. But when they beheld his self-control and loftiness of spirit, they shouted out to him to lead them forward boldly, and began to goad their horses on, declaring that they would not regard themselves as weary, or thirsty, or as mortals at all, so long as they had such a king.
42.6. θεασάμενοι δὲ τὴν ἐγκράτειαν αὐτοῦ καὶ μεγαλοψυχίαν οἱ ἱππεῖς ἄγειν ἀνέκραγον θαρροῦντα καὶ τοὺς ἵππους ἐμάστιζον· οὔτε γὰρ κάμνειν οὔτε διψᾶν οὔθʼ ὅλως θνητοὺς εἶναι νομίζειν αὑτούς, ἕως ἂν ἔχωσι βασιλέα τοιοῦτον.
43.1. So, then, all were alike ready and willing; but only sixty, they say, were with Alexander when he burst into the camp of the enemy. There, indeed, they rode over much gold and silver that was thrown away, passed by many waggons full of women and children which were coursing hither and thither without their drivers, and pursued those who were foremost in flight, thinking that Dareius was among them. But at last they found him lying in a waggon, his body all full of javelins, at the point of death.
43.1. ἡ μὲν οὖν προθυμία πάντων ἦν ὁμοία· μόνους δέ φασιν ἑξήκοντα συνεισπεσεῖν εἰς τὰ στρατόπεδα τῶν πολεμίων, ἔνθα δὴ πολὺν μὲν ἄργυρον καὶ χρυσὸν ἐρριμμένον ὑπερβαίνοντες, πολλὰς δὲ παίδων καὶ γυναικῶν ἁρμαμάξας ἡνιόχων ἐρήμους διαφερομένας παρερχόμενοι, τοὺς πρώτους ἐδίωκον, ὡς ἐν ἐκείνοις Δαρεῖον ὄντα. μόλις δὲ εὑρίσκεται πολλῶν ἀκοντισμάτων κατάπλεως τὸ σῶμα κείμενος ἐν ἁρμαμάξῃ, μικρὸν ἀπολείπων τοῦ τελευτᾶν.
43.2. Nevertheless, he asked for something to drink, and when he had drunk some cold water which Polystratus gave him, he said to him: “My man, this is the extremity of all my ill-fortune, that I receive good at thy hands and am not able to return it; but Alexander will requite thee for thy good offices, and the gods will reward Alexander for his kindness to my mother, wife, and children; to him, through thee, I give this right hand.” With these words he took the hand of Polystratus and then expired.
43.2. ὅμως δὲ καὶ πιεῖν ᾔτησε, καὶ πιὼν ὕδωρ ψυχρόν εἶπε πρὸς τὸν δόντα Πολύστρατον· ὦ ἄνθρωπε, τοῦτό μοι πέρας γέγονε δυστυχίας ἁπάσης, εὖ παθεῖν ἀμείψασθαι μὴ δυνάμενον· ἀλλʼ Ἀλέξανδρος ἀποδώσει σοι τὴν χάριν, Ἀλεξάνδρῳ δὲ οἱ θεοὶ τῆς εἰς μητέρα καὶ γυναῖκα καὶ παῖδας τοὺς ἐμοὺς ἐπιεικείας, ᾧ ταύτην δίδωμι τὴν δεξιὰν διὰ σοῦ. ταῦτα εἰπὼν καὶ λαβόμενος τῆς τοῦ Πολυστράτου χειρός ἐξέλιπεν.
43.3. When Alexander came up, he was manifestly distressed by what had happened, and unfastening his own cloak threw it upon the body and covered it. And when, at a later time, he found Bessus, he had him rent asunder. Two straight trees were bent together and a part of his body fastened to each; then when each was released and sprang vigorously back, the part of the body that was attached to it followed after. Now, however, he sent the body of Dareius, laid out in royal state, to his mother, and admitted his brother, Exathres, into the number of his companions.
