1. IT may occur to some to ask why I have not given a dramatic turn to my narrative, now that I have so striking a theme and a subject of such importance, by recording the actual speeches delivered; a thing which the majority of historians have done, by giving the appropriate arguments used on either side. That I do not reject this method altogether I have shown in several parts of my work, in which I have recorded popular harangues and expositions delivered by statesmen; but that I am not inclined to employ it on every occasion alike will now be made clear; for it would not be easy to find a subject more remarkable than this, nor material more ample for instituting a comparison of such a character. Nor indeed could any form of composition be more convenient to me. Still, as I do not think it becoming in statesmen to be ready with argument and exposition on every subject of debate without distinction, but rather to adapt their speeches to the nature of the particular occasion, so neither do I think it right for historians to practise their skill or show off their ability upon their readers: they ought on the contrary to devote their whole energies to discover and record what was really and truly said, and even of such words only those that are the most opportune and essential....
1. ὅπερ οἱ πλεῖστοι ποιοῦσι τῶν συγγραφέων, εἰς ἀμφότερα τὰ μέρη διατιθέμενοι τοὺς ἐνόντας λόγους. ἐγὼ δὲ διότι μὲν οὐκ ἀποδοκιμάζω τοῦτο τὸ μέρος, ἐν πλείοσι τόποις τῆς ἱστορίας δῆλον πεποίημαι, πολλάκις ἀπηγγελκὼς δημηγορίας καὶ συντάξεις ἀνδρῶν πολιτικῶν· ὅτι δʼ οὐκ ἐκ παντὸς τρόπου τοῦτο προαιροῦμαι πράττειν, νῦν ἔσται συμφανές· οὔτε γὰρ ὑπόθεσιν ἐπιφανεστέραν ταύτης εὑρεῖν ῥᾴδιον οὔθʼ ὕλην πλείω καὶ παράθεσιν. καὶ μὴν οὐδὲ προχειρότερον ἕτερον ἐμοὶ τῆς τοιαύτης παρασκευῆς. ἀλλʼ οὔτε τοῖς πολιτικοῖς ἀνδράσιν οἶμαι πρέπειν πρὸς πᾶν τὸ προτεθὲν διαβούλιον εὑρησιλογεῖν καὶ διεξοδικοῖς χρῆσθαι λόγοις, ἀλλʼ ἀεὶ τοῖς ἁρμόζουσι πρὸς τὸν ὑποκείμενον καιρόν, οὔτε τοῖς ἱστοριογράφοις ἐμμελετᾶν τοῖς ἀκούουσιν οὐδʼ ἐναποδείκνυσθαι τὴν αὑτῶν δύναμιν, ἀλλὰ τὰ κατʼ ἀλήθειαν ῥηθέντα καθʼ ὅσον οἷόν τε πολυπραγμονήσαντας διασαφεῖν, καὶ τούτων τὰ καιριώτατα καὶ πραγματικώτατα. — πάλαι δὲ τούτου κεκυρωμένου βεβαίως ἐν ταῖς ἑκάστων γνώμαις καιρὸν ἐζήτουν ἐπιτήδειον καὶ πρόφασιν εὐσχήμονα πρὸς τοὺς ἐκτός.
2. This idea having been firmly fixed in the minds of all, they looked out for a suitable opportunity and a decent pretext to justify them in the eyes of the world. For indeed the Romans were quite rightly very careful on this point. For instance, the general impression that they were justified in entering upon the war with Demetrius enhances the value of their victories, and diminishes the risks incurred by their defeats; but if the pretext for doing so is lame and poor the contrary effects are produced. Accordingly, as they differed as to the sentiments of the outer world on the subject, they were very nearly abandoning the war...
2. πολὺ γὰρ δὴ τούτου τοῦ μέρους ἐφρόντιζον Ῥωμαῖοι, καλῶς φρονοῦντες· ἔνστασις γὰρ πολέμου κατὰ τὸν Δημήτριον δικαία μὲν εἶναι δοκοῦσα καὶ τὰ νικήματα ποιεῖ μείζω καὶ τὰς ἀποτεύξεις ἀσφαλεστέρας, ἀσχήμων δὲ καὶ φαύλη τοὐναντίον ἀπεργάζεται· διὸ καὶ τότε περὶ τῆς τῶν ἐκτὸς διαλήψεως πρὸς ἀλλήλους διαφερόμενοι παρʼ ὀλίγον ἀπέστησαν τοῦ πολέμου. — ὅτι τῶν Καρχηδονίων πάλαι βουλευομένων περὶ τοῦ πῶς ἀπαντῆσαι δεῖ πρὸς τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀπόκρισιν, καὶ τῶν Ἰτυκαίων ὑποτεμομένων τὴν ἐπίνοιαν αὐτῶν, τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις τὴν ἑαυτῶν παραδόντων πόλιν, ὁλοσχερὴς ἀμηχανία περιέστη τοὺς ἀνθρώπους.
