1.1. Such was Solon, and with him we compare Publicola, to whom the Roman people gave this surname later as a mark of honour. Before that he was called Publius Valerius, and was reputed to be a descendant of that ancient Valerius who was most instrumental in making the Romans and the Sabines one people instead of enemies; for it was he more than anyone else that persuaded their kings to come together, and settled their differences.
1.1. τοιούτῳ δὴ γενομένῳ τῷ Σόλωνι τὸν Ποπλικόλαν παραβάλλομεν, ᾧ τοῦτο μὲν ὕστερον ὁ Ῥωμαίων δῆμος ἐξεῦρεν ἐπὶ τιμῇ τοὔνομα, πρὸ τοῦ δὲ Πόπλιος Οὐαλλέριος ἐκαλεῖτο, Οὐαλλερίου δοκῶν ἀπόγονος εἶναι τῶν παλαιῶν ἀνδρὸς αἰτιωτάτου γενομένου Ῥωμαίους καὶ Σαβίνους ἐκ πολεμίων ἕνα γενέσθαι δῆμον· ὁ γὰρ μάλιστα τοὺς βασιλεῖς εἰς ταὐτὸ πείσας συνελθεῖν καὶ διαλλάξας ἐκεῖνός ἐστι.
1.2. Such being his lineage, Valerius, as we are told, while Rome was still a kingdom, was conspicuous for his eloquence and wealth, always employing the one with integrity and boldness in the service of justice, while with the other he gave liberal and kindly aid to the poor and needy. It was therefore clear that, should Rome become a democracy, he would at once be one of its foremost men.
1.2. τούτῳ δὴ κατὰ γένος προσήκων ὁ Οὐαλλέριος, ὥς φασι, βασιλευομένης μὲν ἔτι τῆς Ῥώμης ἐπιφανὴς ἦν διὰ λόγον καὶ πλοῦτον, ὧν τῷ μὲν ὀρθῶς καὶ μετὰ παρρησίας ἀεὶ χρώμενος ὑπὲρ τῶν δικαίων, ἀφʼ οὗ δὲ τοῖς δεομένοις ἐλευθερίως καὶ φιλανθρώπως ἐπαρκῶν, δῆλος ἦν εὐθύς, εἰ γένοιτο δημοκρατία, πρωτεύσων.
1.3. Now Tarquinius Superbus had not acquired his power honourably, but by the violation of divine and human laws; nor did he exercise it in kingly fashion, but after the manner of an insolent and haughty tyrant. The people therefore hated him, resented his oppressions, and found occasion for revolt in the fate of Lucretia, who made away with herself after violence had been done to her. Lucius Brutus, engaging in the revolution, came to Valerius first of all, and with his most zealous assistance drove out the kings.
1.3. ἐπεὶ δὲ Ταρκύνιον Σούπερβον οὔτε λαβόντα τὴν ἀρχήν καλῶς, ἀλλʼ ἀνοσίως καὶ παρανόμως, οὔτε χρώμενον αὐτῇ βασιλικῶς, ἀλλʼ ὑβρίζοντα καὶ τυραννοῦντα, μισῶν ὁ δῆμος καὶ βαρυνόμενος, ἀρχήν ἀποστάσεως ἔλαβε τὸ Λουκρητίας πάθος αὑτὴν ἐπὶ τῷ βιασθῆναι διεργασαμένης, καὶ Λεύκιος Βροῦτος ἁπτόμενος τῶν πραγμάτων τῆς μεταβολῆς ἐπὶ πρῶτον ἦλθε τὸν Οὐαλλέριον καὶ χρησάμενος αὐτῷ προθυμοτάτῳ συνεξέβαλε τοὺς βασιλεῖς, μέχρι μὲν ἐπίδοξος ἦν ὁ δῆμος ἕνα χειροτονήσειν ἀντὶ τοῦ βασιλέως στρατηγόν, ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν ὁ Οὐαλλέριος, ὡς τῷ Βρούτῳ μᾶλλον ἄρχειν προσῆκον ἡγεμόνι τῆς ἐλευθερίας γεγενημένῳ·
1.4. Then, as long as the people was likely to elect one man as their commander in place of the king, Valerius acquiesced, thinking it more fitting that Brutus should have the office, because he had led the way to freedom. But the very name of monarchy was odious to the people, who thought that it would be less vexatious to submit to an authority which was divided, and therefore proposed and demanded that two men should be elected to the highest office. Then Valerius, who hoped that he would be chosen next to Brutus, and would be consul with him, was disappointed.
1.4. δυσχεραινομένου δὲ τοῦ τῆς μοναρχίας ὀνόματος, καὶ δοκοῦντος ἂν ἀλυπότερον τοῦ δήμου μερισθεῖσαν ὑπομεῖναι τὴν ἀρχήν καὶ δύο προβαλλομένου καὶ καλοῦντος, ἐλπίζων μετὰ τὸν Βροῦτον αἱρεθήσεσθαι καὶ συνυπατεύσειν διήμαρτεν.
1.5. For against the wishes of Brutus, Tarquinius Collatinus, the husband of Lucretia, was elected as his colleague, instead of Valerius. He was a man of no greater excellence than Valerius, but the influential citizens were afraid of the kings, who were still putting forth many efforts outside, and trying to appease resentment inside the city, and they therefore desired to have as their commander the most pronounced enemy of the royal family, believing that he would make no concessions to them.
1.5. ᾑρέθη γὰρ ἄκοντι τῷ Βρούτῳ συνάρχων ἀντὶ τοῦ Οὐαλλερίου Ταρκύνιος Κολλατῖνος, ὁ Λουκρητίας ἀνήρ, οὐδὲν ἀρετῇ Οὐαλλερίου διαφέρων, ἀλλʼ οἱ δυνατοί δεδιότες τοὺς βασιλεῖς ἔτι πολλὰ πειρῶντας ἔξωθεν καὶ μαλάσσοντας τὴν πόλιν, ἐβούλοντο τὸν ἐντονώτατον αὐτοῖς ἐχθρὸν ἔχειν στρατηγὸν ὡς οὐχ ὑφησόμενον.
2.1. Valerius, accordingly, vexed that his desire to do his utmost for his country should be doubted, merely because he had received no private injury at the hands of the tyrants, withdrew from the senate, gave up his practice as an advocate, and abandoned entirely his public activities. This caused anxious remark among the multitude. They feared lest, in his wrath, he should attach himself to the royal exiles, and subvert the established order of the city, which was in a dangerous pass.
2.1. ἀγανακτῶν οὖν ὁ Οὐαλλέριος, εἰ μὴ πιστεύεται πάντα πράττειν ἕνεκα τῆς πατρίδος, ὅτι μηδὲν ἰδίᾳ κακὸν ὑπὸ τῶν τυράννων πέπονθε, τῆς τε βουλῆς ἀπέστη καὶ τὰς συνηγορίας ἀπεῖπε καὶ τὸ πράττειν τὰ κοινὰ παντελῶς ἐξέλιπεν, ὥστε καὶ λόγον τοῖς πολλοῖς παρασχεῖν καὶ φροντίδα, φοβουμένοις μὴ διʼ ὀργὴν προσθέμενος τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν ἀνατρέψῃ τὰ πράγματα καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐπισφαλῶς ἔχουσαν·
2.2. But when Brutus, who had his suspicions of certain others also, desired the senators to take a sacrificial oath, and set a day for the ceremony, Valerius went down with a glad countenance into the forum, and was the first to take oath that he would make no submission or concession to the Tarquins, but would fight with all his might in defence of freedom. This pleased the senate and inspired the consuls with courage. And his actions speedily confirmed his oath.