43.3. Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ ὡς ἐπῆλθεν, ἀλγῶν τε τῷ πάθει φανερὸς ἦν καὶ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ χλαμύδα λύσας ἐπέβαλε τῷ σώματι καὶ περιέστειλε, καὶ Βῆσσον μὲν ὕστερον εὑρὼν διεσφενδόνησεν, ὀρθίων δένδρων εἰς ταὐτὸ καμφθέντων ἐκατέρῳ μέρος προσαρτήσας τοῦ σώματος, εἶτα μεθεὶς ἑκάτερον, ὡς ὥρμητο ῥύμῃ φερόμενον, τὸ προσῆκον αὐτῷ μέρος νείμασθαι. τότε δὲ τοῦ Δαρείου τὸ μὲν σῶμα κεκοσμημένον βασιλικῶς πρὸς τὴν μητέρα ἀπέστειλε, τὸν δὲ ἀδελφὸν Ἐξάθρην εἰς τοὺς ἑταίρους ἀνέλαβεν.
44.1. He himself however, with the flower of his army, marched on into Hyrcania. Here he saw a gulf of the open sea which appeared to be as large as the Euxine, but was sweeter than the Mediterranean. He could get no clear information about it, but conjectured that in all probability it was a stagnant overflow from the Palus Maeotis.
44.1. αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῆς ἀκμαιοτάτης δυνάμεως εἰς Ὑρκανίαν κατέβαινε· καὶ πελάγους ἰδὼν κόλπον οὐκ ἐλάττονα μὲν τοῦ Πόντου φανέντα, γλυκύτερον δὲ τῆς ἄλλης θαλάττης, σαφὲς μὲν οὐδὲν ἔσχε πυθέσθαι περὶ αὐτοῦ, μάλιστα δὲ εἴκασε τῆς Μαιώτιδος λίμνης ἀνακοπὴν εἶναι.
44.2. And yet naturalists were well aware of the truth, and many years before Alexander’s expedition they had set forth that this was the most northerly of four gulfs which stretch inland from the outer sea, and was called indifferently the Hyrcanian or Caspian Sea. Here some Barbarians unexpectedly fell in with those who were leading Alexander’s horse, Bucephalas, and captured him.
44.2. καίτοι τούς γε φυσικοὺς ἄνδρας οὐκ ἔλαθε τἀληθές, ἀλλὰ πολλοῖς ἔτεσιν ἔμπροσθεν τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου στρατείας ἱστορήκασιν ὅτι τεσσάρων κόλπων εἰσεχόντων ἀπὸ τῆς ἔξω θαλάσσης βορειότατος οὗτός ἐστι, τὸ Ὑρκάνιον πέλαγος καὶ Κάσπιον ὁμοῦ προσαγορευόμενον. ἐνταῦθα τῶν βαρβάρων τινὲς ἀπροσδοκήτως περιτυχόντες τοῖς ἄγουσι τὸν ἵππον αὐτοῦ τὸν Βουκεφάλαν λαμβάνουσιν.
44.3. Alexander was angry beyond measure, and sent a herald threatening to put them all to the sword, together with their wives and children, if they did not send him back his horse. But when they came with the horse and also put their cities into his hands, he treated them all kindly, and gave a ransom for his horse to those who had captured him.
44.3. ὁ δὲ ἤνεγκεν οὐ μετρίως, ἀλλὰ κήρυκα πέμψας ἠπείλησε πάντας ἀποκτενεῖν μετὰ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν, εἰ τὸν ἵππον αὐτῷ μὴ ἀναπέμψειαν. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τὸν ἵππον ἄγοντες ἧκον καὶ τὰς πόλεις ἐγχειρίζοντες, ἐχρήσατο φιλανθρώπως πᾶσι καὶ τοῦ ἵππου λύτρα τοῖς λαβοῦσιν ἔδωκεν.
45.1. From thence he marched into Parthia, where, during a respite from fighting, he first put on the barbaric dress, either from a desire to adapt himself to the native customs, believing that community of race and custom goes far towards softening the hearts of men; or else this was an attempt to introduce the obeisance among the Macedonians, by accustoming them little by little to put up with changes and alterations in his mode of life.
