12.3. The first to be thus appointed were Publius Veturius and Marcus Minucius, and large sums of money were collected. For one hundred and thirty thousand names were on the assessment lists, orphans and widows being excused from the contribution.
12.3. καὶ ἀπεδείχθησαν οἱ πρῶτοι Πούπλιος Ο ὐετούριος καὶ Μινούκιος Μᾶρκος καὶ χρήματα συνήχθη πολλά, τρισκαίδεκα γὰρ ἀπεγράψαντο μυριάδες, ὀρφανοῖς παισὶ καὶ χήραις γυναιξὶν ἀνεθείσης τῆς εἰσφορᾶς.
12.4. This matter regulated, he caused Lucretius, the father of Lucretia, to be appointed his colleague in the consulship. To him he yielded the precedence, as the elder man, and committed to him the so-called “fasces,” a privilege of seniority which has continued from that day to this. But Lucretius died a few days afterwards, and in a new election Marcus Horatius was chosen consul, and shared the office with Publicola for the remainder of the year.
12.4. ταῦτα δὲ διοικήσας ἀπέδειξεν ἑαυτῷ συνάρχοντα τὸν Λουκρητίας πατέρα Λουκρήτιον, ᾧ τῆς ἡγεμονικωτέρας ἐξιστάμενος ὄντι πρεσβυτέρῳ τάξεως παρέδωκε τοὺς καλουμένους φάσκης καὶ τοῦτο διέμεινεν εἰς ἡμᾶς τὸ πρεσβεῖον ἀπʼ ἐκείνου τοῖς γεραιτέροις φυλαττό μενον. ἐπεὶ δʼ ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις ὕστερον ἐτελεύτησεν ὁ Λουκρήτιος, πάλιν ἀρχαιρεσιῶν γενομένων ᾑρέθη Μᾶρκος Ὡράτιος, καὶ συνῆρχε τῷ Ποπλικόλᾳ τὸν ὑπολειπόμενον χρόνον τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ.
13.1. While Tarquin was stirring up in Tuscany another war against the Romans, a thing of great portent is said to have happened. When Tarquin was still king, and had all but completed the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, either in consequence of an oracle, or else of his own good pleasure, he commissioned certain Tuscan craftsmen of Veii to place upon its roof a chariot of terra cotta. Soon after this he was driven from his throne.
13.1. Ταρκυνίου δὲ Ῥωμαίοις δεύτερον πόλεμον ἐν Τυρρηνίᾳ κινοῦντος μέγα σημεῖον λέγεται γενέσθαι· βασιλεύων γὰρ ἔτι καὶ τὸν νεὼν τοῦ Καπιτωλίου Διὸς ἔχων ὁ Ταρκύνιος ὅσον οὔπω συντετελεσμένον, εἴτε μαντείας γενομένης εἴτʼ αὐτῷ δόξαν ἄλλως, ἅρμα κατὰ κορυφὴν ἐπιστῆσαι κεραμεοῦν ἐξέδωκε Τυρρηνοῖς τισιν ἐξ Οὐηίων δημιουργοῖς, εἶτʼ ὀλίγον ὕστερον ἐξέπεσε τῆς ἀρχῆς.
13.2. The Tuscans, however, modelled the chariot and put it in a furnace for firing, but the clay did not contract and shrink in the fire, as it usually does, when its moisture evaporates. Instead of this, it expanded and swelled and took on such size, strength, and hardness, that it could with difficulty be removed, even after the roof of the furnace had been taken off and its sides torn away.
13.2. τῶν δὲ Τυρρηνῶν διαπεπλασμένον τὸ τέθριππον ἐμβαλόντων εἰς κάμινον, οὐκ ἔπαθεν ἃ προσήκει πάσχειν πηλὸν ἐν πυρί, πυκνοῦσθαι καὶ συνιζάνειν, ἐκτηκομένης τῆς ὑγρότητος, ἀλλʼ ἐξέστη καὶ ᾤδησε καὶ μέγεθος ἔσχεν ἅμα ῥώμῃ καὶ σκληρότητι τοσοῦτον ὥστε μόλις ἐξαιρεθῆναι τὴν ὀροφὴν ἀπ σκευασα μὲν ων τῆς καμίνου καὶ τῶν τοίχων περιαιρεθέντων.
13.3. To the seers, accordingly, this seemed a divine portent of prosperity and power for those who should possess the chariot, and the people of Veii determined not to give it up. When the Romans asked for it, they were told that it belonged to the Tarquins, not to those who had expelled the Tarquins. But a few days afterwards there were chariot races at Veii. Here the usual exciting spectacles were witnessed, but when the charioteer, with his garland on his head, was quietly driving his victorious chariot out of the race-course, his horses took a sudden fright, upon no apparent occasion, but either by some divine ordering or by merest chance, and dashed off at the top of their speed towards Rome, charioteer and all.
13.3. ὡς οὖν ἐδόκει τοῖς μάντεσι θεῖον εἶναι σημεῖον εὐτυχίας καὶ δυνάμεως παρʼ οἷς ἔσοιτο τὸ τέθριππον, ἔγνωσαν οἱ Οὐήιοι μὴ προέσθαι τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἀπαιτοῦσι, καὶ ἀπεκρίναντο τοῦτο Ταρκυνίοις, οὐ τοῖς Ταρκυνίους ἐκβαλοῦσι προσήκειν. ὀλίγαις δʼ ὕστερον ἡμέραις ἦσαν ἵππων ἀγῶνες αὐτοῖς. καὶ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα θέαν καὶ σπουδὴν εἰωθυῖαν παρεῖχε, τὸ δὲ νικῆσαν τέθριππον ὁ μὲν ἡνίοχος ἐξήλαυνε τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου σχέδην ἐστεφανωμένος, οἱ δὲ ἵπποι πτοηθέντες ἀπʼ οὐδεμιᾶς ἐμφανοῦς προφάσεως, ἀλλὰ κατά τι δαιμόνιον ἢ τύχην ἵεντο παντὶ τάχει πρὸς τὴν Ῥωμαίων πόλιν, ἔχοντες τὸν ἡνίοχον, ὡς οὐδὲν ἦν ἔργον αὐτοῦ κατατείνοντος οὐδὲ παρηγοροῦντος, ἀλλʼ ἥρπαστο, δόντα τῇ ῥύμῃ καὶ φερόμενον, ἄχρι οὗ τῷ Καπιτωλίῳ προσμίξαντες ἐξέβαλον αὐτὸν ἐνταῦθα παρὰ τὴν πύλην ἣν νῦν Ῥατουμέναν καλοῦσι.
13.4. It was of no use for him to rein them in or try to calm them with his voice; he was whirled helplessly along until they reached the Capitol and threw him out there, at the gate now called Ratumena. The Veientines were amazed and terrified at this occurrence, and permitted the workmen to deliver their chariot. The temple of Jupiter Capitolinus had been vowed by Tarquin, the son of Demaratus, when he was at war with the Sabines, but it was actually built by Tarquinius Superbus, the son, or grandson, of him who vowed it. He did not, however, get so far as to consecrate it, but was driven out before it was quite completed. Accordingly, now that it was completely finished and had received all time ornaments that belonged to it, Publicola was ambitious to consecrate it.
13.4. γενομένου δὲ τούτου θαυμάσαντες οἱ Οὐήιοι καὶ φοβηθέντες ἐπέτρεψαν ἀποδοῦναι τὸ ἅρμα τοῖς τεχνίταις. τὸν δὲ νεὼν τοῦ Καπιτωλίου Διὸς εὔξατο μὲν ἀναθήσειν Ταρκύνιος ὁ Δημαράτου πολεμῶν Σαβίνοις, ᾠκοδόμησε δὲ Ταρκύνιος ὁ Σούπερβος υἱὸς ὢν ἢ υἱωνὸς τοῦ εὐξαμένου· καθιερῶσαι δὲ οὐκ ἔφθασεν, ἀλλὰ μικρὸν ἀπελείπετο τοῦ τέλος ἔχειν ὅτε Ταρκύνιος ἐξέπιπτεν. ὡς οὖν ἀπείργαστο τελέως καὶ τὸν προσήκοντα κόσμον ἀπεῖχεν, ἦν τῷ Ποπλικόλᾳ φιλοτιμία πρὸς τὴν καθιέρωσιν.