2.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ πρὸς ἑτέρους τινὰς ὑποψίαν ἔχων ὁ Βροῦτος ἐβούλετο διὰ σφαγίων ὁρκῶσαι τὴν βουλὴν καὶ προεῖπεν ἡμέραν, καταβὰς μάλα φαιδρὸς εἰς ἀγορὰν ὁ Οὐαλλέριος, καὶ πρῶτος ὀμόσας μηδὲν ἐνδώσειν μηδʼ ὑφήσεσθαι Ταρκυνίοις, ἀλλὰ πολεμήσειν κατὰ κράτος ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας, ἡδονήν τε τῇ βουλῇ καὶ θάρσος ἅμα τοῖς ἄρχουσι παρέσχεν. εὐθὺς δὲ καὶ τὰ ἔργα τὸν ὅρκον ἐβεβαίου.
2.3. For envoys came from Tarquin bringing letters calculated to seduce the people, and specious words by which they thought the multitude were most likely to be corrupted, coming as they did from a king who seemed to have humbled himself, and to ask only moderate terms. These envoys the consuls thought should be brought before the assembled people, but Valerius would not suffer it. He was unalterably opposed to giving poor men, who considered war a greater burden than tyranny, occasions and excuses for revolution.
2.3. πρέσβεις γὰρ ἧκον ἀπὸ Ταρκυνίου γράμματα κομίζοντες ἐπαγωγὰ τοῦ δήμου καὶ λόγους ἐπιεικεῖς, οἷς μάλιστα τοὺς πολλοὺς ᾤοντο διαφθείρειν, λεγομένοις παρὰ βασιλέως ἀφεικέναι τὸ φρόνημα καὶ μετρίων δεῖσθαι δοκοῦντος. τούτους εἰς τὸ πλῆθος οἰομένων δεῖν τῶν ὑπάτων προαγαγεῖν οὐκ εἴασεν ὁ Οὐαλλέριος, ἀλλʼ ἐνέστη καὶ διεκώλυσεν ἀνθρώποις πένησι καὶ βαρυνομένοις μᾶλλον τῆς τυραννίδος τὸν πόλεμον ἀρχὰς καὶ προφάσεις νεωτερισμῶν ἐγγενέσθαι.
3.1. After this, other envoys came announcing that Tarquin abdicated his throne and ceased to wage war upon the city, but demanded for himself, his friends, and his kinsmen, their moneys and effects, wherewith to maintain themselves in exile. Many were inclined to grant this favour, and Collatinus in particular joined in advocating it, but Brutus, a man of harsh and unyielding temper ran forth into the forum and denounced his colleague as a traitor, because he would bestow the means for waging war and maintaining tyranny on men to whom it were a terrible mistake to vote even a bare subsistence in exile.
3.1. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πρέσβεις ἧκον ἕτεροι τῆς τε βασιλείας ἀφίστασθαι καὶ πολεμοῦντα παυσασθαι τὸν Ταρκύνιον λέγοντες, ἀπαιτεῖν δὲ τὰ χρήματα καὶ τὰς οὐσίας αὑτῷ καὶ φίλοις καὶ οἰκείοις, ἀφʼ ὧν διαβιώσονται φεύγοντες. ἐπικλωμένων δὲ πολλῶν καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ Κολλατίνου συναγορεύοντος, ἄτρεπτος ὢν ἀνὴρ καὶ τραχὺς ὀργὴν ὁ Βροῦτος ἐξέδραμεν εἰς ἀγοράν, προδότην ἀποκαλῶν τὸν συνάρχοντα, πολέμου καὶ τυραννίδος ἀφορμὰς χαριζόμενον οἷς δεινὸν ἦν ὄντως ἐφόδια φυγῆς ψηφίσασθαι.
3.2. And when an assembly of the citizens was held, the first to speak among them was Caius Minucius, a private man, who exhorted Brutus and advised the Romans to see to it that the treasures fought with them against the tyrants, rather than with the tyrants against them. However, the Romans decided that, since they had the liberty for which they were at war, they would not sacrifice peace for the sake of wealth, but cast this also out along with the tyrants. Now the wealth, of course, was of very slight consequence to Tarquin, but the demand for it was at once a test of the people’s disposition and a means of instigating treachery among them.
3.2. συνελθόντων δὲ τῶν πολιτῶν πρῶτος ἰδιώτης ἀνὴρ εἶπεν ἐν δήμῳ τότε Γάιος Μινούκιος, τῷ τε Βρούτῳ διακελευόμενος καὶ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις π· αραινῶν ὁρᾶν ὅπως τὰ χρήματα μετʼ αὐτῶν ὄντα πολεμοίη πρὸς τοὺς τυράννους μᾶλλον ἢ μετʼ ἐκείνων πρὸς αὐτούς. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἔδοξε τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἔχουσιν, ὑπὲρ ἧς ἐπολέμουν, μὴ προέσθαι τὴν εἰρήνην ἕνεκα χρημάτων, ἀλλὰ συνεκβαλεῖν καὶ ταῦτα τοῖς τυράννοις. ἦν δὲ ἄρα Ταρκυνίῳ λόγος μὲν ἐλάχιστος τῶν χρημάτων, ἡ δʼ ἀπαίτησις ἅμα πεῖρα τοῦ δήμου καὶ κατασκευὴ προδοσίας, καὶ ταῦτʼ ἔπραττον οἱ πρέσβεις ὑπομένοντες ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν χρημάτων προφάσει, τὰ μὲν ἀποδίδοσθαι, τὰ δὲ φυλάττειν, τὰ δʼ ἀποπέμπειν φάσκοντες, ἄχρι οὗ διέφθειραν οἴκους δύο τῶν καλῶν κάγαθῶν νομιζομένων, τὸν Ἀκυλλίων τρεῖς ἔχοντα βουλευτάς καὶ δύο τὸν Οὐιτελλίων.
3.3. And it was with this that the envoys busied themselves, making the property merely a pretext for remaining in the city, and saying that they were selling part of it, and reserving part, and sending part of it away. At last they succeeded in corrupting two of the noble families of Rome, that of the Aquillii, which had three senators, and that of the Vitellii, which had two. All these, by the mother’s side, were nephews of Collatinus the consul, and besides, the Vitellii were related in another manner to Brutus. For Brutus had married a sister of theirs, and she had borne him several sons. Two of these, who had come to manhood, and were their near kindred and close companions, the Vitellii won over and persuaded to join the plot for betraying the city, to ally themselves with the great family and the royal expectations of the Tarquins, and rid themselves of the stupidity and cruelty of their father. For they gave the name of cruelty to that father’s inexorable treatment of criminals, and as for his stupidity, he had for a long time, as it appears, feigned and assumed this, to insure his safety from the cruel designs of the tyrants, and afterwards the surname of Brutus, which had been given him for it, clung to him.
3.3. οὗτοι πάντες ἦσαν ἀπὸ μητέρων ἀδελφιδοῖ Κολλατίνου τοῦ ὑπατεύοντος, ἰδίᾳ δὲ Οὐιτελλίοις ἑτέρα πρὸς Βροῦτον οἰκειότης ὑπῆρχεν. ἀδελφὴν γὰρ αὐτῶν ὁ Βροῦτος εἶχε καὶ παῖδας ἐξ αὐτῆς πλείονας· ὧν δύο τοὺς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ συγγενεῖς ὄντας ἅμα καὶ συνήθεις οἱ Οὐιτέλλιοι προσηγάγοντο καὶ συνέπεισαν ἐν τῇ προδοσίᾳ γενέσθαι καὶ καταμίξαντας ἑαυτοὺς εἰς γένος μέγα τὸ τῶν Ταρκυνίων καὶ βασιλικὰς ἐλπίδας ἀπαλλαγῆναι τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς ἀβελτερίας καὶ χαλεπότητος· χαλεπότητα μὲν τὸ ἀπαραίτητον αὐτοῦ πρὸς τοὺς πονηροὺς λέγοντες, τῇ δʼ ἀβελτερίᾳ προσποιήματι καὶ παρακαλύμματι πολὺν χρόνον, ὡς ἔοικε, χρησάμενος ἀσφαλείας ἕνεκα πρὸς τοὺς τυράννους, οὐδʼ ὕστερον ἔφυγεν αὐτῆς τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν.