45.1. ἐντεῦθεν εἰς τήν Παρθικὴν ἀναζεύξας καὶ σχολάζων πρῶτον ἐνεδύσατο τήν βαρβαρικὴν στολὴν, εἴτε βουλόμενος αὑτὸν συνοικειοῦν τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις νόμοις, ὡς μέγα πρὸς ἐξημέρωσιν ἀνθρώπων τὸ σύνηθες καὶ ὁμόφυλον, εἴτʼ ἀπόπειρά τις ὑφεῖτο τῆς προσκυνήσεως αὕτη τοῖς Μακεδόσι, κατὰ μικρὸν ἀνασχέσθαι τήν ἐκδιαίτησιν αὐτοῦ καὶ μεταβολὴν ἐθιζομένοις, οὐ μὴν τήν γε Μηδικὴν ἐκείνην προσήκατο παντάπασι βαρβαρικὴν καὶ ἀλλόκοτον οὖσαν, οὐδὲ ἀναξυρίδας οὐδὲ κάνδυν οὐδὲ τιάραν ἔλαβεν, ἀλλὰ ἐν μέσῳ τινὰ τῆς Περσικῆς καὶ τῆς Μηδικῆς μιξάμενος εὖ πως, ἀτυφοτέραν μὲν ἐκείνης, ταύτης δὲ σοβαρωτέραν οὖσαν.
45.2. However, he did not adopt the famous Median fashion of dress, which was altogether barbaric and strange, nor did he assume trousers, or sleeved vest, or tiara, but carefully devised a fashion which was midway between the Persian and the Median, more modest than the one and more stately than the other. At first he wore this only in intercourse with the Barbarians and with his companions at home, then people generally saw him riding forth or giving audience in this attire. The sight was offensive to the Macedonians, but they admired his other high qualities and thought they ought to yield to him in some things which made for his pleasure or his fame. For, in addition to all his other hardships, he had recently been shot by an arrow in the leg below the knee, so that splinters of the larger bone came out; and at another time he was smitten in the neck with a stone so severely that his eye-sight was clouded and remained so for some time. Nevertheless, he did not cease exposing himself to dangers without stint, nay, he actually crossed the river Orexartes (which he himself supposed to be the Tanaïs), put the Scythians to rout, and pursued them for a hundred furlongs, although he was suffering all the while from diarrhoea.
45.2. ἐχρῆτο δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐντυγχάνων τοῖς βαρβάροις καὶ τοῖς ἑταίροις κατʼ οἶκον, εἶτα τοῖς πολλοῖς οὕτως ἐξελαύνων καὶ χρηματίζων ἑωρᾶτο. καὶ λυπηρὸν μὲν ἦν τοῖς Μακεδόσι τὸ θέαμα, τήν δὲ ἄλλην αὐτοῦ θαυμάζοντες ἀρετὴν ᾤοντο δεῖν ἔνια τῶν πρὸς ἡδονὴν αὐτῷ καὶ δόξαν ἐπιχωρεῖν ὅς γε πρὸς ἅπασι τοῖς ἄλλοις ἔναγχος τόξευμα μὲν εἰς τήν κνήμην λαβών, ὑφʼ οὗ τὸ τῆς κερκίδος ὁστέον ἀποθραυσθὲν ἐξέπεσε, λίθῳ δὲ πληγεὶς πάλιν εἰς τὸν τράχηλον ὥστε καὶ ταῖς ὄψεσιν ἀχλὺν ὑποδραμεῖν παραμείνασαν οὐκ ὀλίγον χρόνον, ὅμως οὐκ ἐπαύετο χρώμενος ἑαυτῷ πρὸς τοὺς κινδύνους ἀφειδῶς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν Ὀρεξάρτην διαβὰς ποταμόν, ὃν αὐτὸς ᾤετο Τάναϊν εἶναι, καὶ τοὺς Σκύθας τρεψάμενος ἐδίωξεν ἐπὶ σταδίους ἑκατόν, ἐνοχλούμενος ὑπὸ διαρροίας.
46.1. Here the queen of the Amazons came to see him, as most writers say, among whom are Cleitarchus, Polycleitus, Onesicritus, Antigenes, and Ister; but Aristobulus, Chares the royal usher, Ptolemy, Anticleides, Philo the Theban, and Philip of Theangela, besides Hecataeus of Eretria, Philip the Chalcidian, and Duris of Samos, say that this is a fiction.
46.1. ἐνταῦθα δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀφικέσθαι τὴν Ἀμαζόνα οἱ πολλοὶ λέγουσιν, ὧν καὶ Κλείταρχός ἐστι καὶ Πολύκλειτος καὶ Ὀνησίκριτος καὶ Ἀντιγένης καὶ Ἴστρος Ἀριστόβουλος δὲ καὶ Χάρης ὁ εἰσαγγελεύς καὶ Πτολεμαῖος καὶ Ἀντικλείδης καὶ Φίλων ὁ Θηβαῖος καὶ Φίλιππος ὁ Θεαγγελεὺς, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις Ἑκαταῖος ὁ Ἐρετριεὺς καὶ Φίλιππος ὁ Χαλκιδεὺς καὶ Δοῦρις ὁ Σάμιος πλάσμα φασὶ γεγονέναι τοῦτο.
