2. The Celtiberians, after making a truce with the consul M. Claudius Marcellus, had sent ambassadors to Rome who remained there quietly waiting for the answer of the Senate. Meanwhile M. Claudius went on an expedition against the Lusitani, took Nercobrica by assault, and then went into winter quarters at Corduba. Of the ambassadors who came to Rome the Senate admitted those from the Belli and Titthi, who were on the side of Rome, to enter the city; but ordered those from the Arevacae to lodge on the other side of the Tiber, as being at war with Rome, until such time as the Senate should have decided the whole question. When the time for the interview was come, the praetor introduced the envoys from their allies first. Barbarians as they were, they made a set speech, and endeavoured to explain clearly the causes of all the dissension prevailing in their country: pointing out that “Unless those who had broken out into war were reduced to tranquillity and punished as they deserved, the very moment the Roman legions left Iberia, they would inflict punishment upon the Belli and Titthi as traitors; and that if they escaped unpunished for their first act of hostility, they would make all the tribes in Iberia ripe for an outbreak from the belief that they were capable of coping with Rome. They begged, therefore, that the legions should remain in Iberia, and that each year a consul should come thither to protect the allies of Rome and punish the depredations of the Arevacae; or, if they wished to withdraw the legions, they should first take signal vengeance for the outbreak of this tribe, that no one might venture to do the like again.” Such, or to this effect, was the speech of the envoys of the Belli and Titthi who were in alliance with Rome. The envoys of the hostile tribe were then introduced. On coming forward the Arevacae assumed a feigned tone of submission and humility in the language of their answer, without being, as was evident, at all yielding in their hearts or acknowledging themselves beaten. On the contrary, they continually hinted at the uncertainty of fortune; and speaking of the battles that had taken place as undecided, they conveyed the impression that they had had the best of the contest in them all. The upshot of their speech was this: “If they must submit to some definite mulct for their error, they were ready to do so: but, when that was completed, they demanded that things should revert to the position fixed by their treaty made with the Senate in the time of Tiberius Gracchus.”
2. τῶν δὲ πρέσβεων εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην παραγενομένων, τοὺς μὲν παρὰ τῶν Βελλῶν καὶ Τίττων, ὅσοι τὰ Ῥωμαίων ᾑροῦντο, παρεδέξαντο πάντας εἰς τὴν πόλιν, τοὺς δὲ παρὰ τῶν Ἀραυακῶν πέραν τοῦ Τιβέρεως ἐκέλευσαν κατασκηνοῦν διὰ τὸ πολεμίους ὑπάρχειν, ἕως βουλεύσωνται περὶ τῶν ὅλων. γενομένου δὲ καιροῦ πρὸς ἔντευξιν, κατὰ πόλιν ὁ στρατηγὸς εἰσῆγε τοὺς συμμάχους. οἱ δὲ καίπερ ὄντες βάρβαροι διετίθεντο λόγους καὶ πάσας ἐξευκρινεῖν ἐπειρῶντο τὰς