4.1. When, accordingly, the youths had been persuaded and held conference with the Aquillii, it was decided that all the conspirators should swear a great and dreadful oath, pouring in libation the blood of a slain man, and touching his entrails. For this purpose they met at the house of the Aquillii. Now the room in which the ceremony was to be held was, as was natural, dark and somewhat desolate. Without their knowing it, therefore, a slave named Vindicius had concealed himself therein, not with design, or with any inkling of what was to happen there;
4.1. ὡς δʼ οὖν συνεπείσθη τὰ μειράκια καὶ τοῖς Ἀκυλλίοις εἰς λόγους ἦλθεν, ὅρκον ὀμόσαι μέγαν ἔδοξε πᾶσι καὶ δεινόν, ἀνθρώπου σφαγέντος ἐπισπείσαντας αἷμα καὶ τῶν σπλάγχνων θιγόντας, ἐπὶ τούτοις εἰς τὴν Ἀκυλλίων οἰκίαν συνῆλθον. ἦν δʼ ὁ οἶκος, ἐν ᾧ ταῦτα δράσειν ἔμελλον, οἷον εἰκὸς, ὑπέρημος καὶ σκοτώδης. ἔλαθεν οὖν αὐτοὺς οἰκέτης ὄνομα Οὐινδίκιος ἔνδον κατακρύψας ἑαυτόν, οὐ κατʼ ἐπιβουλὴν ἢ προαίσθησίν τινα τοῦ μέλλοντος, ἀλλʼ ἔνδον ὢν ἔτυχε καὶ προσιοῦσιν αὐτοῖς μετὰ σπουδῆς ὀφθῆναι φοβηθείς ὑπέστη, λάρνακα κειμένην πρὸ αὑτοῦ ποιησάμενος, ὥστε καὶ τῶν πραττομένων θεατὴς γενέσθαι καὶ τῶν βουλευμάτων ἐπήκοος.
4.2. he merely chanced to be there, and when they came in with anxious haste, he was afraid to be seen by them, and hid himself behind a chest that lay there, so that he saw what they did, and heard what they resolved upon. Their decision was to kill the consuls, and when they had written letters to Tarquin to this effect, they gave them to his envoys, who were living there as guests of the Aquillii, and were then present at the conspiracy.
4.2. ἔδοξε δʼ αὐτοῖς τοὺς ὑπάτους ἀναιρεῖν, καὶ ταῦτα δηλούσας γράψαντες ἐπιστολὰς πρὸς τὸν Ταρκύνιον ἔδοσαν τοῖς πρέσβεσι· καὶ γὰρ ᾤκουν αὐτόθι, τῶν Ἀκυλλίων ξένοι γεγονότες, καὶ τότε τῇ συνωμοσίᾳ παρῆσαν.
4.3. Their business transacted, the conspirators departed, and then Vindicius stole secretly away from the house. He knew not what use to make of what had befallen him, but was at a loss, considering it a dreadful thing, as it really was, to arraign the sons of Brutus before their father, or the nephews of Collatinus before their uncle, on the most abominable charges, and yet believing that no Roman in a private station could be entrusted with such important secrets.
4.3. ὡς δὲ ταῦτα πράξαντες ἀπηλλάγησαν, ὑπεξελθὼν ὁ Οὐινδίκιος λάθρα, χρήσασθαι τοῖς προσπεσοῦσιν οὐκ εἶχεν, ἀλλʼ ἠπορεῖτο, δεινὸν μὲν ἡγούμενος, ὥσπερ ἦν, πρὸς πατέρα Βροῦτον υἱῶν ἐξάγιστα κατηγορεῖν ἢ πρὸς θεῖον ἀδελφιδῶν τὸν Κολλατῖνον, ἰδιώτην δὲ Ῥωμαίων οὐδένα νομίζων ἐχέγγυον ἀπορρήτων τηλικούτων.
4.4. The last thing that he could do, however, was to hold his peace, and driven on by his knowledge of the affair, he made his way somehow to Valerius, attracted especially by the affable and kindly ways of the man. For he was easily accessible to all the needy, always kept open house, and never refused to hear or help one of the lowly.
4.4. πᾶν δʼ αὖ μᾶλλον ἢ δυνατὸς ὢν ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν, ἐλαυνόμενος δὲ τῷ συνειδότι τοῦ πράγματος, ὥρμησέ πως πρὸς τὸν Οὐαλλέριον, μάλιστά τοῖς κοινοῖς καὶ φιλανθρώποις ἐπαχθεὶς τοῦ ἀνδρός, ὅτι πᾶσιν εὐπρόσοδος ἦν τοῖς δεομένοις, καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ἀεὶ παρεῖχεν ἀνεῳγμένην, καὶ λόγον οὐδενὸς οὐδὲ χρείαν ἀπερρίπτει τῶν ταπεινῶν.
5.1. Accordingly, when Vindicius came to him and told him the whole story, in the presence of his brother Marcus only, and of his wife, Valerius was struck with consternation and fear, and would not now let the man go, but shut him up in a room and set his own wife to guard the door. Then he ordered his brother to surround the royal residence, seize the letters, if possible, and take the servants into custody. He himself, with the numerous clients and friends who were always about him, and with a large company of retainers, went to the house of the Aquillii, who were not at home.
5.1. ὡς οὖν ἀνέβη πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ Οὐινδίκιος καὶ κατεῖπε πάντα, Μάρκου τε τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ παρόντος αὐτῷ μόνου καὶ τῆς γυναικός, ἐκπλαγεὶς καὶ δείσας ὁ Οὐαλλέριος οὐκέτι προήκατο τὸν ἄνθρωπον, ἀλλὰ κατακλείσας εἰς τὸ οἴκημα καὶ φύλακα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ γυναῖκα ταῖς θύραις ἐπιστήσας, τὸν μὲν ἀδελφὸν ἐκέλευσε τὴν βασιλικὴν ἔπαυλιν περισχόντα τὰ γράμματα λαβεῖν, ἂν δυνατὸν ᾖ, καὶ τοὺς οἰκέτας παραφυλάττειν αὐτὸς δὲ πελατῶν τε πολλῶν καὶ φίλων ἀεὶ περὶ αὐτὸν ὄντων καὶ θεραπείας συχνῆς, ἐβάδιζε πρὸς τὴν οἰκίαν τῶν Ἀκυλλίων οὐκ ἔνδον ὄντων⟨.⟩
5.2. Therefore, to the surprise of everybody, he forced the door, and came upon the letters lying in the quarters where the envoys were lodging. Meantime the Aquillii came up in hot haste, joined battle at the door, and sought to take away time letters. But Valerius and his party resisted the attack, threw their togas about their opponents’ necks, and after much struggling on both sides, at last succeeded in pushing them through the streets into the forum. The same success was had at time royal residence, where Marcus laid hands on other letters which were to be conveyed away in the baggage, seized as many of the king’s people as he could, and haled them to the forum.
5.2. διὸ μηδενὸς ἂν προσδοκήσαντος ὠσάμενος διὰ θυρῶν ἐπιτυγχάνει τοῖς γράμμασι κειμένοις ὅπου κατέλυον οἱ πρέσβεις, ταῦτα δʼ αὐτοῦ πράττοντος οἱ Ἀκύλλιοι δρόμῳ προσεφέροντο, καὶ περὶ τὰς θύρας συμμίξαντες ἐζήτουν ἀφελέσθαι τὰς ἐπιστολάς. οἱ δʼ ἠμύνοντο, καὶ τὰ ἱμάτια περιβαλόντες αὐτῶν τοῖς τραχήλοις ὑπὸ βίας καὶ μόλις ὠθούμενοι καὶ ὠθοῦντες διὰ τῶν στενωπῶν εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐνέβαλον. τὰ δʼ αὐτὰ καὶ περὶ τὴν ἔπαυλιν ἅμα τὴν βασιλικὴν ἐγίνετο, τοῦ Μάρκου γραμμάτων ἑτέρων ἐν τοῖς σκεύεσι κομιζομένων ἐπιλαμβανομένου, καὶ τῶν βασιλικῶν ὅσους δυνατὸς ἦν ἕλκοντος εἰς τὴν ἀγοράν.