46.2. And it would seem that Alexander’s testimony is in favour of their statement. For in a letter to Antipater which gives all the details minutely he says that the Scythian king offered him his daughter in marriage, but he makes no mention of the Amazon. And the story is told that many years afterwards Onesicritus was reading aloud to Lysimachus, who was now king, the fourth book of his history, in which was the tale of the Amazon, at which Lysimachus smiled gently and said: “And where was I at the time?” However, our, belief or disbelief of this story will neither increase nor diminish our admiration for Alexander.
46.2. καὶ μαρτυρεῖν αὐτοῖς ἔοικεν Ἀλέξανδρος. Ἀντιπάτρῳ γὰρ ἅπαντα γράφων ἀκριβῶς τὸν μὲν Σκύθην αὐτῷ φησι διδόναι τὴν θυγατέρα πρὸς γάμον, Ἀμαζόνος δὲ οὐ μνημονεύει, λέγεται δὲ πολλοῖς χρόνοις Ὀνησίκριτος ὕστερον ἤδη βασιλεύοντι Λυσιμάχῳ τῶν βιβλίων τὸ τέταρτον ἀναγινώσκειν, ἐν ᾧ γέγραπται περὶ τῆς Ἀμαζόνος· τὸν οὖν Λυσίμαχον ἀτρέμα μειδιάσαντα καὶ ποῦ, φάναι, τότε ἤμην ἐγώ; ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἄν τις οὔτε ἀπιστῶν ἧττον οὔτε πιστεύων μᾶλλον Ἀλέξανδρον θαυμάσειε.
47.1. Fearing that his Macedonians might tire of the rest of his expedition, he left the greater part of them in quarters, and while he had the best of them with him in Hyrcania, twenty thousand foot and three thousand horse, he addressed them, saying that at present they were seen by the Barbarians as in a dream, but that if they should merely throw Asia into confusion and then leave it they would be attacked by them as if they were women.
47.1. φοβούμενος δὲ τοὺς Μακεδόνας, μὴ εἰς τὰ ὑπόλοιπα τῆς στρατείας ἀπαγορεύσωσι, τὸ μὲν ἄλλο πλῆθος εἴασε κατὰ χώραν, τοὺς δὲ ἀρίστους ἔχων ἐν Ὑρκανίᾳ μεθʼ ἑαυτοῦ, δισμυρίους πεζοὺς καὶ τρισχιλίους ἱππεῖς, προσέβαλε, λέγων ὡς νῦν μὲν αὐτοὺς ἐνύπνιον τῶν βαρβάρων ὁρώντων, ἂν δὲ μόνον ταράξαντες τὴν Ἀσίαν ἀπίωσιν, ἐπιθησομένων εὐθὺς ὥσπερ γυναιξίν.
47.2. However, he said, he allowed those who wished it to go away, calling them to witness that while he was winning the inhabited world for the Macedonians he had been left behind with his friends and those who were willing to continue the expedition. This is almost word for word what he wrote in his letter to Antipater, and he adds that after he had thus spoken all his hearers cried out to him to lead them to whatever part of the world he wished. After these had met his test of their loyalty, it was no longer a hard matter for the main body to be led along too, nay, they readily followed after.
47.2. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἀπιέναι γε τοὺς βουλομένους ἐφῆκε, μαρτνράμενος ὅτι τὴν οἰκουμένην τοῖς Μακεδόσι κτώμενος ἐγκαταλέλειπται μετὰ τῶν φίλων καὶ τῶν ἐθελόντων στρατεύειν. ταῦτα σχεδὸν αὐτοῖς ὀνόμασιν ἐν τῇ πρὸς Ἀντίπατρον ἐπιστολῇ γέγραπται, καὶ ὅτι ταῦτα εἰπόντος αὐτοῦ πάντες ἐξέκραγον ὅποι βούλεται τῆς οἰκουμένης ἄγειν· δεξαμένων δὲ τούτων τὴν πεῖραν οὐκέτι ἦν χαλεπὸν προσαχθῆναι τὸ πλῆθος, ἀλλὰ ῥᾳδίως ἐπηκολούθησεν.