3. When the Carthaginians had been some time deliberating how they should meet the message from Rome they were reduced to a state of the utmost embarrassment by the people of Utica anticipating their design by putting themselves under the protection of Rome. This seemed their only hope of safety left: and they imagined that such a step must win them favour at Rome: for to submit to put themselves and their country under control was a thing which they had never done even in their darkest hour of danger and defeat, with the enemy at their very walls. And now they had lost all the fruit of this resolve by being anticipated by the people of Utica; for it would appear nothing novel or strange to the Romans if they only did the same as that people. Accordingly, with a choice of two evils only left, to accept war with courage or to surrender their independence, after a long and anxious discussion held secretly in the Senate-house, they appointed two ambassadors with plenary powers, and instructed them, that, in view of the existing state of things, they should do what seemed for the advantage of their country. The names of these envoys were Gisco Strytanus, Hamilcar, Misdes, Gillimas, and Mago. When they reached Rome from Carthage, they found war already decreed and the generals actually started with their forces. Circumstances, therefore, no longer giving them any power of deliberating, they offered an unconditional surrender.
3. μιᾶς γὰρ ἐλπίδος ἔτι φαινομένης αὐτοῖς, εἰ συγκαταβαῖεν εἰς τὸ δοῦναι τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν περὶ αὑτῶν, διότι πάντως εὐδοκεῖν ποιήσουσι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, διὰ τὸ μηδʼ ἐν ταῖς μεγίσταις περιστάσεσιν καταπολεμηθέντες, καὶ πρὸς τοῖς τείχεσι τῶν πολεμίων ὑπαρχόντων, μηδέποτε τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν δεδωκέναι τῆς πατρίδος, καὶ ταύτης τῆς ἐπινοίας τὸν καρπὸν ἀπέβαλον, προκαταληφθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν Ἰτυκαίων· οὐδὲν γὰρ ξένον οὐδὲ παράδοξον ἔμελλε φανήσεσθαι τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις, εἰ ταὐτὸν ποιήσαιεν τοῖς προειρημένοις. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ κακῶν αἱρέσεως καταλειπομένης, ἢ τὸν πόλεμον ἀναδέχεσθαι γενναίως ἢ διδόναι τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν περὶ τῶν καθʼ αὑτούς, πολλοὺς καὶ ποικίλους ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ διʼ ἀπορρήτων ποιησάμενοι λόγους κατέστησαν πρεσβευτὰς αὐτοκράτορας, καὶ τούτους ἐξαπέστελλον, δόντες ἐντολὴν βλέποντας πρὸς τὰ παρόντα πράττειν τὸ δοκοῦν συμφέρειν τῇ πατρίδι, ἦσαν δʼ οἱ πρεσβεύοντες Γίσκων Στρυτάνος ἐπικαλούμενος, Ἀμίλκας, Μίσδης, Γιλλίμας, Μάγων. ἥκοντες δʼ οἱ πρέσβεις παρὰ τῶν Καρχηδονίων εἰς Ῥώμην καὶ καταλαβόντες πόλεμον δεδογμένον καὶ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ὡρμηκότας μετὰ τῶν δυνάμεων, οὐκέτι διδόντων βουλὴν αὐτοῖς τῶν πραγμάτων, ἔδωκαν τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν περὶ αὑτῶν.
4. I have spoken before about what this implies, but I must in this place also briefly remind my readers of its import. Those who thus surrender themselves to the Roman authority, surrender all territory and the cities in it, together with all men and women in all such territory or cities, likewise rivers, harbours, temples, and tombs, so that the Romans should become actual lords of all these, and those who surrender should remain lords of nothing whatever. On the Carthaginians making a surrender to this effect, they were summoned into the Senate-house and the Praetor delivered the Senate’s decision, which was to this effect: “They had been well advised, and therefore the Senate granted them freedom and the enjoyment of their laws; and moreover, all their territory and the possession of their other property, public or private.” The Carthaginian envoys were much relieved when they heard this; thinking that, where the alternatives were both miserable, the Senate had treated them well in conceding their most necessary and important requirements. But presently the Praetor went on to state that they would enjoy these concessions on condition of sending three hundred hostages to Lilybaeum within thirty days, sons of members of the Hundred or the Senate, and obeying such commands as should be imposed on them by the consuls. This dashed their satisfaction for a time, because they had no means of knowing what orders were to be given them through the consuls; however, they started at once, being anxious to report what had occurred to their countrymen with all speed. When they arrived in Carthage and stated the facts, the citizens considered that the envoys had in all respects acted with proper caution; but they were greatly alarmed and distressed by the fact that in the answer no mention was made of the city itself.