14.2. But this excited the jealousy of many of the nobility. They could better brook his other honours, to which, as legislator and military commander, he had a rightful claim. But this one they thought he ought not to have, since it was more appropriate for others, and therefore they encouraged and incited Horatius to claim the privilege to consecrating the temple. At a time, then, when Publicola was necessarily absent on military service, they got a vote passed that Horatius should perform the consecration, and conducted him up to the Capitol, feeling that they could not have gained their point had Publicola been in the city.
14.2. ἐφθόνουν δὲ πολλοὶ τῶν δυνατῶν, καὶ ἤχθοντο ταῖς μὲν ἄλλαις τιμαῖς ἧττον, ἃς νομοθετῶν καὶ στρατηγῶν ἐκ προσηκόντων ἔσχε· ταύτην δʼ οὖσαν ἀλλοτρίαν οὐκ ᾤοντο δεῖν αὐτῷ προσγενέσθαι, καὶ τὸν Ὡράτιον προετρέποντο καὶ παρώξυνον ἀντιποιεῖσθαι τῆς καθιερώσεως. γενομένης οὖν τῷ Ποπλικόλᾳ στρατείας ἀναγκαίας, ψηφισάμενοι τὸν Ὡράτιον καθιεροῦν ἀνῆγον εἰς τὸ Καπιτώλιον, ὡς οὐκ ἂν ἐκείνου περιγενόμενοι παρόντος.
14.3. Some, however, say that Publicola was designated by lot, against his inclination, for the expedition, and Horatius for the consecration. And it is possible to infer how the matter stood between them from what happened at the consecration. It was the Ides of September, a day which nearly coincides with the full moon of the Attic month Metageitnion;
14.3. ἔνιοι δέ φασι κλήρῳ τῶν ὑπάτων λαχεῖν ἐκεῖνον ἐπὶ τὴν στρατείαν ἄκοντα, τοῦτον δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν καθιέρωσιν. ἔξεστι δὲ περὶ τούτων ὡς ἔσχεν εἰκάζειν τοῖς πραχθεῖσι περὶ τὴν καθιέρωσιν. εἰδοῖς οὖν Σεπτεμβρίαις, ὃ συντυγχάνει περὶ τὴν πανσέληνον μάλιστα τοῦ Μεταγειτνιῶνος, συνηθροισμένων ἁπάντων εἰς τὸ Καπιτώλιον, ὁ μὲν Ὡράτιος σιωπῆς γενομένης τά τʼ ἄλλα δράσας καὶ τῶν θυρῶν ἁψάμενος, ὥσπερ ἔθος ἐστίν, ἐπεφθέγγετο τὰς νενομισμένας ἐπὶ τῇ καθιερώσει φωνάς·
14.4. the people were all assembled on the Capitol, silence had been proclaimed, and Horatius, after performing the other ceremonies and laying hold upon the door of the temple, as the custom is, was pronouncing the usual words of consecration. But just then Marcus, the brother of Publicola, who had long been standing by the door and was watching his opportunity, said: “O Consul, thy son lies dead of sickness in the camp.”
14.4. ὁ δʼ ἀδελφὸς τοῦ Ποπλικόλα Μᾶρκος ἐκ πολλοῦ παρὰ τὰς θύρας ὑφεστὼς καὶ παραφυλάττων τὸν καιρόν, ὦ ὕπατε εἶπεν, ὁ υἱός σου τέθνηκεν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ νοσήσας.
14.5. This distressed all who heard it; But Horatius, not at all disturbed, merely said: “Cast forth the dead then whither ye please, for I take no mourning upon me,” and finished his consecration. Now the announcement was not true, but Marcus thought by his falsehood to deter Horatius from his duty. Wonderful, therefore, was the firm poise of the man, whether he at once saw through the deceit, or believed the story without letting it overcome him.
14.5. τοῦτο πάντας ἠνίασε τοὺς ἀκούσαντας ὁ δʼ Ὡράτιος οὐδὲν διαταραχθείς, ἀλλʼ ἢ τοσοῦτον μόνον εἰπών, ῥίψατε τοίνυν ὅποι βούλεσθε τὸν νεκρόν, ἐγὼ γὰρ οὐ προσίεμαι τὸ πένθος, ἐπέραινε τὴν λοιπὴν καθιέρωσιν. ἦν δὲ τὸ προσηγγελμένον οὐκ ἀληθές, ἀλλʼ ὁ Μᾶρκος ὡς ἀποστήσων τὸν Ὡράτιον ἐψεύσατο. θαυμαστὸς οὖν ὁ ἀνὴρ τῆς εὐσταθείας, εἴτε τὴν ἀπάτην ἐν καιρῷ βραχεῖ συνεῖδεν εἴτε πιστευθεὶς ὁ λόγος οὐκ ἐκίνησεν αὐτόν.
15.1. XV. A similar fortune seems to have attended the dedication of the second temple. The first, as I have said, was built by Tarquin, but consecrated by Horatius; this was destroyed by fire during the civil wars. The second temple was built by Sulla, but Catulus was commissioned to consecrate it, after the death of Sulla.
15.1. ἔοικε δὲ καὶ περὶ τὸν δεύτερον ναὸν ὁμοία τύχη γενέσθαι τῆς καθιερώσεως, τὸν μὲν γὰρ πρῶτον, ὡς εἴρηται, Ταρκυνίου κατασκευάσαντος, Ὡρατίου δὲ καθιερώσαντος, ἐν τοῖς ἐμφυλίοις πολέμοις πῦρ ἀπώλεσε· τὸν δὲ δεύτερον ἀνέστησε μὲν Σύλλας, ἐπεγράφη δὲ τῇ καθιερώσει Κάτουλος Σύλλα προ αποθανόντος.
15.2. This temple, too was destroyed, during the troublous times of Vitellius, and Vespasian began and completely finished the third, with the good fortune that attended him in all his undertakings. He lived to see it completed, and did not live to see it destroyed, as it was soon after; and in dying before his work was destroyed he was just so much more fortunate than Sulla, who died before his was consecrated. For upon time death of Vespasian the Capitol was burned.
15.2. τούτου δὲ πάλιν ἐν ταῖς κατὰ Οὐιτέλλιον στάσεσι διαφθαρέντος τὸν τρίτον τῇ πρὸς τἆλλα καὶ τοῦτο χρησάμενος εὐποτμίᾳ Οὐεσπασιανὸς ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἄχρι τέλους ἀναγαγὼν, ἐπεῖδε γενόμενον καὶ φθειρόμενον μετʼ ὀλίγον οὐκ ἐπεῖδεν, ἀλλὰ τοσοῦτον εὐτυχίᾳ Σύλλαν παρῆλθεν ὅσον ἐκεῖνον μὲν τῆς ἀφιερώσεως τοῦ ἔργου, τοῦτον δὲ τῆς ἀναιρέσεως προαποθανεῖν. ἅμα γὰρ τῷ τελευτῆσαι Οὐεσπασιανὸν ἐνεπρήσθη τὸ Καπιτώλιον.
15.3. The fourth temple, which is now standing on the same site as the others, was both completed and consecrated by Domitian. It is said that Tarquin expended upon its foundations forty thousand pounds of silver. But time greatest wealth now attributed to any private citizen of Rome would not pay the cost of the gilding alone of the present temple, which was more than twelve thousand talents.