47.3. Under these circumstances, too, he adapted his own mode of life still more to the customs of the country, and tried to bring these into closer agreement with Macedonian customs, thinking that by a mixture and community of practice which produced good will, rather than by force, his authority would be kept secure while he was far away. For this reason, too, he chose out thirty thousand boys and gave orders that they should learn the Greek language and be trained to use Macedonian weapons, appointing many instructors for this work.
47.3. οὕτω δὴ καὶ τὴν δίαιταν ἔτι μᾶλλον ὡμοίου τε τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις ἑαυτόν, ἐκεῖνά τε προσῆγε τοῖς Μακεδονικοῖς ἔθεσιν, ἀνακράσει καὶ κοινωνίᾳ μᾶλλον διʼ εὐνοίας καταστήσεσθαι τὰ πράγματα νομίζων ἢ βίᾳ, μακρὰν ἀπαίροντος αὐτοῦ, διὸ καὶ τρισμυρίους παῖδας ἐπιλεξάμενος ἐκέλευσε γράμματά τε μανθάνειν Ἑλληνικὰ καὶ Μακεδονικοῖς ὅπλοις ἐντρέφεσθαι, πολλοὺς ἐπιστάτας καταστήσας.
47.4. His marriage to Roxana, whom he saw in her youthful beauty taking part in a dance at a banquet, was a love affair, and yet it was thought to harmonize well with the matters which he had in hand. For the Barbarians were encouraged by the partnership into which the marriage brought them, and they were beyond measure fond of Alexander, because, most temperate of all men that he was in these matters, he would not consent to approach even the only woman who ever mastered his affections, without the sanction of law.
47.4. καὶ τὰ περὶ Ῥωξάνην ἔρωτι μὲν ἐπράχθη, καλὴν καὶ ὡραίαν ἔν τινι χορῷ παρὰ πότον ὀφθεῖσαν, ἔδοξε δὲ οὐκ ἀνάρμοστα τοῖς ὑποκειμένοις εἶναι πράγμασιν. ἐθάρρησαν γὰρ οἱ βάρβαροι τῇ κοινωνίᾳ τοῦ γάμου, καὶ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ὑπερηγάπησαν, ὅτι σωφρονέστατος περὶ ταῦτα γεγονὼς οὐδὲ ἧς μόνης ἡττήθη γυναικὸς ἄνευ νόμου θιγεῖν ὑπέμεινεν.
47.5. Moreover, when he saw that among his chiefest friends Hephaestion approved his course and joined him in changing his mode of life, while Craterus clung fast to his native ways, he employed the former in his business with the Barbarians, the latter in that with the Greeks and Macedonians. And in general he showed most affection for Hephaestion, but most esteem for Craterus, thinking, and constantly saying, that Hephaestion was a friend of Alexander, but Craterus a friend of the king.
47.5. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν φίλων ἑώρα τῶν μεγίστων Ἡφαιστίωνα μὲν ἐπαινοῦντα καὶ συμμετακοσμούμενον αὐτῷ, Κρατερὸν δὲ τοῖς πατρίοις ἐμμένοντα· διʼ ἐκείνου μὲν ἐχρημάτιζε τοῖς βαρβάροις, διὰ τούτου δὲ τοῖς Ἕλλησι καὶ τοῖς Μακεδόσι καὶ ὅλως τὸν μὲν ἐφίλει μάλιστα, τὸν δὲ ἐτίμα, νομίζων καὶ λέγων ἀεί τὸν μὲν Ἡφαιστίωνα φιλαλέξανδρον εἶναι, τὸν δὲ Κρατερὸν φιλοβασιλέα.
47.6. For this reason, too, the men cherished a secret grudge against one another and often came into open collision. And once, on the Indian expedition, they actually drew their swords and closed with one another, and as the friends of each were coming to his aid, Alexander rode up and abused Hephaestion publicly, calling him a fool and a madman for not knowing that without Alexander’s favour he was nothing; and in private he also sharply reproved Craterus.