4. περὶ δὲ τῆς ἐπιτροπῆς εἴρηται μὲν ἡμῖν καὶ πρότερον, ἀναγκαῖον δʼ ἔστιν καὶ νῦν ὑπομνῆσαι κεφαλαιωδῶς. οἱ γὰρ διδόντες αὑτοὺς εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἐπιτροπὴν διδόασι πρῶτον μὲν χώραν τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν αὐτοῖς καὶ πόλεις τὰς ἐν ταύτῃ, σὺν δὲ τούτοις ἄνδρας καὶ γυναῖκας τοὺς ὑπάρχοντας ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ καὶ ταῖς πόλεσιν ἅπαντας, ὁμοίως ποταμούς, λιμένας, ἱερά, τάφους, συλλήβδην ὥστε πάντων εἶναι κυρίους Ῥωμαίους, αὐτοὺς δὲ τοὺς διδόντας ἁπλῶς μηκέτι μηδενός. γενομένης δὲ τῆς ἀνθομολογήσεως τοιαύτης ὑπὸ τῶν Καρχηδονίων, καὶ μετʼ ὀλίγον εἰσκληθέντων αὐτῶν εἰς τὸ συνέδριον, ἔλεγεν ὁ στρατηγὸς τὴν τῆς συγκλήτου γνώμην ὅτι καλῶς αὐτῶν βεβουλευμένων δίδωσιν αὐτοῖς ἡ σύγκλητος τήν τʼ ἐλευθερίαν καὶ τοὺς νόμους, ἔτι δὲ τὴν χώραν ἅπασαν καὶ τὴν τῶν ἄλλων ὑπαρχόντων κτῆσιν καὶ κοινῇ καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν. οἱ δὲ Καρχηδόνιοι ταῦτʼ ἀκούσαντες ἔχαιρον, δόξαντες ὡς ἐν κακῶν αἱρέσει καλῶς σφίσιν κεχρῆσθαι τὴν σύγκλητον, ἅτε τῶν ἀναγκαιοτάτων καὶ μεγίστων αὐτοῖς συγκεχωρημένων. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τοῦ στρατηγοῦ διασαφοῦντος διότι τεύξονται τούτων, ἐὰν τριακοσίους ὁμήρους εἰς τὸ Λιλύβαιον ἐκπέμψωσιν ἐν τριάκονθʼ ἡμέραις τοὺς υἱοὺς τῶν ἐκ τῆς συγκλήτου καὶ τῆς γερουσίας καὶ τοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν ὑπάτων παραγγελλομένοις πειθαρχήσωσιν, ἐπὶ ποσὸν ἠπόρησαν ποῖα τὰ διὰ τῶν ὑπάτων αὐτοῖς ἔσται παραγγελλόμενα· πλὴν τότε γʼ ἐξ αὐτῆς ὥρμησαν, σπεύδοντες ἀναγγεῖλαι τῇ πατρίδι περὶ τούτων. παραγενόμενοι δʼ εἰς τὴν Καρχηδόνα διεσάφουν τοῖς πολίταις τὰ κατὰ μέρος. οἱ δὲ διακούσαντες τἄλλα μὲν ἐνδεχομένως ἐνόμιζον βεβουλεῦσθαι τοὺς πρεσβευτάς, περὶ δὲ πόλεως μὴ γεγονέναι μνείαν εἰς μεγάλην ἐπίστασιν αὐτοὺς ἦγε καὶ πολλὴν ἀμηχανίαν.
5. At this juncture they say that Mago Brettius delivered a manly and statesmanlike speech. He said: “The Carthaginians had two opportunities of taking counsel in regard to themselves and their country, one of which they had let pass; for in good truth it was no use now to question what was going to be enjoined on them by the consuls, and why it was that the Senate had made no mention of the city: they should have done that when they made the surrender. Having once made that, they must clearly make up their mind to the necessity of submitting to every possible injunction, unless it should prove to be something unbearably oppressive or beyond what they could possibly expect. If they would not do this, they must now consider whether they preferred to stand an invasion and all its possible consequences, or, in terror of the attack of the enemy, accept without resistance every order they might impose upon them.” But as the imminence of war and the uncertainty of the future made every one inclined to submit to these injunctions, it was decided to send the hostages to Lilybaeum. Three hundred young men were forthwith selected and sent to Lilybaeum amidst loud expressions of sorrow and tears, each of them being escorted by his nearest friends and relations, the whole scene being made especially moving by the lamentations of the women. On landing at Lilybaeum the hostages were at once handed over by the consuls to Quintus Fabius Maximus, who had been appointed to the command in Sicily at that time. By him they were safely conveyed to Rome and confined in the dockyard of the six-benched ships.