15.3. ὁ δὲ τέταρτος οὗτος ὑπὸ Δομετιανοῦ καὶ συνετελέσθη καὶ καθιερώθη. λέγεται δὲ Ταρκύνιον εἰς τοὺς θεμελίους ἀναλῶσαι λίτρας ἀργυρίου τετρακισμυρίας· τούτου δὲ τοῦ καθʼ ἡμᾶς τὸν μέγιστον ἐν Ῥώμῃ τῶν ἰδιωτικῶν πλοῦτον ἐκλογισθέντα τὸ τῆς χρυσώσεως μὴ τελέσαι ἂν ἀνάλωμα, πλέον ἢ δισχιλίων καὶ μυρίων ταλάντων γενόμενον.
15.4. Its pillars are of Pentelic marble, and their thickness was once most happily proportioned to their length; for we saw them at Athens. But when they were recut and scraped at Rome, they did not gain as much in polish as they lost in symmetry and beauty, and they now look too slender and thin.
15.4. οἱ δὲ κίονες ἐκ τοῦ Πεντελῆσιν ἐτμήθησαν λίθου, κάλλιστα τῷ πάχει πρὸς τὸ μῆκος ἔχοντες· εἴδομεν γὰρ αὐτοὺς Ἀθήνησιν. ἐν δὲ Ῥώμῃ πληγέντες αὖθις καὶ ἀναξυσθέντες οὐ τοσοῦτον ἔσχον γλαφυρίας ὅσον ἀπώλεσαν συμμετρίας καὶ τοῦ καλοῦ, διάκενοι καὶ λαγαροὶ φανέντες.
15.5. However, if anyone who is amazed at the costliness of the Capitol had seen a single colonnade in the palace of Domitian, or a basilica or a bath, or the apartments for his concubines, then, as Epicharmus says to the spendthrift,’Tis not beneficent thou art; thou art diseased; thy mania is to give,so he would have been moved to say to Domitian: “’Tis not pious, nor nobly ambitious that thou art; thou art diseased; thy mania is to build; like the famous Midas, thou desirest that every thing become gold and stone at thy touch.” So much, then, on this head.
15.5. ὁ μέντοι θαυμάσας τοῦ Καπιτωλίου τὴν πολυτέλειαν, εἰ μίαν εἶδεν ἐν οἰκίᾳ Δομετιανοῦ στοὰν ἢ βασιλικὴν ἢ βαλανεῖον ἢ παλλακίδων δίαιταν, οἷόν ἐστι τὸ λεγόμενον Ἐπιχάρμου πρὸς τὸν ἄσωτον, οὐ φιλάνθρωπος τύ γʼ ἐσσʼ· ἔχεις νόσον χαίρεις διδούς, τοιοῦτον ἄν τι πρὸς Δομετιανὸν εἰπεῖν προήχθη· οὐκ εὐσεβὴς οὐδὲ φιλότιμος τύ γʼ ἐσσί· ἔχεις νόσον χαίρεις κατοικοδομῶν, ὥσπερ ὁ Μίδας ἐκεῖνος, ἅπαντά σοι χρυσᾶ καὶ λίθινα βουλόμενος γίνεσθαι. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν περὶ τούτων.
16.1. But to return to Tarquin, after the great battle in which he lost his son in a duel with Brutus, he fled for refuge to Clusium, and became a suppliant of Lars Porsena, the most powerful king in Italy, who was thought also to be a man of worth and noble ambitions. He promised Tarquin his aid and assistance. So in the first place he sent to Rome and ordered them to receive Tarquin as their king. Then when the Romans refused, he declared war upon them, proclaimed the time and place of his attack, and marched thither with a great force.
16.1. ὁ δὲ Ταρκύνιος μετὰ τὴν μεγάλην μάχην ἐν ᾗ καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ἀπώλεσε μονομαχήσαντα Βρούτῳ, καταφυγὼν εἰς τὸ Κλούσιον ἱκέτευσε Λάραν Πορσίναν, ἄνδρα καὶ δύναμιν μεγίστην ἔχοντα τῶν Ἰταλικῶν βασιλέων καὶ δοκοῦντα χρηστὸν εἶναι καὶ φιλότιμον ὁ δʼ ὑπέσχετο βοηθήσειν. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἔπεμψεν εἰς Ῥώμην κελεύων δέχεσθαι τὸν Ταρκύνιον ὡς δʼ οὐχ ὑπήκουσαν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι, καταγγείλας αὐτοῖς πόλεμον καὶ χρόνον ἐν ᾧ καὶ τόπον εἰς ὃν ἔμελλεν ἐμβαλεῖν, ἀφίκετο μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως.
16.2. Publicola was chosen consul for the second time, in his absence, and Titus Lucretius as his colleague. Returning, therefore, to Rome, and wishing, in the first place, to surpass Porsena in the loftiness of his spirit, he built the city of Sigliuria, although his adversary was already near at hand. After he had fortified it at great expense, he sent to it a colony of seven hundred men, indicating that he had no concern or fear about the war.
16.2. Ποπλικόλας δʼ ᾑρέθη μὲν ἀπὼν ὕπατος τὸ δεύτερον, καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ Τίτος Λουκρήτιος· ἐπανελθὼν δὲ εἰς Ῥώμην καὶ βουλόμενος τῷ φρονήματι πρῶτον ὑπερβαλέσθαι τὸν Πορσίναν, ἔκτιζε πόλιν Σιγλιουρίαν ἤδη πλησίον ὄντος αὐτοῦ, καὶ τειχίσας μεγάλοις ἀναλώμασιν ἑπτακοσίους ἐποικοὺς ἀπέστειλεν, ὡς ῥᾳδίως φέρων καὶ ἀδεῶς τὸν πόλεμον.
16.3. However, a sharp assault was made upon its wall by Porsena, and its garrison was driven out. They fled to Rome, where the pursuing enemy almost followed them into the city. But Publicola promptly sallied out to their aid in front of the gate, joined battle by the river side with the enemy, who pressed on in great numbers, and held out against them until he was desperately wounded and carried bodily out of the battle.
16.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ προσβολῆς ὀξείας τῷ τείχει γενομένης ἐξεώσθησαν οἱ φύλακες ὑπὸ τοῦ Πορσίνα, καὶ φεύγοντες ὀλίγου συνεπεσπάσαντο τοὺς πολεμίους εἰς τὴν πόλιν. ἔφθη; δὲ πρὸ τῶν πυλῶν ἐκβοηθήσας ὁ Ποπλικόλας, καὶ μάχην συνάψας παρὰ τὸν ποταμόν ἀντεῖχε πλήθει βιαζομένοις τοῖς πολεμίοις, ἄχρι οὗ τραύμασι νεανικοῖς περιπεσὼν ἀπεκομίσθη φοράδην ἐκ τῆς μάχης.
16.4. The same fate overtook Lucretius, his colleague, also, so that dismay fell upon the Romans, and they fled for safety towards the city. But as the enemy were forcing their way onto the wooden bridge, Rome was in danger of being taken by storm. Horatius Cocles, however, first, and with him two of the most illustrious men of the city, Herminius and Lartius, defended the wooden bridge against them.
16.4. τὸ δʼ αὐτὸ καὶ Λουκρητίου τοῦ συνάρχοντος αὐτῷ παθόντος ἀθυμία τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἐνέπεσε, καὶ φυγῇ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ἔσῳζον ἑαυτούς, ὠθουμένων δὲ τῶν πολεμίων διὰ τῆς ξυλίνης γεφύρας ἐκινδύνευσεν ἡ Ῥώμη κατὰ κράτος ἁλῶναι. πρῶτος δὲ Κόκλιος Ὡράτιος καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ δύο τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων ἀνδρῶν, Ἑρμίνιος καὶ Λάρκιος, ἀντέστησαν περὶ τὴν ξυλίνην γέφυραν.
16.5. Horatius had been given his surname of Cocles because he had lost one of his eyes in the wars. Some, however, say that his nose was flat and sunken, so that there was nothing to separate his eyes, and his eye-brows ran together, and that for this reason the multitude wished to call him Cyclops, but by a slip of the tongue the name of Cocles became generally prevalent instead.