47.6. διὸ καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὑπούλως ἔχοντες συνέκρουον πολλάκις, ἅπαξ δὲ περὶ τὴν Ἰνδικὴν καὶ εἰς χεῖρας ἦλθον σπασάμενοι τὰ ξίφη, καὶ τῶν φίλων ἑκατέρῳ παραβοηθούντων προσελάσας Ἀλέξανδρος ἐλοιδόρει τὸν Ἡφαιστίωνα φανερῶς, ἔμπληκτον καλῶν καὶ μαινόμενον, εἰ μὴ συνίησιν ὡς, ἐάν τις αὐτοῦ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἀφέληται, μηδέν ἐστιν ἰδίᾳ δὲ καὶ τοῦ Κρατεροῦ πικρῶς καθήψατο.
47.7. Then he brought them together and reconciled them, taking an oath by Ammon and the rest of the gods that he loved them most of all men; but that if he heard of their quarrelling again, he would kill them both, or at least the one who began the quarrel. Wherefore after this they neither did nor said anything to harm one another, not even in jest.
47.7. καὶ συναγαγὼν αὐτοὺς καὶ διαλλάξας ἐπώμοσε τὸν Ἄμμωνα καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους θεούς, ἦ μὴν μάλιστα φιλεῖν ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων ἐκείνους ἂν δὲ πάλιν αἴσθηται διαφερομένους, ἀποκτενεῖν ἀμφοτέρους, ἢ τὸν ἀρξάμενον. ὅθεν ὕστερον οὐδὲ παίζοντες εἰπεῖν τι οὐδὲ πρᾶξαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους λέγονται.
48.1. Now, Philotas, the son of Parmenio, had a high position among the Macedonians; for he was held to be valiant and able to endure hardship, and, after Alexander himself, no one was so fond of giving and so fond of his comrades. At any rate, we are told that when one of his intimates asked him for some money, he ordered his steward to give it him, and when the steward said he had none to give, “What meanest thou?” cried Philotas, “hast thou not even plate or clothing?”
48.1. Φιλώτας δὲ ὁ Παρμενίωνος ἀξίωμα μὲν εἶχεν ἐν τοῖς Μακεδόσι μέγα καὶ γὰρ ἀνδρεῖος ἐδόκει καὶ καρτερικὸς εἶναι, φιλόδωρος δὲ οὕτω καὶ φιλέταιρος μετʼ αὐτόν Ἀλέξανδρον οὐδείς, λέγεται γοῦν ὅτι τῶν συνήθων τινὸς αἰτοῦντος ἀργύριον ἐκέλευσε δοῦναι φήσαντος δὲ τοῦ διοικητοῦ μὴ ἔχειν, τί λέγεις; εἶπεν, οὐδὲ ποτήριον ἔχεις οὐδὲ ἱμάτιον;
48.2. However, he displayed a pride of spirit, an abundance of wealth, and a care of the person and mode of life which were too offensive for a private man, and at this time particularly his imitation of majesty and loftiness was not successful at all, but clumsy, spurious, and devoid of grace, so that he incurred suspicion and envy, and even Parmenio once said to him: “My son, pray be less of a personage.”
48.2. ὄγκῳ δὲ φρονήματος καὶ βάρει πλούτου καὶ τῇ περὶ τὸ σῶμα θεραπείᾳ καὶ διαίτῃ χρώμενος ἐπαχθέστερον ἢ κατʼ ἰδιώτην, καὶ τότε δὴ τὸ σεμνὸν καὶ ὑψηλὸν οὐκ ἐμμελῶς, ἀλλʼ ἄνευ χαρίτων τῷ σολοίκῳ καὶ παρασήμῳ μιμούμενος, ὑποψίαν καὶ φθόνον ἔσχεν, ὥστε καὶ Παρμενίωνά ποτε εἰπεῖν πρός αὐτόν ὦ παῖ, χείρων μοι γίνου.
48.3. Moreover, for a very long time accusations against him had been brought to Alexander himself. For when Dareius had been defeated in Cilicia and the wealth of Damascus was taken, among the many prisoners brought into the camp there was found a young woman, born in Pydna, and comely to look upon; her name was Antigone.
48.3. πρός δὲ αὐτόν Ἀλέξανδρον ἐκ πάνυ πολλῶν χρόνων ἐτύγχανε διαβεβλημένος, ὅτε γὰρ τὰ περὶ Δαμασκὸν ἑάλω χρήματα Δαρείου νικηθέντος ἐν Κιλικίᾳ, πολλῶν σωμάτων κομισθέντων εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον εὑρέθη γύναιον ἐν τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις, τῷ μὲν γένει Πυδναῖον, εὐπρεπὲς δὲ τὴν ὄψιν ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ Ἀντιγόνη.