6.1. When the consuls had quieted the tumult, Valerius ordered Vindicius to be brought from his house, the denunciation was made, the letters were read aloud, and the accused had no courage to reply. Most of the people held their peace for very sorrow, but a few spoke of exile as a penalty, wishing to do Brutus a kindness. They were also somewhat encouraged to hope by the tears of Collatinus and the silence of Valerius. But Brutus, calling each of his sons by name, said: “Come, Titus, come Tiberius, why do ye not defend yourselves against this denunciation?”
6.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸν θόρυβον κατέπαυσαν οἱ ὕπατοι καὶ τοῦ Οὐαλλερίου κελεύσαντος ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας ὁ Οὐινδίκιος προήχθη, καί γενομένης κατηγορίας ἀνεγνώσθη τὰ γράμματα καί πρὸς οὐδὲν ἐτόλμησαν ἀντειπεῖν οἱ ἄνδρες, ἦν μὲν κατήφεια καί σιωπὴ τῶν ἄλλων, ὀλίγοι δὲ βουλόμενοι τῷ Βρούτῳ χαρίζεσθαι φυγῆς ἐμέμνηντο. καί τι καί Κολλατῖνος αὐτοῖς ἐλπίδος ἐπιεικοῦς ἐνεδίδου δεδακρυμένος καί Οὐαλλέριος σιωπῶν, ὁ δὲ Βροῦτος ὀνομαστὶ τῶν υἱῶν ἑκάτερον προσειπών, ἄγε, ὦ Τίτε, εἶπεν, ἄγε, ὦ Τιβέριε, τί οὐκ ἀπολογεῖσθε πρὸς τὴν κατηγορίαν;
6.2. But when they made no answer, though he put his question to them thrice, he turned to the lictors and said: “It is yours now to do the rest.” These straightway seized the young men, tore off their togas, bound their hands behind their backs, and scourged their bodies with their rods. The rest could not endure to look upon the sight, but it is said that the father neither turned his gaze away, nor allowed any pity to soften the stern wrath that sat upon his countenance, but watched the dreadful punishment of his sons until the lictors threw them on the ground and cut off their heads with the axe. Then he rose and went away, after committing the other culprits to the judgement of his colleague. He had done a deed which it is difficult for one either to praise or blame sufficiently.
6.2. ὡς δʼ οὐδὲν ἀπεκρίναντο τρὶς ἐρωτηθέντες, οὕτως πρὸς τοὺς ὑπηρέτας ἀποστ ρέψας τὸ πρόσωπον, ὑμέτερον ἤδη, εἶπε, τὸ λοιπὸν ἔργον. οἱ δὲ εὐθὺς συλλαβόντες τοὺς νεανίσκους περιερρήγνυον τὰ ἱμάτια, τὰς χεῖρας ἀπῆγον ὀπίσω, ῥάβδοις ἔξαινον τὰ σώματα, τῶν μὲν ἄλλων οὐ δυναμένων προσορᾶν οὐδὲ καρτερούντων, ἐκεῖνον δὲ λέγεται μήτε τὰς ὄψεις ἀπαγαγεῖν ἀλλαχόσε μήτε οἴκτῳ τι τρέψαι τῆς περὶ τὸ πρόσωπον ὀργῆς καί βαρύτητος, ἀλλὰ δεινὸν ἐνορᾶν κολαζομένοις τοῖς παισίν ἄχρι οὗ κατατείναντες αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τοὔδαφος πελέκει τὰς κεφαλὰς ἀπέκοψαν, οὕτω δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐπὶ τῷ συνάρχοντι ποιησάμενος ᾤχετʼ ἐξαναστάς, ἔργον εἰργασμένος οὔτʼ ἐπαινεῖν βουλομένοις ἀξίως οὔτε ψέγειν ἐφικτόν.
6.4. For either the loftiness of his virtue made his spirit incapable of suffering, or else the magnitude of his suffering made it insensible to pain. In neither case was his act a trivial one, or natural to a man, but either god-like or brutish. However, it is right that our verdict should accord with the reputation of the man, rather than that his virtue should be discredited through weakness in the judge. For the Romans think that the work of Romulus in building the city was not so great as that of Brutus in founding and establishing its form of government.
6.4. ἢ γὰρ ἀρετῆς ὕψος εἰς ἀπάθειαν ἐξέστησε τὴν ψυχήν, ἢ πάθους μέγεθος εἰς ἀναλγησίαν. οὐδέτερον δὲ μικρὸν οὐδʼ ἀνθρώπινον, ἀλλʼ ἢ θεῖον ἢ θηριῶδες. δίκαιον δὲ τῇ δόξῃ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τὴν κρίσιν ἕπεσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ τὴν ἀρετὴν ἀσθενείᾳ τοῦ κρίνοντος ἀπιστεῖσθαι. Ῥωμαῖοι γὰρ οὐ τοσοῦτον ἔργον οἴονται Ῥωμύλου γενέσθαι τῆς πόλεως τὴν ἵδρυσιν, ὅσον Βρούτου τὴν κτίσιν τῆς πολιτείας καί κατάστασιν.
7.1. After Brutus had left the forum at this time, for a long while consternation, horror, and silence prevailed among all who remained, as they thought of what had been done. But soon the weakness and hesitation of Collatinus gave the Aquillii fresh courage; they demanded time in which to make their defence, and the surrender of Vindicius to them, since he was their slave, and ought not to be in the hands of their accusers.
7.1. ὡς δʼ οὖν ἀπῆλθεν ἐξ ἀγορᾶς τότε, πολὺν μὲν χρόνον ἔκπληξις εἶχε καὶ φρίκη καὶ σιωπὴ πάντας ἐπὶ τοῖς διαπεπραγμένοις· πρὸς δὲ τὴν Κολλατίνου μαλακίαν καὶ μέλλησιν ἀνεθάρρησαν οἱ Ἀκύλλιοι, καὶ χρόνον ἠξίουν λαβόντες ἀπολογήσασθαι, καὶ τὸν Οὐινδίκιον αὐτοῖς ἀποδοθῆναι δοῦλον ὄντα, καὶ μὴ παρὰ τοῖς κατηγόροις εἶναι.
7.2. Collatinus was willing to grant this request, and was about to dissolve the assembly with this understanding; but Valerius was neither able to surrender the slave, who had mingled with the throng about him, nor would he suffer the people to release the traitors and withdraw. So at last he seized the persons of the Aquillii and summoned Brutus to the scene, crying aloud that Collatinus was acting shamefully in laying upon his colleague the necessity of killing his own sons, and then thinking it necessary for himself to bestow upon their wives the lives of his country’s betrayers and foes.
7.2. βουλομένου δὲ ταῦτα συγχωρεῖν καὶ διαλύοντος ἐπὶ τούτοις τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, ὁ Οὐαλλέριος οὔτε τὸν ἄνθρωπον οἷός τʼ ἦν ἀφεῖναι τῷ περὶ αὐτὸν ὄχλῳ καταμειγμένον, οὔτε τὸν δῆμον εἴα προέμενον τοὺς προδότας ἀπελθεῖν. τέλος δὲ τοῖς σώμασιν ἐπιβαλὼν τὰς χεῖρας ἐπεκαλεῖτο τὸν Βροῦτον, καὶ τὸν Κολλατῖνον ἐβόα δεινὰ ποιεῖν, εἰ τῷ συνάρχοντι παιδοφονίας ἀνάγκην προστριψάμενος αὐτὸς οἴεται δεῖν καταχαρίζεσθαι ταῖς γυναιξὶ τοὺς προδότας καὶ πολεμίους τῆς πατρίδος.
7.3. The consul was indignant at this, and ordered that Vindicius should be taken away, whereupon the lictors pushed their way through the crowd, seized the man, and beat those who tried to rescue him. Then Valerius and his friends stood forth in the man’s defence, while the people shouted for Brutus to come. He turned back, therefore, and came, and when silence had been made for him, said that for his sons, he himself sufficed as judge, but he would leave time fate of the other traitors to the votes of the citizens, who were free, and any one who wished might speak and try to persuade the people. However, by this time there was no need of oratory, but a vote was taken which unanimously condemned the men, and they were beheaded.