διαφοράς, ὑποδεικνύντες ὡς, εἰ μὴ συσταλήσονται καὶ τεύξονται τῆς ἁρμοζούσης κολάσεως οἱ πεπολεμηκότες, παραυτίκα μέν, ἐπανελθόντων τῶν Ῥωμαϊκῶν στρατοπέδων ἐκ τῆς Ἰβηρίας, ἐκ χειρὸς προσεπιθήσουσι τὴν δίκην αὐτοῖς. ὡς προδόταις γεγονόσι, ταχὺ δὲ πάλιν αὐτοὶ κινήσουσι πραγμάτων ἀρχήν, ἐὰν ἀνεπιτίμητοι διαφύγωσιν ἐκ τῆς πρώτης ἁμαρτίας, ἑτοίμους δὲ πάντας πρὸς καινοτομίαν ποιήσουσι τοὺς κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν, ὡς ἱκανοὶ γεγονότες ἀντίπαλοι Ῥωμαίοις. διόπερ ἠξίουν ἢ μένειν τὰ στρατόπεδα κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν καὶ διαβαίνειν καθʼ ἕκαστον ἔτος ὕπατον ἐφεδρεύσοντα τοῖς συμμάχοις καὶ κολάσοντα τὰς Ἀραυακῶν ἀδικίας, ἢ βουλομένους ἀπάγειν τὰς δυνάμεις παραδειγματιστέον εἶναι τὴν τῶν προειρημένων ἐπανάστασιν, ἵνα μηδεὶς ἔτι ποιεῖν θαρρῇ τὸ παραπλήσιον τούτοις. οἱ μὲν οὖν Βελλῶν καὶ Τίττων συμμαχοῦντες Ῥωμαίοις ταῦτα καὶ τὰ τούτοις παραπλήσια διελέχθησαν. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις εἰσῆγον τοὺς παρὰ τῶν πολεμίων. οἱ δʼ Ἀραυάκαι παρελθόντες κατὰ μὲν τὴν ὑπόκρισιν ἐχρῶντο τοῖς λόγοις ὑποπεπτωκότως καὶ ταπεινῶς, τῇ γε μὴν προαιρέσει [ὡς] διέφαινον οὐκ εἰκούσῃ τοῖς ὅλοις οὐδʼ ἡττωμένῃ. καὶ γὰρ τὰ τῆς τύχης ἄδηλα πολλάκις ὑπεδείκνυον καὶ τὰς προγεγενημένας μάχας ἀμφιδηρίτους ποιοῦντες ἐν πάσαις ἔμφασιν ἀπέλειπον ὡς ἐπικυδεστέρων αὐτῶν γεγονότων. τέλος δʼ ἦν τῶν λόγων· εἰ μέν τι δεῖ ῥητὸν πρόστιμον ὑπομένειν τῆς ἀγνοίας, ἀναδέχεσθαι τοῦτʼ ἔφασαν, τελεσθέντος δὲ τοῦ προστάγματος ἐπανάγειν ἠξίουν ἐπὶ τὰς κατὰ Τεβέριον ὁμολογίας αὐτοῖς γενομένας πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον.
3. The Senators having thus heard both sides called in the legates from Marcellus; and when they saw that they also were inclined to a pacification, and that Marcellus was more inclined to favour the enemy than the allied tribes, they answered the Arevacae that Marcellus would declare in Iberia to both parties the decision of the Senate. However, they were convinced in their own minds that their true interests were such as the envoys of the allied tribes suggested, and that the Arevacae were still inclined to haughty independence, and that their own commander was afraid of them: they therefore gave secret instructions to the legates of Marcellus to carry on the war with spirit, and as the honour of the country demanded. But when they had thus determined on a continuance of the war, feeling no confidence in Marcellus, they determined first of all to send a commander to relieve him in Iberia, as the new consuls Aulus Postumius and Lucius Licinius Lucullus had just taken up their office. They then entered with spirit and vigour on their preparations, because they believed that the Iberian question would be decided by the result of this campaign: if these enemies were beaten, they assumed that all others would accept the orders of Rome; but that, if the Arevacae proved able to ward off the punishment that threatened them, not only would their spirits be again raised, but those of all the other Iberian tribes besides.