48.4. This woman Philotas got; and as a young man will often talk freely in vaunting and martial strain to his mistress and in his cups, he used to tell her that the greatest achievements were performed by himself and his father, and would call Alexander a stripling who through their efforts enjoyed the title of ruler.
48.4. τοῦτο ἔσχεν ὁ Φιλώτας οἷα δὲ νέος πρός ἐρωμένην καὶ σὺν οἴνῳ πολλὰ φιλότιμα καὶ στρατιωτικὰ παρρησιαζόμενος ἑαυτοῦ τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἔργων ἀπέφαινε καὶ τοῦ πατρός, Ἀλέξανδρον δὲ μειράκιον ἀπεκάλει διʼ αὐτοὺς τὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὄνομα καρπούμενον.
48.5. These words the woman would report to one of her acquaintances, and he, as was natural, to somebody else, until the story came round to Craterus, who took the girl and brought her secretly to Alexander. He, on hearing her story, ordered her to continue her meetings with Philotas and to come and report to him whatever she learned from her lover.
48.5. ταῦτα τῆς γυναικὸς ἐκφερούσης πρός τινα τῶν συνήθων, ἐκείνου δέ, ὡς εἰκὸς, πρός ἕτερον, περιῆλθεν εἰς Κρατερὸν ὁ λόγος καὶ λαβὼν τὸ γύναιον εἰσήγαγε κρύφα πρός Ἀλέξανδρον. ἀκούσας δὲ ἐκεῖνος ἐκέλευσε φοιτᾶν εἰς ταὐτὸ τῷ Φιλώτᾳ, καὶ πᾶν, ὅ τι ἂν ἐκπύθηται τούτου, πρός αὐτόν ἀπαγγέλλειν βαδίζουσαν.
49.1. Now, Philotas was ignorant of the plot thus laid against him, and in his frequent interviews with Antigone would utter many angry and boastful speeches and many improper words against the king.
49.1. ὁ μὲν οὖν Φιλώτας ἐπιβουλευόμενος οὕτως ἠγνόει, καὶ συνῆν τῇ Ἀντιγόνῃ πολλὰ καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν καὶ μεγαλαυχίαν ῥήματα καὶ λόγους κατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀνεπιτηδείους προϊέμενος.
49.2. But Alexander, although strong testimony against Philotas came to his ears, endured in silence and restrained himself either because he had confidence in Parmenio’s good will towards him, or because he feared the reputation and power of father and son. Meanwhile, however, a Macedonian named Limnus, from Chalaestra, conspired against Alexander’s life, and invited Nicomachus, one of the young men, whose lover he was, to take part with him in the undertaking.
49.2. ὁ δὲ Ἀλέξανδρος, καίπερ καρτερᾶς ἐνδείξεως κατὰ τοῦ Φιλώτου προσπεσούσης, ἐκαρτέρησε σιωπῇ καί κατέσχεν, εἴτε θαρρῶν τῇ Παρμενίωνος εὐνοίᾳ πρὸς αὑτόν, εἴτε δεδιὼς τὴν δόξαν αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν δύναμιν. ἐν δὲ τῷ τότε χρόνῳ Μακεδὼν ὄνομα Λίμνος, ἐκ Χαλαίστρας, ἐπιβουλεύων Ἀλεξάνδρῳ Νικόμαχόν τινα τῶν νέων, πρὸς ὃν αὐτὸς ἐρωτικῶς εἶχεν, ἐπὶ τὴν κοινωνίαν τῆς πράξεως παρεκάλει.
49.3. Nicomachus would not accept the invitation, but told his brother Cebalinus of the attempt, and he, going to Philotas, ordered him to conduct them into the presence of Alexander, on the ground that there were matters of great importance about which they must see him. But Philotas, for whatever reason (and the reason is not known), would not conduct them in, alleging that the king was engaged on other matters of more importance. And he refused their request twice.