16.5. ὁ δʼ Ὡράτιος τὸν Κόκλιον ἐπωνύμιον ἔσχεν ἐν πολέμῳ τῶν ὀμμάτων θάτερον ἐκ κοπείς· ὡς δʼ ἔνιοι λέγουσι, διὰ σιμότητα τῆς ῥινὸς ἐνδεδυκυίας ὥστε μηδὲν εἶναι τὸ διορίζον τὰ ὄμματα καὶ τὰς ὀφρῦς συγκεχύσθαι, Κύκλωπα βουλόμενοι καλεῖν αὐτὸν οἱ πολλοὶ τῆς γλώττης ὀλισθαινούσης ἐκράτησεν ὑπὸ πλήθους Κόκλιον καλεῖσθαι.
16.6. This Cocles, standing at the head of the bridge, kept the enemy back until his companions had cut the bridge in two behind him. Then, all accoutred as he was, he plunged into the river and swam across to the other side, in spite of a wound in the buttocks from a Tuscan spear.
16.6. οὗτος ἑστὼς πρὸ τῆς γεφύρας ἠμύνετο τοὺς πολεμίους, ἄχρι οὗ διέκοψαν οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ κατόπιν τὴν γέφυραν. οὕτω δὲ μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἀφεὶς ἑαυτὸν εἰς τὸν ποταμόν ἀπενήξατο, καὶ προσέμιξε τῇ πέραν ὄχθῃ δόρατι Τυρρηνικῷ βεβλημένος τὸν γλουτόν.
16.7. Publicola, out of admiration for his valour, proposed that every Roman should at once contribute for him as much provision as each consumed in a day, and that afterwards he should be given as much land as he could plough round in a day. Besides this, they set up a bronze statue of him in the temple of Vulcan, to console him with honour for the lameness consequent upon his wound.
16.7. ὁ δὲ Ποπλικόλας τὴν ἀρετὴν θαυμάσας αὐτίκα μὲν εἰσηγήσατο Ῥωμαίους ἅπαντας, ὅσην ἕκαστος ἐν ἡμέρᾳ τροφὴν ἀνήλισκε, δοῦναι συνεισενεγκόντας, ἔπειτα τῆς χώρας ἣν αὐτὸς περιαρόσειεν ἐν ἡμέρᾳ, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις εἰκόνα χαλκῆν ἔστησαν αὐτῷ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τοῦ Ἡφαίστου, τὴν γενομένην ἐκ τοῦ τραύματος τῷ ἀνδρὶ χωλότητα μετὰ τιμῆς παρηγοροῦντες.
17.1. While Porsena was closely investing the city, a famine afflicted the Romans, and another Tuscan army on its own account invaded their territory. Publicola, who was now consul for the third time, thought that Porsena must be met by a quiet and watchful resistance within the city; but he sallied out upon the other Tuscan army, engaged it, routed it, and slew five thousand of them. The story of Mucius has been often and variously told, but I must give it as it seems most credible to me.
17.1. ἐπικειμένου δὲ Πορσίνα τῇ πόλει καί λιμὸς ἥπτετο τῶν Ῥωμαίων, καί Τυρρηνῶν ἕτερος στρατὸς αὐτὸς καθʼ αὑτὸν εἰς τὴν χώραν ἐνέβαλε. Ποπλικόλας δὲ τὸ τρίτον ὑπατεύων Πορσίνᾳ μὲν ἀτρεμῶν καί φυλάττων τὴν πόλιν ᾤετο δεῖν ἀντέχειν, τοῖς δὲ Τυρρηνοῖς ἐπεξῆλθε καί συμβαλὼν ἐτρέψατο καί πεντακισχιλίους αὐτῶν ἀνεῖλε. τὸ δὲ περὶ Μούκιον εἴρηται μὲν ὑπὸ πολλῶν καὶ διαφόρως, λεκτέον δὲ ᾗ μάλιστα πιστεύεται καί ἡμῖν.
17.2. He was a man endowed with every virtue, but most excellent in war. Designing to kill Porsena, he stole into his camp, wearing a Tuscan habit, and using a speech to correspond. After walking around the tribunal where the king was sitting within others, not knowing him certainly, and fearing to inquire about him, he drew his sword and slew that one of the group whom he thought most likely to be the king.
17.2. ἦν ἀνὴρ εἰς πᾶσαν ἀρετὴν ἀγαθός, ἐν δὲ τοῖς πολεμικοῖς ἄριστος· ἐπιβουλεύων δὲ τὸν Πορσίναν ἀνελεῖν παρεισῆλθεν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον Τυρρηνίδα φορῶν ἐσθῆτα καί φωνῇ χρώμενος ὁμοία περιελθὼν δὲ τὸ βῆμα τοῦ βασιλέως καθεζομένου, καί σαφῶς μὲν αὑτὸν οὐκ εἰδώς, ἐρέσθαι δὲ περὶ αὐτοῦ δεδιώς, ἐν ᾠήθη μάλιστα τῶν συγκαθεζομένων ἐκεῖνον εἶναι σπασάμενος τὸ ξίφος ἀπέκτεινεν.
17.3. Upon this he was seized, and was being questioned, when a sort of pan containing live coals was brought to Porsena, who was about to offer sacrifice. Mucius held his right hand over the flames and, while the flesh was burning, stood looking at Porsena with a bold and steadfast countenance, until the king was overcome within admiration and released him, and handed him back his sword, reaching it down to him from the tribunal. Mucius stretched out his left hand and took it (on which account, they say, he received the surname of Scaevola, which means Left-handed).
17.3. ἐπὶ τούτῳ δὲ συλληφθεὶς ἀνεκρίνετο· καί τινος ἐσχαρίδος πῦρ ἐχούσης μέλλοντι τῷ Πορσίνᾳ θύειν κεκομισμένης, ὑπερσχὼν τὴν δεξιὰν χεῖρα καιομένης τῆς σαρκὸς εἱστήκει πρὸς τὸν Πορσίναν ἀποβλέπων ἰταμῷ καί ἀτρέπτῳ τῷ προσώπῳ, μέχρι οὗ θαυμάσας ἀφῆκεν αὑτὸν καί τὸ ξίφος ἀποδιδοὺς ὤρεξεν ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος· ὁ δὲ τὴν εὐώνυμον προτείνας ἐδέξατο. καί διὰ τοῦτό φασιν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι τὸν Σκαιόλαν ἐπίκλησιν, ὅπερ ἐστὶ Λαιόν.
17.4. Then he said that although he had conquered the fear which Porsena inspired, he was vanquished by the nobility which he displayed, and would reveal out of gratitude what he would not have disclosed under compulsion. “Three hundred Romans, then,” said he, “with the same resolution as mine, are now prowling, about in thy camp and watching their opportunity. I was chosen by lot to make the first attempt upon thee, and I am not distressed at what has happened, so noble is the man whom I failed to kill, and so worthy to be a friend rather than an enemy of the Romans.”
17.4. ἔφη δὲ τὸν φόβον τοῦ Πορσίνα νενικηκὼς ἡττᾶσθαι τῆς ἀρετῆς, καί χάριτι μηνύειν ἃ πρὸς ἀνάγκην οὐκ ἂν ἐξηγόρευσε. τριακόσιοι γὰρ Ῥωμαίων, ἔφη, τὴν αὐτὴν ἐμοὶ γνώμην ἔχοντες ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ σου πλανῶνται καιρὸν ἐπιτηροῦντες· ἐγὼ δὲ κλήρῳ λαχὼν καί προεπιχειρήσας οὐκ ἄχθομαι τῇ τύχῃ, διαμαρτὼν ἀνδρὸς ἀγαθοῦ καί φίλου μᾶλλον ἢ πολεμίου Ῥωμαίοις εἶναι πρέποντος ταῦθʼ ὁ Πορσίνας ἀκούσας ἐπίστευσε καί πρὸς τὰς διαλύσεις ἥδιον ἔσχεν, οὐ τοσοῦτό, μοι δοκεῖ, φόβῳ τῶν τριακοσίων, ὅσον ἀγασθεὶς καί θαυμάσας τὸ φρόνημα, καὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων.