3. οἱ δʼ ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ διακούσαντες ἀμφοτέρων εἰσήγαγον τοὺς παρὰ τοῦ Μαρκέλλου πρέσβεις. θεωροῦντες δὲ καὶ τούτους ῥέποντας ἐπὶ τὴν διάλυσιν καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν προσνέμοντα τὴν αὑτοῦ γνώμην τοῖς πολεμίοις μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς συμμάχοις, τοῖς μὲν Ἀραυάκαις ἔδωκαν καὶ τοῖς συμμάχοις ἀπόκρισιν ὅτι Μάρκελλος ἀμφοτέροις ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ διασαφήσει τὴν τῆς συγκλήτου γνώμην, αὐτοὶ δὲ νομίσαντες τοὺς συμμάχους ἀληθῆ καὶ συμφέροντα σφίσι λέγειν, τοὺς δʼ Ἀραυάκας ἀκμὴν μεγαλοφρονεῖν, τὸν δὲ στρατηγὸν ἀποδειλιᾶν τὸν πόλεμον, ἐντολὰς ἔδωκαν διʼ ἀπορρήτων τοῖς παρʼ ἐκείνου πρεσβευταῖς πολεμεῖν γενναίως καὶ τῆς πατρίδος ἀξίως. ἐπειδὴ δὲ τὸν πόλεμον ἐποίησαν κατάμονον, πρῶτον μὲν τῷ Μαρκέλλῳ διαπιστήσαντες ἕτερον στρατηγὸν ἔμελλον διαπέμπειν εἰς τὴν Ἰβηρίαν· ἤδη γὰρ ἔτυχον ὕπατοι τότε καθεσταμένοι καὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς παρειληφότες Αὖλος Ποστόμιος καὶ Λεύκιος Λικίννιος Λεύκολλος. ἔπειτα περὶ τὰς παρασκευὰς ἐγίνοντο φιλοτίμως καὶ μεγαλομερῶς, νομίζοντες διὰ ταύτης τῆς πράξεως κριθήσεσθαι τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν· κρατηθέντων μὲν γὰρ τῶν ἐχθρῶν πάντας ὑπέλαβον σφίσι ποιήσειν τὸ προσταττόμενον, ἀποστρεψαμένων δὲ τὸν ἐνεστῶτα φόβον οὐ μόνον Ἀραυάκας καταθαρρήσειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας.
4. The more determined however the Senate was to carry on the war, the greater became their embarrassment. For the report brought to Rome by Q. Fulvius Nobilior, the commander in Iberia in the previous year (B. C. 153), and those who had served under him, of the perpetual recurrence of the pitched battles, the number of the fallen, and the valour of the Celtiberians, combined with the notorious fact that Marcellus shrank in terror from the war, caused such a panic in the minds of the new levies as the old men declared had never happened before. To such an extent did the panic go, that sufficient men were not found to come forward for the office of military tribune, and these posts were consequently not entirely filled up; whereas heretofore a larger number than were wanted had been wont to volunteer for the duty: nor would the men nominated by the Consuls as legati to accompany the commanders consent to serve; and, worst of all, the young men tried to avoid the levies, and put forward such excuses as were disgraceful for them to allege, and beneath the investigation of the Consuls, and yet impossible to refute. But at length, in this embarrassment of the Senate and magistrates, when they were wondering what was to be the end of this shameless conduct of the young men, for they could call it nothing else, Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus, who, though still a young man, had been one of those to advise the war, and who, though he had already acquired a reputation for high principle and pure morality, had not been known for his personal courage, seeing the Senate was in a difficulty, stood up and bade them send him to Iberia, either as military tribune or legatus, for he was ready to serve in either capacity. “Though, as far as I am concerned,” he said, “my mission to Macedonia would be safer and more appropriate”—for it happened that at that time Scipio was personally and by name invited by the Macedonians to come and settle the disputes which were raging among them—“yet the needs of my own country are the more pressing of the two, and imperatively summon to Iberia all who have a genuine love of honour.” This offer was unexpected by all, both from the youth of Scipio and his general character for caution, and consequently he became exceedingly popular on the spot, and still more so on subsequent days. For those who had before shrunk from the danger of the service, now, from dislike of the sorry figure they made in comparison with him, began volunteering to serve. Some offered to go as legati to the generals, and others in groups and clubs entered their names on the muster rolls....