5. ἐν δὲ τῷ καιρῷ τούτῳ φασὶ Μάγωνα τὸν Βρέττιον χρήσασθαι λόγοις ἀνδρώδεσι καὶ πραγματικοῖς. δύο γάρ, ὡς ἔοικε, καιροὺς ἔφασκεν εἶναι τοῦ βουλεύσασθαι περὶ σφῶν καὶ τῆς πατρίδος, ὧν τὸν μὲν ἕνα παρεῖσθαι. δεῖν γὰρ οὐ μὰ Δία νῦν διαπορεῖν τί διὰ τῶν ὑπάτων αὐτοῖς παραγγελθήσεται, καὶ διὰ τί περὶ πόλεως οὐδεμίαν ἐποιήσατο μνείαν ἡ σύγκλητος, ἀλλὰ καθʼ ὃν καιρὸν ἐδίδοσαν τὴν ἐπιτροπήν· δόντας δὲ σαφῶς γινώσκειν διότι πᾶν τὸ παραγγελλόμενον ἐπιδεκτέον ἐστίν, ἐὰν μὴ τελέως ὑπερήφανον ᾖ καὶ παρὰ τὴν προσδοκίαν· εἰ δὲ μή, τότε πάλιν βουλεύεσθαι πότερα δεῖ προσδέχεσθαι τὸν πόλεμον εἰς τὴν χώραν καὶ πάσχειν ὅ, τι ποτʼ ἂν οὗτος ἐπιφέρῃ τῶν δεινῶν, ἢ κατορρωδήσαντας τὴν τῶν πολεμίων ἔφοδον ἐθελοντὴν ἀναδέχεσθαι πᾶν τὸ προσταττόμενον. πάντων δὲ διὰ τὸν ἐφεστῶτα πόλεμον καὶ διὰ τὸ τῆς προσδοκίας ἄδηλον φερομένων ἐπὶ τὸ πειθαρχεῖν τοῖς παραγγελλομένοις, ἔδοξεν πέμπειν τοὺς ὁμήρους εἰς τὸ Λιλύβαιον. καὶ παραυτίκα καταλέξαντες τριακοσίους τῶν νέων ἐξέπεμπον μετὰ μεγάλης οἰμωγῆς καὶ δακρύων, ἅτε προπεμπόντων ἕκαστον τῶν ἀναγκαίων καὶ συγγενῶν, καὶ μάλιστα τῶν γυναικῶν ἐκκαουσῶν τὴν τοιαύτην διάθεσιν. ἐπεὶ δὲ κατέπλευσαν εἰς τὸ Λιλύβαιον, οἱ μὲν ἐξ αὐτῆς παρεδόθησαν διὰ τῶν ὑπάτων Κοΐντῳ Φαβίῳ Μαξίμῳ — συνέβαινε γὰρ τοῦτον ἐπὶ τῆς Σικελίας τετάχθαι στρατηγὸν τότε — διʼ οὗ παρακομισθέντες ἀσφαλῶς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην συνεκλείσθησαν ὁμοῦ πάντες εἰς τὸ τῆς ἑκκαιδεκήρους νεώριον καὶ τῶν μὲν ὁμήρων ἐκεῖσε παραχθέντων, οἱ στρατηγοὶ κατήχθησαν εἰς τὴν τῆς Ἰτύκης ἄκραν.
6. The hostages being thus disposed of, the consuls brought their fleet to the citadel of Utica. When news of this reached Carthage, the city was in the utmost excitement and panic, not knowing what to expect next. However, it was decided to send envoys to ask the consuls what they were to do, and to state that they were all prepared to obey orders. The envoys arrived at the Roman camp: the general’s council was summoned: and they delivered their commission. The senior Consul thereupon, after complimenting them on their policy and readiness to obey, bade them hand over all arms and missiles in their possession without subterfuge or concealment. The envoys answered that they would carry out the directions, but begged the Consul to consider what would happen if the Carthaginians surrendered all their arms, and the Romans took them and sailed away from the country. However, they gave them up.... It was clearly shown that the resources of the city were enormous, for they surrendered to the Romans more than two hundred thousand stands of arms and two thousand catapults....
6. τούτων δὲ προσπεπτωκότων τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις ὀρθὴ καὶ περίφοβος ἦν ἡ πόλις διὰ τὴν ἀδηλότητα τῶν προσδοκωμένων. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς πρεσβευτὰς πέμπειν τοὺς πευσομένους τῶν ὑπάτων τί δεῖ ποιεῖν καὶ διασαφήσοντας ὅτι πρὸς πᾶν τὸ παραγγελλόμενον ἕτοιμοι πάντες εἰσίν. τῶν δὲ πρεσβευτῶν ἀφικομένων εἰς τὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων παρεμβολήν, καὶ τοῦ συνεδρίου συναχθέντος, εἰσελθόντες οἱ πρέσβεις διελέγοντο κατὰ τὰς ἐντολάς. ὁ δὲ πρεσβύτερος τῶν ὑπάτων ἐπαινέσας αὐτῶν τὴν πρόθεσιν καὶ προαίρεσιν ἐκέλευε παραδιδόναι τά θʼ ὅπλα καὶ τὰ βέλη πάντα χωρὶς δόλου καὶ ἀπάτης. οἱ δὲ πρέσβεις ποιήσειν μὲν ἔφασαν τὸ παραγγελλόμενον, σκοπεῖσθαι δʼ αὐτοὺς ἠξίουν τὸ συμβησόμενον, ἐὰν αὐτοὶ μὲν παραχωρήσωσι τῶν ὅπλων, ἐκεῖνοι δὲ λαβόντες ἀποπλεύσωσιν. ὅμως ταῦτα ἔδωκαν. — δῆλον ἐγένετο διότι μέγα τὸ βάσταγμα τῆς πόλεως ἦν· πλείονα γὰρ εἴκοσι μυριάδων ὅπλα παρέδωκαν Ῥωμαίοις καὶ καταπέλτας δισχιλίους. — ἁπλῶς δʼ οὐδὲν εἶδος τῶν μελλόντων ἔγνωσαν, ἐξ αὐτῆς δὲ τῆς ἐμφάσεως ὀττευόμενοι τῶν πρέσβεων εἰς παντοδαπὰς οἰμωγὰς καὶ θρήνους ἐνέπιπτον.
7. The people had no idea what the announcement was going to be, but suspecting it from the expression of the envoys’ countenances, they immediately burst into a storm of cries and lamentations.... Then all the Senators, uttering a cry of horror, remained as though paralysed by the shock. But the report having quickly spread among the people, the general indignation at once found expression. Some made an attack on the envoys, as the guilty authors of their misfortunes, while others wreaked their wrath upon all Italians caught within the city, and others rushed to the town gates....