17.5. On hearing this, Porsena believed it to be true, and felt more inclined to come to terms, not so much, I suppose, through fear of the three hundred, as out of wondering admiration for the lofty spirit and bravery of the Romans. All other writers agree in giving this Mucius the surname of Scaevola, but Athenodorus, the son of Sandon, in his book addressed to Octavia, the sister of Augustus Caesar, says that his surname was Postumus. Publicola himself, moreover, thinking that Porsena would be more valuable as a friend and ally of time city than he was dangerous as its enemy, did not shrink from making the king an arbitrator in his dispute with Tarquin but often boldly challenged Tarquin to do so, confident of proving that he was the basest of men and justly deprived of his kingdom. And when Tarquin gave him a rough answer, saying that he would make no man his judge, least of all Porsena, seeing that he was swerving from his alliance with him, Porsena was displeased and perceived the weakness of his cause. His son Aruns also pleaded earnestly with him in behalf of the Romans. Consequently, he put an end to his war against them, on condition that they gave up the territory of Tuscany which they had taken, sent back their prisoners of war, and received back their deserters. In confirmation of these conditions, the Romans gave as hostages ten young men from their noblest families, and as many maidens, of whom Valeria, a daughter of Publicola, was one.
17.5. τοῦτον τὸν ἄνδρα Μούκιον ὁμοῦ τι πάντων καὶ Σκαιόλαν καλούντων Ἀθηνόδωρος ὁ Σάνδωνος ἐν τῷ πρὸς Ὀκταουίαν τὴν Καίσαρος ἀδελφὴν καὶ Ὀψίγονον ὠνομάσθαι φησίν. ὁ μέντοι Ποπλικόλας αὐτός, οὐχ οὕτω πολέμιον ὄντα τὸν Πορσίναν βαρὺν ἡγούμενος ὡς ἄξιον πολλοῦ τῇ πόλει φίλον γενέσθαι καὶ σύμμαχον, οὐκ ἔφευγεν ἐπʼ αὐτοῦ δίκῃ κριθῆναι πρὸς Ταρκύνιον, ἀλλʼ ἐθάρρει καὶ προὐκαλεῖτο πολλάκις ὡς ἐξελέγξων κάκιστον ἀνδρῶν καὶ δικαίως ἀφαιρεθέντα τὴν ἀρχήν, ἀποκριναμένου δὲ τὸν Ταρκυνίου τραχύτερον, οὐδένα ποιεῖσθαι δικαστήν, ἥκιστα δὲ Πορσίναν, εἰ σύμμαχος ὢν μεταβάλλεται, δυσχεράνας καὶ καταγνοὺς ὁ Πορσίνας, ἅμα δὲ τὸν παιδὸς Ἄρροντος δεομένου καὶ σπουδάζοντος ὑπὲρ τῶν Ῥωμαίων, κατελύσατο τὸν πόλεμον ἐξισταμένοις ἧς ἀπετέμοντο τῆς Τυρρηνίδος χώρας καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἀποπέμπουσι, κομιζομένοις δὲ τοὺς αὐτομόλους, ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁμήρους ἔδωκαν ἐξ εὐπατριδῶν περιπορφύρους δέκα καὶ παρθένους τοσαύτας, ὧν ἦν καὶ Ποπλικόλα θυγάτηρ Οὐαλλερία.
19.1. After these stipulations had been carried out, and when Porsena had already remitted all his warlike preparations through his confidence in the treaty, these Roman maidens went down to the river to bathe, at a place where the curving bank formed a bay and kept the water especially still and free from waves. As they saw no guard near, nor any one else passing by or crossing the stream, they were seized with a desire to swim away, notwithstanding the depth and whirl of the strong current.
19.1. πραττομένων δὲ τούτων τοῦ τε Πορσίνα πᾶσαν ἤδη τὴν πολεμικὴν ἀνεικότος παρασκευὴν διὰ πίστιν, αἱ παρθένοι τῶν Ῥωμαίων κατῆλθον ἐπὶ λουτρόν ἔνθα δὴ μηνοειδής τις ὄχθη περιβάλλουσα τὸν ποταμὸν ἡσυχίαν μάλιστα καὶ γαλήνην τοῦ κύματος παρεῖχεν. ὡς δʼ οὔτε τινὰ φυλακὴν ἑώρων οὔτε παριόντας ἄλλως ἢ διαπλέοντας, ὁρμὴν ἔσχον ἀπονή ξασθαι πρὸς ῥεῦμα πολὺ καὶ δίνας βαθείας.
19.2. And some say that one of them, named Cloelia, crossed the stream on horseback, exhorting and encouraging the rest as they swam. But when they were come in safety to Publicola, he bestowed no admiration or affection upon them, but was distressed because he would be thought less true to his word than Porsena, and because the daring exploit of the maidens would be called a base fraud on the part of the Romans. He seized them, therefore, and sent them back again to Porsena.
19.2. ἔνιοι δέ φασι μίαν αὐτῶν, ὄνομα Κλοιλίαν, ἵππῳ διεξελάσαι τὸν πόρον, ἐγκελευομένην ταῖς ἄλλαις νεούσαις καὶ παραθαρρύνουσαν. ἐπεὶ δὲ σωθεῖσαι πρὸς τὸν Ποπλικόλαν ἧκον, οὐκ ἐθαύμασεν οὐδʼ ἠγάπησεν, ἀλλʼ ἠνιάθη, ὅτι Πορσίνα κακίων ἐν πίστει φανεῖται, καὶ τὸ τόλμημα τῶν παρθένων αἰτίαν ἕξει κακούργημα Ῥωμαίων γεγονέναι. διὸ συλλαβὼν αὐτὰς πάλιν ἀπέστειλε πρὸς τὸν Πορσίναν.
19.3. But Tarquin and his men got timely intelligence of this, set an ambush for the convoy of the maidens, and attacked them in superior numbers as they passed along. The party attacked defended themselves, nevertheless, and Valeria, the daughter of Publicola, darted through the combatants and fled, and with the help of three attendants who broke through the crowd with her, made good her escape. The rest of the maidens were mingled with the combatants and in peril of their lives. But Aruns, the son of Porsena, learning of the affair, came with all speed to their assistance, put their enemies to flight, and rescued the Romans.
19.3. ταῦτα δʼ οἱ περὶ τὸν Ταρκύνιον προαισθόμενοι, καὶ καθίσαντες ἐνέδραν τοῖς ἄγουσι τὰς παῖδας, ἐν τῷ περᾶν ἐπέθεντο πλείονες ὄντες. ἐκείνων δὲ ὅμως ἀμυνομένων, ἡ Ποπλικόλα θυγάτηρ Οὐαλλερία διὰ μέσων ὁρμήσασα τῶν μαχομένων ἀπέφυγε, καὶ τρεῖς τινες οἰκέται συνδιεκπεσόντες ἔσῳζον αὐτήν, τῶν δʼ ἄλλων οὐκ ἀκινδύνως ἀναμεμιγμένων τοῖς μαχομένοις, αἰθόμενος Ἄρρων ὁ Πορσίνα υἱὸς ὀξέως προσεβοήθησε, καὶ φυγῆς γενομένης τῶν πολεμίων περιεποίησε τοὺς Ῥωμαίους.
19.4. When Porsena saw the maidens thus brought back, he asked for the one who had begun the enterprise and encouraged the rest in it. And when he heard Cloelia named as the one, he looked upon her with a gracious and beaming countenance, and ordering one of the royal horses to be brought, all fittingly caparisoned, he made her a present of it. Those who say that Cloelia, and Cloelia alone, crossed the river on horseback, produce this fact in evidence.