4. ὅσῳ δὲ φιλοτιμότερον ἡ σύγκλητος διέκειτο πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον, τοσούτῳ σφίσι τὰ πράγματʼ ἀπέβαινε παραδοξότερα. τοῦ μὲν γὰρ Κοΐντου τοῦ τὸν πρότερον ἐνιαυτὸν στρατηγήσαντος ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ καὶ τῶν μετʼ αὐτοῦ στρατευσαμένων ἠγγελκότων εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην τήν τε συνέχειαν τῶν ἐκ παρατάξεως κινδύνων καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἀπολωλότων καὶ τὴν ἀνδρείαν τῶν Κελτιβήρων, τοῦ δὲ Μαρκέλλου προφανῶς ἀποδειλιῶντος τὸν πόλεμον, ἐνέπεσέ τις πτοία τοῖς νέοις παράλογος, οἵαν οὐκ ἔφασαν οἱ πρεσβῦται γεγενημένην πρότερον. εἰς γὰρ τοῦτο προύβη τὰ τῆς ἀποδειλιάσεως ὥστε μήτε χιλιάρχους προπορεύεσθαι πρὸς τὴν ἀρχὴν τοὺς ἱκανούς, ἀλλʼ ἐλλείπειν τὰς χώρας, τὸ πρότερον εἰθισμένων πολλαπλασιόνων προπορεύεσθαι τῶν καθηκόντων, μήτε τοὺς εἰσφερομένους ὑπὸ τῶν ὑπάτων πρεσβευτὰς ὑπακούειν, οὓς ἔδει πορεύεσθαι μετὰ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, τοὺς νέους διακλίνειν τὰς καταγραφὰς καὶ τοιαύτας πορίζεσθαι προφάσεις ἃς λέγειν μὲν αἰσχρὸν ἦν, ἐξετάζειν δʼ ἀπρεπές, ἐπιτέμνειν δʼ ἀδύνατον. τέλος δὲ καὶ τῆς συγκλήτου καὶ τῶν ἀρχόντων ἐν ἀμηχανίαις ὄντων τί τὸ πέρας ἔσται τῆς τῶν νέων ἀναισχυντίας — τούτῳ γὰρ ἠναγκάζοντο χρῆσθαι τῷ ῥήματι διὰ τὰ συμβαίνοντα — Πόπλιος Κορνήλιος [Ἀφρικανός], νέος μὲν ὤν, δοκῶν δὲ σύμβουλος γεγονέναι τοῦ πολέμου, τὴν ἐπὶ καλοκἀγαθίᾳ καὶ σωφροσύνῃ δόξαν ὁμολογουμένην πεποιημένος, τῆς δʼ ἐπʼ ἀνδρείᾳ φήμης προσδεόμενος, θεωρῶν τὴν σύγκλητον ἀπορουμένην, ἀναστὰς εἶπεν εἴτε χιλίαρχον εἴτε πρεσβευτὴν πέμπειν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν Ἰβηρίαν μετὰ τῶν ὑπάτων ἐξεῖναι· πρὸς ἀμφότερα γὰρ ἑτοίμως ἔχειν. καίτοι γʼ ἔφη κατʼ ἰδίαν μὲν αὑτῷ τὴν εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἔξοδον ἅμα μὲν ἀσφαλεστέραν ἅμα δʼ οἰκειοτέραν εἶναι· συνέβαινε γὰρ τότε τοὺς Μακεδόνας ἐπʼ ὀνόματος καλεῖν τὸν Σκιπίωνα διαλύσοντα τὰς ἐν αὐτοῖς στάσεις· ἀλλὰ τοὺς τῆς πατρίδος καιροὺς ἔφη κατεπείγειν μᾶλλον καὶ καλεῖν εἰς τὴν Ἰβηρίαν τοὺς ἀληθινῶς φιλοδοξοῦντας. πᾶσιν δὲ παραδόξου φανείσης τῆς ἐπαγγελίας καὶ διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν καὶ διὰ τὴν ἄλλην εὐλάβειαν, παραυτίκα μὲν εὐθέως συνέβη μεγάλην ἀποδοχὴν γενέσθαι τοῦ Σκιπίωνος, ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ταῖς ἑξῆς ἡμέραις· οἱ γὰρ πρότερον ἀποδειλιῶντες, ἐκτρεπόμενοι τὸν ἐκ παραθέσεως ἔλεγχον, οἱ μὲν πρεσβεύσειν ἐθελοντὴν ἐπηγγέλλοντο τοῖς στρατηγοῖς, οἱ δὲ πρὸς τὰς στρατιωτικὰς καταγραφὰς προσεπορεύοντο κατὰ συστρέμματα καὶ συνηθείας. — Πολύβιος·
5. In Scipio’s mind there rose a contest of feelings, and a hesitation as to whether he ought to meet the barbarian and fight him in single combat.... Scipio’s horse was much distressed by the blow, but did not come down entirely, and accordingly Scipio managed to light on his feet....