7. — οἱ δὲ πάντες ἅμʼ ἀνακεκραγότες ἐξ αὐτῆς οἱονεὶ παρελύθησαν. ταχὺ δὲ τοῦ λόγου διαδοθέντος εἰς τὸ πλῆθος, οὐκέτι συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι τὴν ἀλογίαν, ἀλλʼ οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς ὥρμων, ὡς αἰτίους σφίσι τῶν κακῶν ὄντας τούτων, οἱ δʼ ἐπὶ τοὺς κατειλημμένους τῶν Ἰταλικῶν καὶ ἐπὶ τούτους ἀπηρείσαντο τὸν θυμόν, οἱ δὲ πρὸς τὰς πύλας τῆς πόλεως — Ἀμίλκας, ὁ καὶ Φαμέας, Καρχηδονίων στρατηγός, ὃς ὑπῆρχε κατὰ μὲν τὴν ἡλικίαν ἀκμάζων καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἕξιν ἐρρωμένος, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον ἐφόδιον πρὸς πολεμικὴν χρείαν, ἱππεὺς ἄγαν ἀγαθὸς καὶ τολμηρός.
Hamilcar Phameas was the general of the Carthaginians, a man in the very prime of life and of great physical strength.
οἱ δὲ διαζηλοτυπούμενοι πρὸς τὸν Σκιπίωνα ἐπεβάλοντο διασύρειν τὰς πράξεις αὐτοῦ. —τὰς προφυλακὰς βλέπων ὁ Φαμέας,
What is of the utmost importance too for service in the field, he was an excellent and bold horseman....
ὢν οὐκ ἄψυχος, ἐξέκλινε τὰς πρὸς τὸν Σκιπίωνα συμπλοκάς. καί ποτε συνεγγίσας ταῖς ἐφεδρείαις, προβαλόμενος ὀφρὺν ἀπότομον ἐπέστη καὶ πλείω χρόνον. —
When he saw the advanced guard, Phameas, though not at all deficient in courage, avoided coming to close quarters with Scipio: and on one occasion when he had come near his reserves, he got behind the cover of the brow of a hill and halted there a considerable time....
αἱ δὲ σημεῖαι τῶν Ῥωμαίων συνεπεφεύγεσαν εἰς βουνόν· καὶ πάντων δόντων γνώμας ὁ Σκιπίων ἔφη,ὅταν ἐξ ἀκεραίου βουλεύωνται, καὶ πλείω ποιεῖσθαι πρόνοιαν τοῦ μηδὲν παθεῖν ἢ τοῦ δρᾶσαι κακῶς τοὺς ἐχθρούς. —
The Roman maniples fled to the top of a hill; and when all had given their opinions, Scipio said, “When men are consulting what measures to take at first, their object should be to avoid disaster rather than to inflict it.”...
οὐ χρὴ θαυμάζειν εἰ φιλοτιμότερον ἐξηγούμεθα τὰ κατὰ τὸν Σκιπίωνα καὶ πᾶν τὸ ῥηθὲν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ μετὰ διαστολῆς ἐξαγγέλλομεν. —Πολύβιος·ἐν γὰρ τῇ Ῥώμῃ Μάρκον Πόρκιον ἀκούσαντα τὰς ἀριστείας Σκιπίωνος εἰπεῖν [πάλιν ἄλλον πρὸς ἐκεῖνον· τί ἀκήκοας]
It ought not to excite surprise that I am more minute than usual in my account of Scipio and that I give in detail everything which he said....
οἶος πέπνυται· τοὶ δὲ σκιαὶ ἀΐσσουσιν. —οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι ὑπερευδοκούμενοι κατὰ πάντα τρόπον τῇ τοῦ Σκιπίωνος ὁμολογίᾳ καὶ τῷ χειρισμῷ τῶν πραγμάτων
When Marcius Porcius Cato heard in Rome of the glorious achievements of Scipio he uttered a palinode to his criticisms of him: “What have you heard? He alone has the breath of wisdom in him: the rest are but flitting phantoms.” THERE was a great deal of talk of all sorts in Greece, first as to the Carthaginians when the Romans conquered them, and subsequently as to the question of the pseudo-Philip.
ὅτι περὶ Καρχηδονίων, ὅτε κατεπολέμησαν αὐτοὺς οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι, καὶ περὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸν Ψευδοφίλιππον κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα πολλοὶ καὶ παντοῖοι διεφέροντο λόγοι, τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς ὑπὲρ τῶν κατὰ Καρχηδονίους, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πάλιν ὑπὲρ τῶν κατὰ τὸν Ψευδοφίλιππον.τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ Καρχηδονίους ἀμφιδοξουμένας εἶχε τὰς ἀποφάσεις καὶ τὰς διαλήψεις·
The opinions expressed in regard to the Carthaginians were widely divided, and indicated entirely opposite views.
ἔνιοι μὲν γὰρ συγκατῄνουν τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις, φάσκοντες αὐτοὺς φρονίμως καὶ πραγματικῶς βουλεύσασθαι περὶ τῆς δυναστείας·
Some commended the Romans for their wise and statesmanlike policy in regard to that kingdom. For the removal of a perpetual menace, and the utter destruction of a city which had disputed the supremacy with them, and could even then if it got an opportunity have still been disputing it,—thus securing the supremacy for their own country,—were the actions of sensible and far-sighted men.