19.4. ὡς δὲ τὰς παρθένους κομισθείσας ὁ Πορσίνας εἶδε, τὴν καταρξαμένην τῆς πράξεως καὶ παρακελευσαμένην ταῖς ἄλλαις ἐζήτει. ἀκούσας δὲ τὸ ὄνομα τῆς Κλοιλίας προσέβλεψεν αὐτὴν ἵλεῳ καὶ φαιδρῷ τῷ προσώπῳ, καὶ κελεύσας ἵππον ἀχθῆναι τῶν βασιλικῶν κεκοσμημένον εὐπρεπῶς ἐδωρήσατο. τοῦτο ποιοῦνται μαρτύριον οἱ μόνην τὴν Κλοιλίαν λέγοντες ἵππῳ διεξελάσαι τὸν ποταμόν.
19.5. Others dispute the inference, and say that the Tuscan merely honoured in this way the maiden’s courage. But an equestrian statue of her stands by the Via Sacra, as you go to the Palatine, though some say it represents not Cloelia, but Valeria. Porsena, thus reconciled with the Romans, gave the city many proofs of his magnanimity. In particular, he ordered his Tuscan soldiers, when they evacuated their camp, to take within them their arms only, and nothing else, leaving it full of abundant provisions and all sorts of valuables, which he turned over to the Romans.
19.5. οἱ δʼ οὔ φασιν, ἀλλὰ τιμῆσαι τὸ ἀνδρῶδες αὐτῆς τὸν Τυρρηνόν. ἀνάκειται δὲ τὴν ἱερὰν ὁδὸν πορευομένοις εἰς Παλάτιον ἀνδριὰς αὐτῆς ἔφιππος, ὅν τινες οὐ τῆς Κλοιλίας, ἀλλὰ τῆς Οὐαλλερίας εἶναι λέγουσιν. ὁ δὲ Πορσίνας διαλλαγεὶς τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἄλλην τε ἑαυτοῦ πολλὴν μεγαλοφροσύνην ἐπεδείξατο τῇ πόλει, καὶ τὰ ὅπλα τοὺς Τυρρηνοὺς ἀναλαβεῖν κελεύσας, ἄλλο δὲ μηδέν, ἀλλʼ ἐκλείπειν τὸν χάρακα σίτου τε πολλοῦ καὶ χρημάτων γέμοντα παντοδαπῶν, παρέδωκε τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις.
19.6. Therefore it is that down to this very day, when there is a sale of public property, Porsena’s goods are cried first, and thus the man’s kindness is honoured within perpetual remembrance. Moreover, a bronze statue of him used to stand near the senate-house, of simple and archaic workmanship.
19.6. διὸ καὶ καθʼ ἡμᾶς ἔτι πωλοῦντες τὰ δημόσια πρῶτα κηρύττουσι τὰ Πορσίνα χρήματα, τιμὴν τῷ ἀνδρὶ τῆς χάριτος ἀίδιον ἐν τῇ μνήμῃ διαφυλάττοντες. εἱστήκει δὲ καὶ χαλκοῦς ἀνδριὰς αὐτοῦ παρὰ τὸ βουλευτήριον, ἁπλοῦς καὶ ἀρχαϊκὸς τῇ ἐργασίᾳ.
20.1. After this, when the Sabines invaded the Roman territory, Marcus Valerius, a brother of Publicola, was made consul, and with him Postumius Tubertus. Inasmuch as the most important steps were taken with the advice and assistance of Publicola, Marcus was victorious in two great battles, and in the second of them, without losing a single Roman, slew thirteen thousand of the enemy.
20.1. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Σαβίνων ἐμβαλόντων εἰς τὴν χώραν ὕπατος μὲν ἀπεδείχθη Μᾶρκος Οὐαλλέριος, ἀδελφὸς Ποπλικόλα, καὶ Ποστούμιος Τούβερτος. πραττομένων δὲ τῶν μεγίστων γνώμῃ καὶ παρουσίᾳ Ποπλικόλα δυσὶ μάχαις μεγάλαις ὁ Μᾶρκος ἐνίκησεν, ὧν ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ μηδένα Ῥωμαίων ἀποβαλὼν τρισχιλίους ἐπὶ μυρίοις τῶν πολεμίων ἀνεῖλε.
20.2. Besides the triumphs, he also obtained the honour of a house built for him at the public charge on the Palatine. And whereas the doors of other houses at that time opened inwards into the vestibule, they made the outer door of his house, and of his alone, to open outwards, in order that by this concession he might be constantly partaking of public honour.
20.2. καὶ γέρας ἔσχεν ἐπὶ τοῖς θριάμβοις οἰκίαν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι δημοσίοις ἀναλώμασιν ἐν Παλατίῳ. τῶν δʼ ἄλλων τότε θυρῶν εἴσω τῆς οἰκίας εἰς τὸ κλεισίον ἀνοιγομένων, ἐκείνης μόνης τῆς οἰκίας ἐποίησαν ἐκτὸς ἀπάγεσθαι τὴν αὔλειον, ὡς δὴ κατὰ τὸ συγχώρημα τῆς τιμῆς ἀεὶ τοῦ δημοσίου προσεπιλαμβάνοι.
20.3. They say that all Greek doors used to open outwards in this way, and the conclusion is drawn from their comedies, where those who are about to go out of a house beat noisily on the inside of their own doors, in order that persons passing by or standing in front of them may hear, and not be taken by surprise when the doors open out into the street.
20.3. τὰς δʼ Ἑλληνικὰς πρότερον οὕτως ἔχειν ἁπάσας λέγουσιν, ἀπὸ τῶν κωμῳδιῶν λαμβάνοντες, ὅτι κόπτουσι καὶ ψοφοῦσι τὰς αὑτῶν θύρας ἔνδοθεν οἱ προϊέναι μέλλοντες, ὅπως αἴσθησις ἔξω γένοιτο τοῖς παρερχομένοις ἢ προεστῶσι καὶ μὴ καταλαμβάνοιντο προϊούσαις ταῖς κλεισιάσιν εἰς τὸν στενωπόν.
21.1. In the following year Publicola was consul again, for the fourth time, when there was expectation of a war within the Sabines and Latins combined. At the same time also a sort of superstitious terror seized upon the city because all the women who were pregnant were delivered of imperfect offspring, and all births were premature. Wherefore by direction of the Sibylline books, Publicola made propitiatory sacrifices to Pluto, and renewed certain games that had been recommended by Apollo, and after he had thus made the city more cheerful in its mopes and expectations from the gods, he turned his attention to what it feared from men. For their enemies were plainly making great preparations and a powerful league against them.
21.1. τῷ δʼ ἑξῆς ἔτει πάλιν ὑπάτευε Ποπλικόλας τὸ τέταρτον· ἦν δὲ προσδοκία πολέμου Σαβίνων καί Λατίνων συνισταμένων. καί τις ἅμα δεισιδαιμονία τῆς πόλεως ἥψατο· πᾶσαι γὰρ αἱ κυοῦσαι τότε γυναῖκες ἐξέβαλλον ἀνάπηρα, καί τέλος οὐδεμία γένεσις ἔσχεν. ὅθεν ἐκ τῶν Σιβυλλείων ὁ Ποπλικόλας ἱλασάμενος τῷ Ἅιδῃ καί τινας ἀγῶνας πυθοχρήστους ἀναλαβὼν καί ταῖς ἐλπίσι πρὸς τὸ θεῖον ἡδίονα καταστήσας τὴν πόλιν, ἤδη τοῖς ἀπʼ ἀνθρώπων φοβεροῖς προσεῖχε. μεγάλη γὰρ ἐφαίνετο κατασκευὴ τῶν πολεμίων καί σύστασις.
21.2. Now there was among the Sabines one Appius Clausus, a man whose wealth made him powerful, as his personal prowess made him illustrious, but who was most eminent for his lofty character and for his great eloquence. He could not, however, escape the fate of all great men, but was an object of jealous hate, and when he tried to stop the war, those who hated him charged him within trying to increase the power of Rome, with a view to making himself tyrant and master of his own country.