7.3. ἀγανακτοῦντος δὲ τοῦ ὑπάτου καὶ κελεύοντος ἀπάγεσθαι τὸν Οὐινδίκιον, οἱ μὲν ὑπηρέται διωσάμενοι τὸν ὄχλον ἥπτοντο τοῦ ἀνθρώπου καὶ τοὺς ἀφαιρουμένους ἔτυπτον, οἱ δὲ φίλοι τοῦ Οὐαλλερίου προέστησαν ἀμυνόμενοι· καὶ ὁ δῆμος ἐβόα κελεύων παρεῖναι τὸν Βροῦτον. ἧκεν οὖν αὖθις ὑποστρέψας· καὶ γενομένης αὐτῷ σιωπῆς εἶπεν ὅτι τοῖς μὲν υἱοῖς αὐτὸς ἀποχρῶν ἦν δικαστής, περὶ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων τοῖς πολίταις ἐλευθέροις οὖσι ψῆφον δίδωσι· λεγέτω δὲ ὁ βουλόμενος καὶ πειθέτω τὸν δῆμον. οὐκέτι μέντοι λόγων ἐδέησεν, ἀλλὰ τῆς ψήφου δοθείσης πάσαις ἁλόντες ἐπελεκίσθησαν.
7.4. Collatinus, as it would seem, was already under some suspicion on account of his relationship to the royal family, and the second of his names also was hateful to time people, who loathed the sound of Tarquin. But after these recent events, he saw that he was altogether obnoxious, and therefore resigned his office and withdrew secretly from the city. A new election was consequently held, and Valerius was triumphantly declared consul, thus receiving a worthy reward for his zeal.
7.4. ὁ δὲ Κολλατῖνος ἦν μὲν, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἐν ὑποψίᾳ τινὶ καὶ διὰ συγγένειαν τῶν βασιλέων, ἤχθοντο δʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ τῷ δευτέρῳ τῶν ὀνομάτων, ἀφοσιούμενοι τὸν Ταρκύνιον. ὡς δὲ καὶ ταῦτα συνέβη, παντάπασι προσκρούσας ἀφῆκε τὴν ἀρχὴν ἑκὼν καὶ τῆς πόλεως ὑπεξῆλθεν. οὕτω δὴ πάλιν ἀρχαιρεσιῶν γενομένων ὕπατος ἀπεδείχθη λαμπρῶς ὁ Οὐαλλέριος, ἀξίαν ἀπολαβὼν τῆς προθυμίας χάριν·
7.5. In this reward he thought that Vindicius ought to share, and therefore had a decree passed which made him, first of all freedmen, a citizen of Rome, and entitled him to vote with any curia in which he chose to be enrolled. Other freedmen received the right of suffrage in much later times from Appius, who thus courted popularity. And from this Vindicius, as they say, a perfect manumission is to this day called “vindicta.”
7.5. ἧς οἰόμενός τι δεῖν ἀπολαῦσαι τὸν Οὐινδίκιον ἐψηφίσατο πρῶτον ἀπελεύθερον ἐκεῖνον ἐν Ῥώμῃ γενέσθαι πολίτην καὶ φέρειν ψῆφον ᾗ βούλοιτο φρατρίᾳ προσνεμηθέντα. τοῖς δʼ ἄλλοις ἀπελευθέροις ὀψὲ καὶ μετὰ πολὺν χρόνον ἐξουσίαν ψήφου δημαγωγῶν ἔδωκεν Ἄππιος ἡ δὲ παντελὴς ἀπελευθέρωσις ἄχρι νῦν οὐινδίκτα λέγεται διʼ ἐκεῖνον, ὥς φασι, τὸν Οὐινδίκιον.
8.1. After this, the property of the royal family was given to the Romans to plunder, and their house and palace were razed to the ground. But the pleasantest part of the field of Mars, which had belonged to Tarquin, was dedicated to that god. Now it chanced that it had just been reaped, and the grain still lay upon the ground; but since the field had been consecrated, they thought it not right to thresh it or use it in any way. They therefore with one accord carried the sheaves to the river and cast them in.
8.1. ἐκ τούτου τὰ μὲν χρήματα τῶν βασιλέων διαρπάσαι τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἔδωκαν, τὴν δὲ οἰκίαν κατέσκαψαν καὶ τὴν ἔπαυλιν τοῦ δʼ Ἀρείου πεδίου τὸ ἥδιστον ἐκέκτητο Ταρκύνιος, καὶ τοῦτο τῷ θεῷ καθιέρωσαν, ἔτυχε δὲ τεθερισμένον ἄρτι, καὶ κειμένων ἔτι τῶν δραγμάτων οὐκ ᾤοντο δεῖν ἀλοᾶν οὐδὲ χρῆσθαι διὰ τὴν καθιέρωσιν, ἀλλὰ συνδραμόντες ἐφόρουν τὰς ἀμάλλας εἰς τὸν ποταμόν.
8.2. In like manner also they cast in the trees which had been cut, and left the place wholly untilled and barren for the god of war. The quantities of stuff thus heaped together were not borne along by the current very far, but the advanced portions stopped and accumulated at the shallows which they encountered. The portions that followed these could not get through them, but impinged upon them and blended inextricably with them, and time aggregation was made increasingly firm and fast by the action of the stream.
8.2. ὡς δʼ αὕτως καὶ τὰ δένδρα κόπτοντες ἐνέβαλλον, ἀργὸν παντάπασι τὸ χωρίον ἀνιέντες τῷ θεῷ καὶ ἄκαρπον. ὠθουμένων δὲ πολλῶν ἐπʼ ἀλλήλοις καὶ ἀθρόων ὑπήγαγεν ὁ ῥοῦς οὐ πολὺν τόπον, ἀλλʼ ὅπου τὰ πρῶτα συνενεχθέντα καὶ περιπεσόντα τοῖς στερεοῖς ὑπέστη, τῶν ἐπιφερομένων διέξοδον οὐκ ἐχόντων, ἀλλʼ ἐνισχομένων καὶ περιπλεκομένων, ἐλάμβανεν ἡ σύμπηξις ἰσχὺν καὶ ῥίζωσιν αὐξανομένην ὑπὸ τοῦ ῥεύματος.
8.3. For this brought along great quantities of mud, the addition of which increased the size and cohesion of the mass. And besides, the impacts of the current were not rude, but with a gentle pressure pushed and moulded everything together. Owing to its size and position the mass acquired fresh size, and an extent sufficient to receive most of what was brought down by the river. It is now a sacred island over against the city, containing temples of the gods and covered walks, and is called in the Latin tongue “Inter duos pontes.”
8.3. ἰλύν τε γὰρ ἐπήγαγε πολλήν, ἣ προσισταμένη τροφὴν παρεῖχεν ἅμα καὶ κόλλησιν, αἵ τε πληγαὶ σάλον οὐκ ἐποίουν, ἀλλὰ μαλακῶς πιέζουσαι συνήλαυνον εἰς ταὐτὸ πάντα καὶ συνέπλαττον. ὑπὸ δὲ μεγέθους καὶ στάσεως ἕτερον αὐτὸ μέγεθος ἐκτᾶτο καὶ χώραν ἀναδεχομένην τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ καταφερομένων. τοῦτο νῦν νῆσός ἐστιν ἱερὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν, ἔχει δὲ ναοὺς θεῶν καὶ περιπάτους, καλεῖται δὲ φωνῇ τῇ Λατίνων Μέση δυεῖν γεφυρῶν.
8.4. Some, however, say that this did not happen when the field of Tarquin was consecrated, but in later times, when Tarquinia devoted another field adjacent to this. Now Tarquinia was a holy virgin, one of the Vestals, and received great honours for this act, among which was this, that of all women her testimony alone should be received. The people also voted her permission to marry, but she did not avail herself of it. This is how the thing happened, as the tale runs.