τὸ γὰρ τὸν ἐπικρεμάμενον φόβον καὶ τὴν πολλάκις μὲν ἠμφισβητηκυῖαν πρὸς αὐτοὺς πόλιν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἡγεμονίας, ἔτι δὲ καὶ νῦν δυναμένην ἀμφισβητῆσαι σὺν καιρῷ, ταύτην ἐπανελομένους βεβαιῶσαι τῇ σφετέρᾳ πατρίδι τὴν ἀρχὴν νοῦν ἐχόντων εἶναι καὶ μακρὰν βλεπόντων ἀνθρώπων.
Others contradicted this, and asserted that the Romans had no such policy in view when they obtained their supremacy; and that they had gradually and insensibly become perverted to the same ambition for power, which had once characterised the Athenians and Lacedaemonians;
ἔνιοι δὲ τούτοις ἀντέλεγον, φάσκοντες οὐ ταύτην ἔχοντας αὐτοὺς τὴν προαίρεσιν κατεκτῆσθαι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν εἰς τὴν Ἀθηναίων καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων ἐκτρέπεσθαι φιλαρχίαν καὶ βραδύτερον μὲν ἐκείνων ὁρμᾶν, ἥξειν δʼ ἐπὶ ταὐτὸ τέλος ἐκ τῶν προφαινομένων.
and though they had advanced more slowly than these last, that they would from all appearances yet arrive at the same consummation.
πρότερον μὲν γὰρ πᾶσι πεπολεμηκέναι μέχρι τοῦ κρατῆσαι καὶ συγχωρῆσαι τοὺς ἀντιταξαμένους ὅτι δεῖ πείθεσθαι σφίσι καὶ ποιεῖν τὸ παραγγελλόμενον·
For in old times they had only carried on war until their opponents were beaten, and induced to acknowledge the obligation of obedience and acceptance of their orders;
νῦν δὲ προοίμιον μὲν ἐκτεθεῖσθαι τῆς ἰδίας προαιρέσεως τὰ κατὰ Περσέα, βαστάσαντας ἐκ ῥιζῶν τὴν Μακεδόνων βασιλείαν, τετελειωκέναι δὲ κατὰ τὸ παρὸν διὰ τῆς περὶ Καρχηδονίων διαλήψεως·
but that nowadays they had given a foretaste of their policy by their conduct to Perseus, in utterly destroying the Macedonian dynasty root and branch, and had given the finishing stroke to that policy by the course adopted in regard to the Carthaginians;
μηδενὸς γὰρ ἀνηκέστου γεγονότος ἐξ ἐκείνων, ἀνηκέστως καὶ βαρέως βεβουλεῦσθαι περὶ αὐτῶν, πᾶν ἀναδεχομένων καὶ πᾶν ὑπομενόντων ποιήσειν τὸ προσταττόμενον.
for though this latter people had committed no act of irretrievable outrage, they had taken measures of irretrievable severity against them, in spite of their offering to accept any terms, and submitting to any injunctions that might be placed upon them. Others again said that the Romans were generally a truly civilised people;
ἕτεροι δὲ καθόλου μὲν πολιτικὸν εἶναι τὸ Ῥωμαϊκὸν ἔθνος ἔφασαν καὶ τοῦτʼ ἴδιον εἶναι καὶ ἐπὶ τούτῳ σεμνύνεσθαι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, ἐπὶ τῷ καὶ τοὺς πολέμους ἁπλῶς καὶ γενναίως πολεμεῖν, μὴ νυκτεριναῖς ἐπιθέσεσι χρωμένους μηδʼ ἐνέδραις, πᾶν δὲ τὸ διʼ ἀπάτης καὶ δόλου γινόμενον ἀποδοκιμάζοντας, μόνους δὲ τοὺς ἐκ προδήλου καὶ κατὰ πρόσωπον κινδύνους ὑπολαμβάνοντας αὑτοῖς καθήκειν.νῦν δὲ πάντα περὶ τοὺς Καρχηδονίους διʼ ἀπάτης καὶ δόλου κεχειρικέναι, κατὰ βραχὺ τὸ μὲν προτείνοντας, τὸ δʼ ἐπικρυπτομένους, ἕως οὗ παρείλαντο πάσας τὰς ἐλπίδας τοῦ βοηθεῖν αὐτοῖς τοὺς συμμάχους.
and that they had this peculiarity, on which they prided themselves, that they conducted their wars openly and generously, not employing night surprises or ambuscades, but scorning every advantage to be gained by stratagem and deceit, and regarding open and face-to-face combats as alone becoming to their character: but that in the present instance their whole campaign against the Carthaginians had been conducted by means of stratagem and deceit.
τοῦτο δὲ μοναρχικῆς πραγματοποιίας οἰκεῖον εἶναι μᾶλλον ἢ πολιτικῆς καὶ Ῥωμαϊκῆς αἱρέσεως καὶ προσεοικὸς ἀσεβήματι καὶ παρασπονδήματι κατὰ τὸν ὀρθὸν λόγον. ἦσαν δέ τινες οἱ καὶ τούτοις ἀντιλέγοντες.
Little by little,—by holding out inducements here, and practising concealment there,—they had deprived them of all hopes of assistance from their allies.