21.2. ἦν οὖν Ἄππιος Κλαῦσος ἐν Σαβίνοις, ἀνὴρ χρήμασί τε δυνατὸς καί σώματος ῥώμῃ πρὸς ἀλκὴν ἐπιφανής, ἀρετῆς δὲ δόξῃ μάλιστα καί λόγου δεινότητι πρωτεύων, ὃ δὲ πᾶσι συμβαίνει τοῖς μεγάλοις οὐ διέφυγε παθεῖν, ἀλλʼ ἐφθονεῖτο· καὶ τοῖς φθονοῦσιν αἰτίαν παρέσχε καταπαύων τὸν πόλεμον αὔξειν τὰ Ῥωμαίων, ἐπὶ τυραννίδι καί δουλώσει τῆς πατρίδος.
21.3. Perceiving that the multitude gave a ready ear to these stories, and that he himself was obnoxious to the war party and the military, he feared the issue, but with a large and powerful coterie of friends and kinsmen to defend him, continued his opposition. This made the Sabines put off and delay the war.
21.3. αἰσθόμενος δὲ τοὺς λόγους τούτους βουλομένῳ τῷ πλήθει λεγομένους, καί προσκρούοντα τοῖς πολεμοποιοῖς καί στρατιωτικοῖς ἑαυτόν, ἐφοβεῖτο τὴν κρίσιν, ἑταιρείαν δὲ καί δύναμιν φίλων καί οἰκείων ἔχων ἀμύνουσαν περὶ αὑτὸν ἐστασίαζε. καί τοῦτʼ ἦν τοῦ πολέμου διατριβὴ καί μέλλησις τοῖς Σαβίνοις.
21.4. Publicola, accordingly, making it his business not only to know about these matters, but also to foment and promote the faction, kept some of his followers employed in bringing to Clausus from him such messages as this: “Publicola thinks thee too worthy and just a man to inflict any evil upon thy fellow citizens in self-defence, even though thou art wronged by them. But if thou wishest, for thine own safety, to change thine allegiance and flee from those who hate thee, he will receive thee with public and private honours which are worthy of thine own excellence and the splendour of Rome.”
21.4. ταῦτʼ οὖν ὁ Ποπλικόλας οὐ μόνον εἰδέναι ποιούμενος ἔργον, ἀλλὰ καί κινεῖν καί συνεξορμᾶν τὴν στάσιν, εἶχεν ἄνδρας ἐπιτηδείους οἳ τῷ Κλαύσῳ διελέγοντο παρʼ αὑτοῦ τοιαῦτα, ὡς ὁ Ποπλικόλας ἄνδρα σε χρηστὸν ὄντα καί δίκαιον οὐδενὶ κακῷ δεῖν οἴεται τοὺς σεαυτοῦ πολίτας ἀμύνεσθαι, καίπερ ἀδικούμενον· εἰ δὲ βούλοιο σῴζων ἑαυτὸν μεταστῆναι καί φυγεῖν τοὺς μισοῦντας, ὑποδέξεταί σε δημοσίᾳ καί ἰδίᾳ τῆς τε σῆς ἀρετῆς ἀξίως καί τῆς Ῥωμαίων λαμπρότητος.
21.5. On repeated consideration of the matter, this course seemed to Clausus the best that was open to him; he therefore summoned his friends, who in like manner persuaded many more, to join him, and taking five thousand families from their homes, wives and children included, the most peaceful folk among the Sabines, of gentle and sedate lives, he led them to Rome. Publicola knew beforehand of their coming, and gave them an eager and a kindly welcome, admitting them to all rights and privileges.
21.5. ταῦτα πολλάκις ἀνασκοποῦντι τῷ Κλαύσῳ βέλτιστα τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐφαίνετο, καί τοὺς φίλους συμπαρακαλῶν, ἐκείνων τε πολλοὺς ὁμοίως συναναπειθ όντων, πεντακισχιλίους οἴκους ἀναστήσας μετὰ παίδων καί γυναικῶν, ὅπερ ἦν ἐν Σαβίνοις ἀθόρυβον μάλιστα καί βίου πρᾴου καί καθεστῶτος οἰκεῖον, εἰς Ῥώμην ἦγε, προειδότος τοῦ Ποπλικόλα καί δεχομένου φιλοφρόνως καί προθύμως ἐπὶ πᾶσι δικαίοις.
21.6. For he at once incorporated the families in the Roman state, and gave each one two acres of land on the river Anio. To Clausus, however, he gave twenty-five acres of land, and enrolled him among the senators. This was the beginning of a political power which he used so wisely that he mounted to the highest dignity and acquired great influence. The Claudian family, which is descended from him, is no less illustrious than any in Rome.
21.6. τοὺς μὲν γὰρ οἴκους εὐθὺς ἀνέμιξε τῷ πολιτεύματι, καί χώραν ἀπένειμεν ἑκάστῳ δυεῖν πλέθρων περὶ τὸν Ἀνίωνα ποταμόν, τῷ δὲ Κλαύσῳ πλέθρα πέντε καί εἴκοσι γῆς ἔδωκεν, αὑτὸν δὲ τῇ βουλῇ προσέγραψεν, ἀρχὴν πολιτείας λαμβάνοντα ταύτην, ᾗ χρώμενος ἐμφρόνως ἀνέδραμεν εἰς τὸ πρῶτον ἀξίωμα καί δύναμιν ἔσχε μεγάλην, καί γένος οὐδενὸς ἀμαυρότερον ἐν Ῥώμῃ τὸ Κλαυδίων ἀφʼ αὑτοῦ κατέλιπε.
22.1. Though the schism among the Sabines was thus removed by the emigration of these men, their popular leaders would not suffer them to settle down into quiet, but complained bitterly that Clausus, by becoming an exile and an enemy, should bring to pass what he could not effect by his persuasions at home namely, that Rome pay no penalty for her outrages. Setting out, therefore, within a large army, they encamped near Fidenae, and placed two thousand men-at-arms in ambush just outside of Rome in wooded hollows. Their intention was that a few of their horsemen, as soon as it was day, should boldly ravage the country.
22.1. τὰ δὲ Σαβίνων οὕτω διακριθέντα τῷ μετοικισμῷ τῶν ἀνδρῶν, οὐκ εἴασαν οἱ δημαγωγοῦντες ἀτρεμῆσαι καί καταστῆναι, σχετλιάζοντες εἰ Κλαῦσος ἃ παρὼν οὐκ ἔπεισε διαπράξεται φυγὰς γενόμενος καί πολέμιος, μὴ δοῦναι δίκην Ῥωμαίους ὧν ὑβρίζουσιν. ἄραντες οὖν στρατῷ μεγάλῳ περὶ Φιδήνας κατηυλίσαντο, καί τινα λόχον θέμενοι πρὸ τῆς Ῥώμης ἐν χωρίοις συνηρεφέσι καί κοίλοις δισχιλίους ὁπλίτας, ἔμελλον ἅμʼ ἡμέρᾳ φανερῶς ὀλίγοις ἱππεῦσι λείαν ἐλαύνειν.
22.2. But these had been ordered, whenever they approached the city and were attacked, to retire gradually until they had drawn the enemy into the ambuscade. That very day Publicola learned of this plan from deserters, and took measures accordingly, dividing up his forces. Postumius Balbus, his son-in-law, while it was yet evening went out with three thousand men-at-arms, occupied the hills under which the Sabines were lying in ambush, and kept the enemy under observation;
22.2. εἴρητο δʼ αὐτοῖς, ὅταν τῇ πόλει προσελάσωσιν, ὑποφεύγειν ἕως ἐμβάλωσιν εἰς τὴν ἐνέδραν τοὺς πολεμίους· ταῦθʼ ὁ Ποπλικόλας αὐθημερὸν πυθόμενος παρʼ αὐτομόλων ταχὺ διηρμόσατο πρὸς πάντα καί διένειμε τὴν δύναμιν. Ποστούμιος μὲν γὰρ Βάλβος ὁ γαμβρὸς αὐτοῦ τρισχιλίοις ὁπλίταις ἑσπέρας ἔτι προελθὼν καί καταλαβὼν τοὺς ἀκρολόφους, ὑφʼ οἷς ἐνήδρευον οἱ Σαβῖνοι, παρεφύλαττεν·
22.3. Lucretius, his colleague, retaining in the city the lightest armed and most impetuous troops, was ordered to attack the enemy’s horsemen as they ravaged the country; he himself took the rest of the army and encircled the enemy in their camp. Favoured by a heavy fog, at break of day Postumius, with loud shouts, fell upon the ambuscade from the heights, while Lucretius hurled his troops upon the horsemen when they rode towards the city, and Publicola attacked the camp of the enemy.