8.4. ἔνιοι δὲ τοῦτο συμπεσεῖν ἱστοροῦσιν οὐχ ὅτε Ταρκυνίου καθιερώθη τὸ πεδίον, ἀλλὰ χρόνοις ὕστερον ἄλλο χωρίον ὁμοροῦν ἐκείνῳ Ταρκυνίας ἀνείσης. ἡ δὲ Ταρκυνία παρθένος ἦν ἱέρεια, μία τῶν Ἑστιάδων, ἔσχε δὲ τιμὰς ἀντὶ τούτου μεγάλας, ἐν αἷς ἦν καὶ τὸ μαρτυρίαν αὐτῆς δέχεσθαι μόνης γυναικῶν, τὸ δʼ ἐξεῖναι γαμεῖσθαι ψηφισαμένων οὐ προσεδέξατο. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν οὕτω γενέσθαι μυθολογοῦσι.
9.1. But Tarquin, despairing of attempts to regain his throne by treachery, was eagerly welcomed by the Tuscans, who set out to restore him with a great force. The consuls led the Romans out to meet them, and arrayed their forces in certain sacred precincts, one of which was called the Arsian grove, the other the Aesuvian meadow. When the engagement began, Aruns the son of Tarquin and Brutus the Roman consul encountered each other.
9.1. Ταρκύνιον δὲ τὴν ἐκ προδοσίας ἀπογνόντα τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀνάληψιν ἐδέξαντο Τυρρηνοὶ προθύμως καὶ μεγάλῃ δυνάμει κατῆγον. ἀντεξῆγον δὲ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους οἱ ὕπατοι, καὶ παρέταξαν ἐν χωρίοις ἱεροῖς, ὧν τὸ μὲν Ἄρσιον ἄλσος, τὸ δὲ Αἰσούειον λειμῶνα προσαγορεύουσιν. ἀρχομένων δὲ αὑτῶν συνάγειν εἰς χεῖρας Ἄρρων ὁ Ταρκυνίου παῖς καὶ Βροῦτος ὁ Ῥωμαίων ὕπατος οὐ κατὰ τύχην ἀλλήλοις περιπεσόντες, ἀλλʼ ὑπʼ ἔχθους καὶ ὀργῆς, ὁ μὲν ὡς ἐπὶ τύραννον καὶ πολέμιον τῆς πατρίδος, ὁ δὲ τῆς φυγῆς ἀμυνόμενος, ὥρμησαν ὁμόσε τοῖς ἵπποις.
9.2. It was not by chance, but both were driven on by hatred and wrath, the one to attack a tyrant and foe of his country, the other to avenge himself on the author of his exile. They urged their horses to the combat, but since they engaged with fury rather than calculation, they were reckless of themselves, and fell by one another’s hands. The battle which had such a dreadful beginning ended no less disastrously; the armies, after inflicting and suffering equal losses, were separated by a tempest.
9.2. θυμῷ δὲ μᾶλλον ἢ λογισμῷ προσμίξαντες ἠφείδησαν αὑτῶν καὶ συναπέθανον ἀλλήλοις. οὕτω δὲ δεινοῦ γενομένου τοῦ προάγωνος οὐκ ἔσχεν ὁ ἀγὼν τέλος ἐπιεικέστερον, ἀλλὰ καὶ δράσαντες ἴσα καὶ παθόντες οἱ στρατοὶ διεκρίθησαν ὑπὸ χειμῶνος.
9.3. Valerius was therefore in perplexity, not knowing what the issue of the battle was, but seeing his soldiers as much disheartened by their own losses as they were encouraged by those of their enemies. So undistinguishable and equal was the slaughter on both sides. Each army, however was more convinced of defeat by the near sight of its own dead, than it could be of victory by conjecturing those of the enemy.
9.3. ἦν οὖν ἐν ἀπόροις ὁ Οὐαλλέριος, οὐκ εἰδὼς τὸ τῆς μάχης πέρας, ἀλλὰ τοὺς στρατιώτας ὁρῶν τοῖς μὲν αὑτῶν νεκροῖς ἀθυμοῦντας, ἐπαιρομένους δὲ τοῖς τῶν πολεμίων οὕτως ἄκριτος ἦν καὶ παράλληλος ὑπὸ πλήθους ὁ φόνος, οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἑκατέροις ἐγγύθεν ὁρώμενα τὰ οἰκεῖα μᾶλλον ἐβεβαίου τὴν ἧτταν ἢ τὴν νίκην εἰκαζόμενα τὰ τῶν πολεμίων.
9.4. But when such a night came on as must needs follow such a battle, and both camps were quiet, they say that the grove was shaken, and a loud voice issued from it declaring that the Tuscans had lost one man more in the battle than the Romans. The utterance was manifestly from some god, for at once the Romans were inspired by it to loud shouts of courage, while the Tuscans were panic-stricken, abandoned their camp in confusion, and were for the most part dispersed.
9.4. ἐπελθούσης δὲ νυκτὸς οἵαν εἰκὸς οὕτω μεμαχημένοις, καὶ γενομένων ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ τῶν στρατοπέδων, λέγουσι σεισθῆναι τὸ ἄλσος, ἐκ δʼ αὐτοῦ φωνὴν ἐκπεσεῖν μεγάλην φράζουσαν ὡς ἑνὶ πλείους ἐν τῇ μάχῃ τεθνήκασι Τυρρηνῶν ἢ Ῥωμαίων, ἦν δʼ ἄρα θεῖόν τι τὸ φθεγξάμενον εὐθύς τε γὰρ ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ τοῖς μὲν ἀλαλάξαι παρέστη μέγα καὶ θαρρσαλέον, οἱ δὲ Τυρρηνοὶ περίφοβοι γενόμενοι καὶ συνταραχθέντες ἐξέπεσον ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου καὶ διεσπάρησαν οἱ πλεῖστοι·
9.5. As for those that remained, a little less than five thousand in number, the Romans fell upon them, took them prisoners, and plundered the camp. And when the dead on both sides were numbered, those of the enemy were found to be eleven thousand and three hundred, and those of the Romans as many less one. It is said that this battle was fought on the last day of February. Valerius celebrated a triumph for it, being the first consul to drive into the city on a four-horse chariot.
9.5. τοὺς δὲ καταλειφθέντας ὀλίγῳ πεντακισχιλίων ἐλάσσους ἐπελθόντες εἷλον οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι, καὶ τἆλλα διήρπασαν. οἱ δὲ νεκροὶ διαριθμηθέντες εὑρέθησαν τριακόσιοι μὲν ἐπὶ χιλίοις καὶ μυρίοις οἱ τῶν πολεμίων, οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαίων παρʼ ἕνα τοσοῦτοι. ταύτην τὴν μάχην λέγουσι γενέσθαι πρὸ μιᾶς καλανδῶν Μαρτίων, ἐθριάμβευσε δʼ ἀπʼ αὐτῆς Οὐαλλέριος εἰσελάσας τεθρίππῳ πρῶτος ὑπάτων.
9.6. And the proceeding afforded a spectacle which was imposing and magnificent, not odious and offensive to the spectators, as some say; otherwise it would not have been continued with such ardour and emulation for countless years. The people were also pleased with the honours which Valerius bestowed upon his colleague at the funeral ceremonies.
9.6. καὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα σεμνὴν καὶ μεγαλοπρεπῆ παρέσχεν ὄψιν, οὐκ ἐπίφθονον οὐδʼ ἀνιάσασαν, ὡς ἔνιοι λέγουσι, τοὺς ὁρῶντας· οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἔσχε ζῆλον τοσοῦτον οὐδὲ φιλοτιμίαν εἰς ἔτη πάμπολλα διαμένουσαν. ἀπεδέξαντο δὲ τοῦ Οὐαλλερίου καὶ τὰς εἰς τὸν συνάρχοντα τιμάς, αἷς ἐκκομιζόμενον καὶ θαπτόμενον ἐκόσμησε·
9.7. He even delivered a funeral oration in his honour, which was so admired by the Romans and won such favour that from that time on, when their great and good men died, encomiums were pronounced upon them by the most distinguished citizens. And this funeral oration of his is said to have been earlier than any among the Greeks, unless Anaximenes the orator is right in saying that the custom originated with Solon.