εἰ μὲν γὰρ πρὶν ἢ δοῦναι τοὺς Καρχηδονίους τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν αὑτῶν οὕτως ἐχείριζον τὰ πράγματα, κατὰ βραχὺ τὰ μὲν προτείνοντες, τὰ δὲ παραγυμνοῦντες, εἰκότως ἂν αὐτοὺς ἐνόχους
This was a line of conduct more appropriate by rights to the intriguing chicanery of a monarchy, than to a republican and Roman policy. Again, there were some who took the opposite line to these. They said that if it were really true that, before the Carthaginians had made the surrender, the Romans had behaved as alleged, holding out inducements here, and making half revelations there, they would be justly liable to such charges;
φαίνεσθαι τοῖς ἐγκαλουμένοις εἰ δὲ δόντων αὐτῶν τῶν Καρχηδονίων τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν ὥστε βουλεύεσθαι Ῥωμαίους ὅ, τι ποτὲ φαίνοιτο περὶ αὐτῶν, οὕτω κατὰ τὴν ἐξουσίαν, ὥς ποτε δοκοῖ σφίσι, τὸ κριθὲν ἐπέταττον καὶ παρήγγελλον, οὐκέτι τὸ γινόμενον ἀσεβήματι παραπλήσιον εἶναι καὶ μὴν οὐδὲ παρασπονδήματι μικροῦ δεῖν· ἔνιοι δʼ ἔφασαν οὐκ ἀδικήματι τὸ παράπαν·τριῶν γὰρ οὐσῶν διαφορῶν, εἰς ἃς τὸ πᾶν ἔγκλημα φύσει καταντᾶν, εἰς οὐδεμίαν ἐμπίπτειν τούτων τὸ γινόμενον ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων·
but if, on the contrary, it was only after the Carthaginians had themselves made the surrender,—acknowledging the right of the Romans to take what measures they chose concerning them,—that the latter in the exercise of their undoubted right had imposed and enjoined what they determined upon, then this action must cease to be looked on as partaking of the nature of impiety or treachery.
ἀσέβημα μὲν γὰρ εἶναι τὸ περὶ τοὺς θεοὺς καὶ τοὺς γονεῖς καὶ τοὺς τεθνεῶτας ἁμαρτάνειν, παρασπόνδημα δὲ τὸ παρὰ τὰς ἐνόρκους καὶ τὰς ἐγγράπτους ὁμολογίας πραττόμενον, ἀδίκημα δὲ τὸ παρὰ τοὺς νόμους καὶ τοὺς ἐθισμοὺς ἐπιτελούμενον·
And some denied that it was an impiety at all: for there were three ways in which such a thing could be defined, none of which applied to the conduct of the Romans.
ὧν οὐδὲν κατὰ τὸ παρὸν ἐνόχους εἶναι Ῥωμαίους· οὐ γὰρ εἰς τοὺς θεοὺς οὐδʼ εἰς τοὺς γονεῖς οὐδʼ εἰς τοὺς τεθνεῶτας ἐξαμαρτάνειν, οὐδὲ μὴν ὅρκους οὐδὲ συνθήκας παραβαίνειν, τὸ δʼ ἐναντίον αὐτοὺς ἐγκαλεῖν τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις ὅτι παραβεβήκασι.
An impiety was something done against the gods, or one’s parents, or the dead; treachery was something done in violation of oaths or written agreements; an injustice something done in violation of law and custom.
καὶ μὴν οὐδὲ νόμους οὐδʼ ἐθισμοὺς οὐδὲ τὴν κατʼ ἰδίαν πίστιν ἀθετεῖν· λαβόντας γὰρ τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν παρʼ ἑκόντων ὃ βούλοιντο πράττειν, οὐ πειθαρχούντων τοῖς παραγγελλομένοις, οὕτως αὐτοῖς προσάγειν τὴν ἀνάγκην.
But the Romans could not be charged on any one of these counts: they had offended neither the gods, their parents, nor the dead;
περὶ μὲν οὖν Ῥωμαίων καὶ Καρχηδονίων ταῦτʼ ἐλέγετο·
nor had they broken oaths or treaties, but on the contrary charged the Carthaginians with breaking them. Nor again had they violated laws, customs, or their own good faith;
περὶ δὲ τοῦ Ψευδοφιλίππου τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οὐδʼ ἀνεκτὸς ὁ λόγος ἐφαίνετο· πάρεστί τις ἐπὶ τὴν Μακεδονίαν ἀεροπετὴς Φίλιππος, καταφρονήσας οὐ μόνον Μακεδόνων ἀλλὰ καὶ Ῥωμαίων, οὐδεμίαν ἀφορμὴν εὔλογον ἔχων πρὸς τὴν ἐπιβολήν,
for having received a voluntary surrender, with the full power of doing what they pleased in the event of the submitting party not obeying their injunctions, they had, in view of that eventuality having arisen, applied force to them.
ἅτε γινωσκομένου τοῦ κατʼ ἀλήθειαν Φιλίππου διότι σχεδὸν ὀκτωκαίδεκα γεγονὼς ἐτῶν μετήλλαξε τὸν βίον ἐν Ἄλβᾳ τῆς Ἰταλίας δυσὶν ὕστερον ἔτεσιν αὐτοῦ τοῦ Περσέως.