22.3. ὁ δὲ συνάρχων Λουκρήτιος ἔχων τὸ κουφότατον ἐν τῇ πόλει καί γενναιότατον ἐτάχθη τοῖς ἐλαύνουσι τὴν λείαν ἱππεῦσιν ἐπιχειρεῖν, αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν ἄλλην ἀναλαβὼν στρατιὰν κύκλῳ περιῆλθε τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ κατὰ τύχην ὁμίχλης βαθείας ἐπιπεσούσης, περὶ ὄρθρον ἅμα Ποστούμιός τε τοὺς ἐνεδρεύοντας ἐμβοήσας ἔβαλεν ἀπὸ τῶν ἄκρων, καί τοῖς προϊππασαμένοις ἐφῆκε τοὺς περὶ αὑτὸν ὁ Λουκρήτιος, καί Ποπλικόλας προσέβαλε τοῖς στρατοπέδοις τῶν πολεμίων.
22.4. At all points, then, the Sabines were worsted and undone. Whenever they were, they made no defence, but fled, and the Romans straightway slew them. The very hopes they placed in one another proved most fatal to them. For each party, supposing that the other was safe, had no thought of in holding their ground and fighting, but those in the camp ran towards those in the ambuscade, while these, on their part, ran to those in the camp, so that fugitives encountered fugitives, and found those needing succour from whom they expected succour themselves.
22.4. πάντη μὲν οὖν ἐκακοῦτο τ ὰ Σαβίνων καί διεφθείρετο· τοὺς δʼ ἐνταῦθα μηδʼ ἀμυνομένους, ἀλλὰ φεύγοντας, εὐθὺς ἔκτεινον οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι, τῆς ἐλπίδος αὐτοῖς ὀλεθριωτάτης γενομένης. σῴζεσθαι γὰρ οἰόμενοι τοὺς ἑτέρους οἱ ἕτεροι τῷ μάχεσθαι καί μένειν οὐ προσεῖχον, ἀλλʼ οἱ μὲν ἐκ τῶν ἐρυμάτων πρὸς τοὺς ἐνεδρεύοντας, οἱ δὲ πάλιν ὡς ἐκείνους εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον θέοντες ἐναντίοι φεύγουσιν ἐνέπιπτον πρὸς οὓς ἔφευγον καί βοηθείας δεομένοις οὓς ἤλπιζον αὐτοῖς βοηθήσειν.
22.5. And all the Sabines would have perished, had not the neighboring city of Fidenae afforded a refuge to some, especially to those who fled from the camp when it was captured. All who did not gain this city were either slain or brought back to Rome as prisoners.
22.5. τὸ δὲ μὴ πάντας ἀπολέσθαι τοὺς Σαβίνους, ἀλλὰ καί περιγενέσθαι τινάς ἡ Φιδηνατῶν πόλις ἐγγὺς οὖσα παρέσχε, καί μάλιστα τοῖς ἐκ τῶν στρατοπέδων, ὅθʼ ἡλίσκετο, διεκπίπτουσιν. ὅσοι δὲ Φιδηνῶν διήμαρτον διεφθάρησαν ἢ ζῶντες ἀπήχθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν λαβόντων.
23.1. This success the Romans, although they were wont to attribute all such great events to the influence of the gods, considered to be the work of their general alone. And the first thing his soldiers were heard to say was that Publicola had delivered their enemies into their hands lame, blind, and all but imprisoned, to be dispatched by their swords. Great wealth also accrued to the people from the spoils and prisoners.
23.1. τοῦτο τὸ κατόρθωμα Ῥωμαῖοι, καίπερ εἰωθότες ἅπασι τοῖς μεγάλοις ἐπιφημίζειν τὸ δαιμόνιον, ἑνὸς ἔργον ἡγοῦντο τοῦ στρατηγοῦ γεγονέναι. καὶ τῶν μεμαχημένων πρῶτον ἦν ἀκούειν ὅτι χωλοὺς καὶ τυφλοὺς αὐτοῖς καὶ μόνον οὐ καθείρξας τοὺς πολεμίους Ποπλικόλας παρέδωκε χρῆσθαι τοῖς ξίφεσιν. ἐρρώσθη δὲ καὶ χρήμασιν ὁ δῆμος ἐκ τῶν λαφύρων καὶ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων.
23.2. But Publicola, immediately after celebrating his triumph and handing the city over to the consuls appointed to succeed him, died. So far as it can possibly be achieved by men who are regarded as honourable and good, he had brought his life to perfection. The people, as if they had done nothing to show their esteem for him while he was alive, but owed him every homage, decreed that his body should be buried at the public charge, and that every man should contribute a quadrans towards the honour.
23.2. ὁ δὲ Ποπλικόλας τόν τε θρίαμβον ἀγαγὼν καὶ τοῖς μετʼ αὐτὸν ἀποδειχθεῖσιν ὑπάτοις παραδοὺς τὴν πόλιν εὐθὺς ἐτελεύτησεν, ὡς ἐφικτόν ἐστιν ἀνθρώποις μάλιστα τοῖς νενομισμένοις καλοῖς καὶ ἀγαθοῖς, τόν ἑαυτοῦ βίον ἐκτελειώσας. ὁ δὲ δῆμος ὥσπερ οὐδὲν εἰς ζῶντα τῶν ἀξίων πεποιηκώς, ἀλλὰ πᾶσαν ὀφείλων χάριν, ἐψηφίσατο δημοσίᾳ ταφῆναι τὸ σῶμα, καὶ τεταρτημόριον ἕκαστον ἐπὶ τιμῇ συνεισενεγκεῖν.
23.3. The women also, by private agreement amongst themselves, mourned a whole year for him, with a mourning which was honourable and enviable. He was buried, too, by express vote of the citizens, within the city, near the so-called Velia, and all his family were to have privilege of burial there. Now, however, none of the family is actually buried there, but the body is carried thither and set down, and some one takes a burning torch and molds it under the bier for an instant, and then takes it away, attesting by this act that the deceased has the right of burial there, but relinquishes the honour. After this the body is borne away.
23.3. αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες, ἰδίᾳ πρὸς αὑτὰς συμφρονήσασαι, διεπένθησαν ἐνιαυτὸν ὅλον ἐπὶ τῷ ἀνδρὶ πένθος ἔντιμον καὶ ζηλωτόν. ἐτάφη δὲ καὶ οὕτως τῶν πολιτῶν ψηφισαμένων ἐντὸς ἄστεος παρὰ τὴν καλουμένην Οὐελίαν, ὥστε καὶ γένει παντὶ τῆς ταφῆς μετεῖναι· νῦν δὲ θάπτεται μὲν οὐδεὶς τῶν ἀπὸ γένους, κομίσαντες δὲ τόν νεκρὸν ἐκεῖ κατατίθενται καὶ δᾷδά τις ἡμμένην λαβὼν ὅσον ὑπήνεγκεν, εἶτα ἀναιρεῖται, μαρτυρόμενος ἔργῳ τὸ ἐξεῖναι, φείδεσθαι δὲ τῆς τιμῆς, καὶ τόν νεκρὸν οὕτως ἀποκομίζουσιν.