9.7. καὶ λόγον ἐπʼ αὐτῷ διεξῆλθεν ἐπιτάφιον, ὃς οὕτως ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἠγαπήθη καὶ τοσαύτην ἔσχε χάριν ὥστε πᾶσι τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς καὶ μεγάλοις ὑπάρχειν ἐξ ἐκείνου τελευτήσασιν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρίστων ἐγκωμιάζεσθαι. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ἐπιταφίων ἐκεῖνος γενέσθαι πρεσβύτερος, εἴγε μὴ καὶ τοῦτο Σόλωνός ἐστιν, ὡς Ἀναξιμένης ὁ ῥήτωρ ἱστόρηκεν.
10.1. But that which the rather displeased and offended the people in Valerius was this. Brutus, whom they regarded as the father of their liberties, would not consent to rule alone, but once and again chose a colleague to rule with him. “But this Valerius,” they said, “in concentrating all power upon himself, is not a successor to the consulate of Brutus, to which he has no right, but to time tyranny of Tarquin.”
10.1. ἀλλὰ διʼ ἐκεῖνα μᾶλλον ἤχθοντο τῷ Οὐαλλερίῳ καὶ προσέκρουον, ὅτι Βροῦτος μέν, ὃν πατέρα τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐνόμιζεν ὁ δῆμος, οὐκ ἠξίωσε μόνος ἄρχειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρῶτον αὐτῷ συνάρχοντα προσείλετο καὶ δεύτερον οὑτοσὶ δʼ, ἔφασαν, εἰς αὐτόν ἅπαντα συνενεγκάμενος οὐκ ἔστι τῆς Βρούτου κληρονόμος ὑπατείας μηδὲν αὐτῷ προσηκούσης, ἀλλὰ τῆς Ταρκυνίου τυραννίδος.
10.2. “Yet why should he extol Brutus in words, while in deeds he imitates Tarquin, descending to the forum alone, escorted by all the rods and axes together, from a house no less stately than the royal house which he demolished?” For, as a matter of fact, Valerius was living in a very splendid house on the so-called Velia. It hung high over the forum, commanded a view of all that passed there, and was surrounded by steeps and hard to get at, so that when he came down from it the spectacle was a lofty one, and the pomp of his procession worthy of a king.
10.2. καίτοι τί δεῖ λόγῳ μὲν Βροῦτον ἐγκωμιάζειν, ἔργῳ δὲ μιμεῖσθαι Ταρκύνιον, ὑπὸ ῥάβδοις ὁμοῦ πάσαις καὶ πελέκεσι κατιόντα μόνον ἐξ οἰκίας τοσαύτης τὸ μέγεθος ὅσην οὐ καθεῖλε τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως; καὶ γὰρ ὄντως ὁ Οὐαλλέριος ᾤκει τραγικώτερον ὑπὲρ τὴν καλουμένην Οὐελίαν οἰκίαν ἐπικρεμαμένην τῇ ἀγορᾷ καὶ καθ ο ρ ῶς αν ἐξ ὕψους ἅπαντα, δυσπρόσοδον δὲ πελάσαι καὶ χαλεπὴν ἔξωθεν, ὥστε καταβαίνοντος αὐτοῦ τὸ σχῆμα μετέωρον εἶναι καὶ βασιλικὸν τῆς προπομπῆς τὸν ὄγκον.
10.3. Accordingly, Valerius showed what a good thing it is for men in power and high station to have ears which are open to frankness and truth instead of flattery. For when he heard from his friends, who spared him no detail, that he was thought by time multitude to be transgressing, he was not obstinate nor exasperated, but quickly got together a large force of workmen, and while it was still night tore the house down, and razed it all to the ground.
10.3. ὅσον οὖν ἐν ἀρχῇ καὶ πράγμασι μεγάλοις ἀγαθὸν ἦν ἔχειν ὦτα παρρησίαν ἀντὶ κολακείας προσιέμενα καὶ λόγους ἀληθεῖς, ἔδειξεν. ἀκούσας γὰρ ὅτι τοῖς πολλοῖς ἁμαρτάνειν ἐδόκει τῶν φίλων διεξιόντων, οὐκ ἐφιλονείκησεν, οὐδʼ ἠγανάκτησεν, ἀλλὰ ταχὺ πολλοὺς συναγαγὼν τεχνίτας ἔτι νυκτὸς οὔσης κατέβαλε τὴν οἰκίαν καὶ κατέσκαψεν εἰς ἔδαφος πᾶσαν, ὥστε μεθʼ ἡμέραν τούς Ῥωμαίους ὁρῶντας καὶ συνισταμένους τοῦ μὲν ἀνδρὸς ἀγαπᾶν καὶ θαυμάζειν τὴν μεγαλοφροσύνην, ἄχθεσθαι δὲ τῆς οἰκίας καὶ ποθεῖν τὸ μέγεθος καὶ τὸ κάλλος, ὥσπερ ἀνθρώπου, διὰ φθόνον οὐ δικαίως καταλελυμένης, τοῦ δὲ ἄρχοντος, ὥσπερ ἀνεστίου, παρʼ ἑτέροις οἰκοῦντος.
10.4. In the morning, therefore, the Romans saw what had happened, and came flocking together. They were moved to love and admiration by the man’s magnanimity, but were distressed for the house, and mourned for its stately beauty, as if it had been human, now that envy had unjustly compassed its destruction. They were also distressed for their ruler, who, like a homeless man, was now sharing the homes of others. For Valerius was received into the houses of his friends until the people gave him a site and built him a house, of more modest dimensions than the one he had lived in before, where now stands the temple of Vica Pota, so-called. Wishing now to make not only himself but also the government, instead of formidable, submissive and agreeable to the multitude, he removed the axes from the lictors’ rods, and when he came into the assembly, inclined and lowered the rods themselves to the people, emphasizing the majesty of the democracy. This custom the consuls observe to this day.
10.4. ἐδέχοντο γὰρ οἱ φίλοι τὸν Οὐαλλέριον ἄχρι οὗ τόπον ἔδωκεν ὁ δῆμος αὐτῷ καὶ κατεσκεύασεν οἰκίαν ἐκείνης μετριωτέραν, ὅπου νῦν ἱερόν ἐστιν Οὐίκας Πότας ὀνομαζό μενον. βουλόμενος δὲ μὴ μόνον ἑαυτὸν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀντὶ φοβερᾶς χειροήθη καὶ προσφιλῆ ποιεῖν τοῖς πολλοῖς, τούς τε πελέκεις ἀπέλυσε τῶν ῥάβδων, αὐτάς τε τὰς ῥάβδους εἰς ἐκκλησίαν παριὼν ὑφῆκε τῷ δήμῳ καὶ κατέκλινε, μέγα ποιῶν τὸ πρόσχημα τῆς δημοκρατίας, καὶ τοῦτο μέχρι νῦν διαφυλάττουσιν οἱ ἄρχοντες.
10.6. And before the multitude were aware of it he had succeeded, not by humbling himself, as they thought, but by checking and removing their envious feelings through such moderation on his part, in adding to his real influence over them just as much as he had seemed to take away from his authority, and the people submitted to him with pleasure and bore his yoke willingly. They therefore called him Publicola, a name which signifies people-cherisher. This name prevailed over the older names which he had borne, and it is the name which I shall use for him in the remainder of this Life.