49.3. τοῦ δὲ μὴ δεξαμένου, φράσαντος δὲ τἀδελφῷ Κεβαλίνῳ τὴν πεῖραν, ἐλθὼν ἐκεῖνος πρὸς Φιλώταν ἐκέλευσεν εἰσάγειν αὐτοὺς πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον ὡς περὶ ἀναγκαίων ἔχοντας ἐντυχεῖν καὶ μεγάλων, ὁ δὲ Φιλώτας, ὅ τι δὴ παθὼν (ἄδηλον γὰρ ἐστιν), οὐ παρῆγεν αὐτούς, ὡς πρὸς ἄλλοις μείζοσι γιγνομένου τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ τοῦτο δὶς ἐποίησεν.
49.4. They now became suspicious of Philotas and applied to someone else, by whom they were brought before Alexander. In the first place they told him about the plot of Limnus, and then threw out veiled insinuations against Philotas, on the ground that he had neglected their petitions on two occasions. This greatly incensed Alexander; and when he found that Limnus had defended himself against arrest and had therefore been killed by the man sent to fetch him, he was still more disturbed in mind, thinking that the proof of the plot had escaped him.
49.4. οἱ δὲ καθʼ ὑπεροψίαν ἤδη τοῦ Φιλώτου τραπόμενοι πρὸς ἕτερον καὶ διʼ ἐκείνου τῷ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ προσαχθέντες πρῶτον μὲν τὰ τοῦ Λίμνου κατεῖπον, ἔπειτα παρεδήλωσαν ἡσυχῇ τὸν Φιλώταν, ὡς ἀμελήσειεν αὐτῶν δὶς ἐντυχόντων. καί τοῦτο δὴ σφόδρα παρώξυνε τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον· καὶ τοῦ πεμφθέντος ἐπὶ τὸν Λίμνου, ὡς ἠμύνετο συλλαμβανόμενος, ἀποκτείναντος αὑτόν, ἔτι μᾶλλον διεταράχθη, τὸν ἔλεγχον ἐκπεφευγέναι τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς νομίζων.
49.5. And since he felt bitter towards Philotas he drew to himself those who had long hated the man, and they now said openly that the king took things too easily when he supposed that Limnus, a man of Chalaestra, had set his hand to a deed of so great daring on his own account; nay, they said, he was only an assistant, or rather an instrument sent forth by a higher power, and enquiry into the plot should be made in those quarters where there was most interest in having it concealed.
49.5. καὶ πικρῶς ἔχων πρὸς τὸν Φιλώταν ἐπεσπάσατο τοὺς πάλαι μισοῦντας αὑτόν, ἤδη φανερῶς λέγοντας ὡς ῥᾳθυμία τοῦ βασιλέως εἴη Λίμνον οἰομένου, Χαλαιστραῖον ἄνθρωπον, ἐπιχειρῆσαι τολμήματι τοσούτῳ καθʼ αὑτὸν ἀλλὰ τοῦτον μὲν ὑπηρέτην εἶναι, μᾶλλον δὲ ὄργανον ἀπὸ μείζονος ἀρχῆς ἀφιέμενον, ἐν ἐκείνοις δὲ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ζητητέον οἷς μάλιστα ταῦτα λανθάνειν συνέφερε.
49.6. After the king had once given ear to such speeches and suspicions, the enemies of Philotas brought up countless accusations against him. Consequently he was arrested and put to the question, the companions of the king standing by at the torture, while Alexander himself listened behind a stretch of tapestry. Here, as we are told, on hearing Philotas beset Hephaestion with abject and pitiful cries and supplications, he said: “So faint-hearted as thou art, Philotas, and so unmanly, couldst thou have set hand to so great an undertaking?”
49.6. τοιούτοις λόγοις καὶ ὑπονοίαις ἀναπετάσαντος τὰ ὦτα τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπῆγον ἤδη μυρίας κατὰ τοῦ Φιλώτου διαβολάς. ἐκ τούτου δὲ συλληφθεὶς ἀνεκρίνετο, τῶν ἑταίρων ἐφεστώτων ταῖς βασάνοις, Ἀλεξάνδρου δὲ κατακούοντος ἔξωθεν αὐλαίας παρατεταμένης ὅτε δὴ καί φασιν αὑτὸν εἰπεῖν, οἰκτρὰς καὶ ταπεινὰς τοῦ Φιλώτου φωνὰς καὶ δεήσεις τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἡφαιστίωνα προσφέροντος οὕτω δὴ μαλακὸς ὢν, ὦ Φιλώτα, καὶ ἄνανδρος ἐπεχείρεις πράγμασι τηλικούτοις;