5. ἐνέπεσε δέ τις ὁρμὴ τῷ Σκιπίωνι καὶ διαπόρησις, εἰ δεῖ συμβαλεῖν καὶ μονομαχῆσαι πρὸς τὸν βάρβαρον. — Πολύβιος … καὶ ἀλλαχοῦ· ὁ δʼ ἵππος ὁ τοῦ Σκιπίωνος ἐδυσχρήστησε μὲν ὑπὸ τῆς πληγῆς, οὐ μὴν ὁλοσχερῶς ἐσφάλμησε. διόπερ ὀρθὸς ἀπέπεσεν ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν ὁ Σκιπίων· Πολύβιος.
6. Cato was consulted by Scipio, at the request of Polybius, on behalf of the Achaeans; and when the debate in the Senate, between the party who wished to grant it and the party that opposed it, was protracted to a considerable length, Cato stood up and said: “As though we had nothing else to do, we sit here the whole day debating whether some old Greek dotards should be buried by Italian or Achaean undertakers!” Their restoration being voted, Polybius and his friends, after a few days’ interval, were for appearing before the Senate again, with a petition that the exiles should enjoy the same honours in Achaia as they had before. Cato, however, remarked with a smile that Polybius, like another Odysseus, wanted to go a second time into the cave of the Cyclops, because he had forgotten his cap and belt....
6. ὑπὲρ δὲ τῶν ἐξ Ἀχαΐας φυγάδων ἐντευχθεὶς διὰ Πολύβιον ὑπὸ Σκιπίωνος, ὡς πολὺς ἐν τῇ συγκλήτῳ λόγος ἐγίνετο, τῶν μὲν διδόντων κάθοδον αὐτοῖς, τῶν δʼ ἐνισταμένων, ἀναστὰς ὁ Κάτων " ὥσπερ οὐκ ἔχοντεσ" εἶπεν "ὃ πράττωμεν, καθήμεθα τὴν ἡμέραν ὅλην περὶ γεροντίων Γραικῶν ζητοῦντες, πότερον ὑπὸ τῶν παρʼ ἡμῖν ἢ τῶν ἐν Ἀχαΐᾳ νεκροφόρων ἐκκομισθῶσι. " ψηφισθείσης δὲ τῆς καθόδου τοῖς ἀνδράσιν, ἡμέρας ὀλίγας οἱ περὶ τὸν Πολύβιον διαλιπόντες αὖθις ἐπεχείρουν εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον εἰσελθεῖν, ὅπως ἃς πρότερον εἶχον ἐν Ἀχαΐᾳ τιμὰς οἱ φυγάδες ἀναλάβοιεν, καὶ τοῦ Κάτωνος ἀπεπειρῶντο τῆς γνώμης. ὁ δὲ μειδιάσας ἔφη τὸν Πολύβιον, ὥσπερ τὸν Ὀδυσσέα, βούλεσθαι πάλιν εἰς τὸ τοῦ Κύκλωπος σπήλαιον εἰσελθεῖν, τὸ πιλίον ἐκεῖ καὶ τὴν ζώνην ἐπιλελησμένον ἴσως δέ τινες ἐπιζητοῦσι πῶς ἡμεῖς οὐκ ἐν ἀγωνίσματι κεχρήμεθα προφερόμενοι τοὺς κατὰ μέρος λόγους, τοιαύτης ὑποθέσεως ἐπειλημμένοι καὶ τηλικαύτης πράξεως·