10.6. ἐλάνθανε δὲ τούς πολλοὺς οὐχ ἑαυτὸν, ὡς ᾤοντο, ποιῶν ταπεινόν, ἀλλὰ τὸν φθόνον τῇ μετριότητι ταύτῃ καθαιρῶν καὶ κολούων, αὐτῷ δὲ προστιθεὶς τοσοῦτον μέγεθος δυνάμεως ὅσον ἀφαιρεῖν ἐδόκει τῆς ἐξουσίας, ὑποδυομένου μεθʼ ἡδονῆς αὐτῷ τοῦ δήμου καὶ φέροντος ἑκουσίως, ὥστε καὶ Ποπλικόλαν ἀνηγόρευσεν αὐτόν σημαίνει δὲ τοὔνομα δημοκηδῆ· καὶ τοῦτο μᾶλλον ἴσχυσε τῶν ἀρχαίων ὀνομάτων, ᾧ καὶ ἡμεῖς χρησόμεθα τὸν λοιπὸν βίον τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἱστοροῦντες.
11.1. For he permitted any who wished to enter the lists and sue for the consulship. But before the installation of his colleague, not knowing who he would be, but fearing an opposition due to some jealousy or ignorance, he used his sole authority for the enactment of his best and most important measures. In the first place, he filled up the senate, which was much reduced in numbers; for some had long before been put to death by Tarquin, and others had recently fallen in the battle with the Tuscans.
11.1. ὑπατείαν μὲν γὰρ ἔδωκε μετιέναι καὶ παραγγέλλειν τοῖς βουλομένοις· πρὸ δὲ τῆς καταστάσεως τοῦ συνάρχοντος οὐκ εἰδὼς τὸν γενησόμενον, ἀλλὰ δεδιὼς ἀντίπραξιν ὑπὸ φθόνου τινὸς ἢ ἀγνοίας, ἐχρήσατο τῇ μοναρχίᾳ πρὸς τὰ κάλλιστα καὶ μέγιστα τῶν πολιτευμάτων, πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἀνεπλήρωσε τὴν βουλὴν ὀλιγανδροῦσαν ἐτεθνήκεσαν γὰρ οἱ μὲν ὑπὸ Ταρκυνίου πρότερον, οἱ δὲ ἔναγχος ἐν τῇ μάχῃ.
11.2. Those who were enrolled in this body by him amounted, they say, to a hundred and sixty-four. After this he enacted several laws, one of which especially strengthened the position of the commons by allowing a defendant to appeal to the people from the judgement of the consuls. A second made it a capital offence to assume a magistracy which the people had not bestowed.
11.2. τοὺς δʼ ἐγγραφέντας ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ λέγουσιν ἑκατὸν καὶ ἑξήκοντα τέσσαρας γενέσθαι. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα νόμους ἔγραψεν, ὧν μάλιστα μὲν ἰσχυροὺς ἐποίησε τοὺς πολλοὺς ὁ τὸν δῆμον ἀπὸ τῶν ὑπάτων τῷ φεύγοντι δίκην ἐπικαλεῖσθαι διδούς· δεύτερος ὁ τοὺς ἀρχὴν ἀναλαβόντας, ἣν ὁ δῆμος οὐκ ἔδωκεν, ἀποθνῄσκειν κελεύων·
11.3. A third, following these, came to the relief of the poor; it lifted the taxes from the citizens, so that all engaged more zealously in manufactures and commerce. And the one which was enacted against disobedience to the consuls was thought to be no less popular in its character, and to be in the interest of the many rather than of the powerful.
11.3. τρίτος δὲ μετὰ τούτους, ὃς ἐβοήθησε τοῖς πένησιν, ᾧ τάτελη τῶν πολιτῶν ἀφεῖλε καὶ προθυμότερον ἅπτεσθαι τῶν ἐργασιῶν ἐποίησεν ἅπαντας. ὁ δὲ γραφεὶς κατὰ τῶν ἀπειθούντων τοῖς ὑπάτοις οὐχ ἧττον ἔδοξε δημοτικὸς εἶναι, καὶ πρὸς τῶν πολλῶν μᾶλλον ἢ δυνατῶν γεγράφθαι. ζημίαν γὰρ ἀπειθείας ἔταξε βοῶν πέντε καὶ δυεῖν προβάτων ἀξίαν.
11.4. For the fine which it imposed on disobedience was only the worth of five oxen and two sheep. Now the value of a sheep was ten obols and that of an ox, a hundred, for the Romans at that time did not use much coined money, but their wealth consisted in flocks and herds. Therefore to this day they call their substance “peculium,” from “pecus,” cattle; and their oldest coins are stamped with time figure of an ox, a sheep, or a hog. And they actually gave their own sons such surnames as Suillius, Bubulcus, Caprarius, and Porcius; the last two from “capra ” and “porcus,” their words for goat and pig.
11.4. ἦν δὲ τιμὴ προβάτου μὲν ὀβολοὶ δέκα, βοὸς δὲ ἑκατόν, οὔπω νομίσματι χρωμένων πολλῷ τότε Ῥωμαίων, ἀλλὰ προβατείαις καὶ κτηνοτροφίαις εὐθηνούντων. διὸ καὶ τὰς οὐσίας ἄχρι νῦν ἀπὸ τῶν προβάτων πεκούλια καλοῦσι, καὶ τῶν νομισμάτων τοῖς παλαιοτάτοις βοῦν ἐπεχάραττον ἢ πρόβατον ἢ σῦν. ἐτίθεντο δὲ καὶ παισὶν αὑτῶν Συΐλλους καὶ Βουβούλκους καὶ Καπραρίους ὀνόματα καὶ Πορκίους· κάπρας μὲν τὰς αἶγας, πόρκους δὲ τοὺς χοίρους ὀνομάζοντες.
12.1. But although in these particulars he showed himself a popular and moderate lawgiver, in the case of an immoderate offence he made the penalty severe. For he enacted a law by which any one who sought to make himself tyrant might be slain without trial, and the slayer should be free from blood-guiltiness if he produced proofs of the crime. For although it is impossible for one who attempts so great a task to escape all notice, it is not impossible for him to do so long enough to make himself too powerful to be brought to trial, which trial his very crime precludes. He therefore gave any one who was able to do so the privilege of anticipating the culprit’s trial.
12.1. οὕτω δὲ περὶ ταῦτα δημοτικὸς γενόμενος νομοθέτης καὶ μέτριος, ἐν τῷ μὴ μετρίῳ τὴν τιμωρίαν ὑπερέτεινεν. ἔγραψε γὰρ νόμον ἄνευ κρίσεως κτεῖνια διδόντα τὸν βουλόμενον τυραννεῖν κτείναντα δὲ φόνου καθαρὸν ἐποίησεν, εἰ παράσχοιτο τοῦ ἀδικήματος τοὺς ἐλέγχους. ἐπεὶ γὰρ οὐ δυνατὸν ἐπιχειροῦντα τηλικούτοις λαθεῖν ἅπαντας, οὐκ ἀδύνατον δὲ τὸ μὴ λαθόντα τοῦ κριθῆναι φθάσαι κρείττονα γενόμενον, ἣν ἀναιρεῖ τὸ ἀδίκημα κρίσιν, προλαβεῖν ἔδωκε τῷ δυναμένῳ κατὰ τοῦ ἀδικοῦντος.
12.2. He also received praise for his law concerning the public treasury. When it was necessary for the citizens to contribute from their substance means for carrying on the war, he was unwilling to assume the administration of it himself, or to allow his friends to do so, or, indeed, to have the public moneys brought into any private house. He therefore made the temple of Saturn a treasury, as it is to this day, and gave the people the privilege of appointing two young men as quaestors, or treasurers.
12.2. ἐπῃνέθη δὲ καὶ διὰ τὸν ταμιευτικὸν νόμον. ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἔδει χρήματα πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον εἰσενεγκεῖν ἀπὸ τῶν οὐσιῶν τοὺς πολίτας, οὔτʼ αὐτὸς ἅψασθαι τῆς οἰκονομίας οὔτε τοὺς φίλους ἐᾶσαι βουλόμενος οὔθʼ ὅλως εἰς οἶκον ἰδιώτου παρελθεῖν δημόσια χρήματα, ταμιεῖον μὲν ἀπέδειξε τὸν τοῦ Κρόνου ναόν, ᾧ μέχρι νῦν χρώμενοι διατελοῦσι, ταμίας δὲ τῷ δήμῳ δύο τῶν νέων ἔδωκεν ἀποδεῖξαι·