Such were the criticisms commonly made on the dealings of the Romans with the Carthaginians. But as to the Pseudo-Philip, the report at first appeared quite beneath consideration.
μετὰ δὲ μῆνας τρεῖς ἢ τέτταρας προσπεσούσης φήμης διότι νενίκηκε μάχῃ τοὺς Μακεδόνας πέραν τοῦ Στρυμόνος κατὰ τὴν Ὀδομαντικήν, τινὲς μὲν ἀπεδέχοντο τὸν λόγον, οἱ δὲ πλείους ἀκμὴν ἠπίστουν.
A Philip suddenly appears in Macedonia, as though he had dropped from the skies, in contempt of Macedonians and Romans alike, without having the least reasonable pretext for his claim, as every one knew that the real Philip had died in Alba in Italy two years after Perseus himself.
μετʼ οὐ πολὺ δὲ πάλιν ἅμα τοῦ λόγου προσπίπτοντος ὅτι νικᾷ μάχῃ τοὺς Μακεδόνας ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Στρυμόνος καὶ πάσης Μακεδονίας κρατεῖ, καὶ Θετταλῶν γράμματα καὶ πρεσβευτὰς πεμψάντων πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς καὶ παρακαλούντων βοηθεῖν, ὡς καὶ περὶ αὐτοὺς ὑπάρχοντος κινδύνου, θαυμαστὸν ἐφάνη καὶ παράδοξον τὸ γεγονός·
But when, three or four months afterwards, a report arrived that he had conquered the Macedonians in a battle in the territory of the Odomanti beyond the Strymon, some believed it, but the majority were still incredulous.
οὐδεμία γὰρ οὔτε πιθανότης οὔτʼ εὐλογία προυφαίνετο περὶ τοῦ συμβεβηκότος. τοιαῦται μὲν οὖν περὶ τούτων ἦσαν διαθέσεις.—
But presently, when news came that he had conquered the Macedonians in a battle on this side of the Strymon, and was master of all Macedonia; and when letters and envoys came from the Thessalians to the Achaeans imploring help, as though the danger were now affecting Thessaly, it seemed an astonishing and inexplicable event;
ὅτι προσπεσόντων εἰς τὴν Πελοπόννησον γραμμάτων τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς παρὰ τοῦ Μανιλίου διότι καλῶς ποιήσουσι Πολύβιον τὸν Μεγαλοπολίτην ἐκπέμψαντες μετὰ σπουδῆς εἰς Λιλύβαιον, ὡς χρείας οὔσης αὐτοῦ δημοσίων ἕνεκεν πραγμάτων, ἔδοξε τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἐκπέμπειν ἀκολούθως τοῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ ὑπάτου γεγραμμένοις.
for there was nothing to give it the air of probability, or to supply a rational explanation of it.
ἡμεῖς δὲ νομίζοντες ἑαυτοῖς καθήκειν κατὰ πολλοὺς τρόπους τὸ πειθαρχεῖν Ῥωμαίοις, πάντα τἄλλα πάρεργα θέμενοι θερείας ἀρχομένης ἐξεπλεύσαμεν.
Such was the view taken of these things in Greece.... A despatch from Manius Manilius to the Achaeans having reached the Peloponnese, saying that they would oblige him by sending Polybius of Megalopolis with all speed to Lilybaeum, as he was wanted on account of certain public affairs, the Achaeans decided to send him in accordance with the letter of the consul.
ἀφικόμενοι δʼ εἰς Κέρκυραν καὶ καταλαβόντες αὐτοῦ γράμματα παρὰ τῶν ὑπάτων προσπεπτωκότα τοῖς Κερκυραίοις, ἐν οἷς διεσάφουν ὅτι τοὺς μὲν ὁμήρους ἤδη παραδεδώκασιν αὐτοῖς οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι, πάντως ἕτοιμοι δʼ εἰσὶν αὐτοῖς πειθαρχεῖν,νομίσαντες διαλελύσθαι τὸν πόλεμον καὶ μηκέτι χρείαν ἡμῶν εἶναι μηδεμίαν, αὖθις ἀπεπλεύσαμεν εἰς τὴν Πελοπόννησον. —
And as I felt bound to obey the Romans, I put everything else aside, and sailed at the beginning of summer.
οὐ χρὴ δὲ θαυμάζειν ἐὰν ποτὲ μὲν τῷ κυρίῳ σημαίνωμεν αὑτοὺς ὀνόματι, ποτὲ δὲ ταῖς κοιναῖς ἐμφάσεσιν, οἷον οὕτως "ἐμοῦ δὲ ταῦτʼ εἰπόντοσ"
But when we arrived at Corcyra, we found another despatch from the consul to the Corcyreans had come, announcing that the Carthaginians had already surrendered all the hostages to them, and were prepared to obey them. Thinking, therefore, that the war was at an end, and that there was no more occasion for our services, we sailed back to the Peloponnese....
καὶ πάλιν "ἡμῶν δὲ συγκαταθεμένων." ἐπὶ πολὺ γὰρ ἐμπεπλεγμένων ἡμῶν εἰς τὰς μετὰ ταῦτα μελλούσας ἱστορεῖσθαι πράξεις, ἀναγκαῖόν ἐστι μεταλαμβάνειν τὰς περὶ αὑτῶν σημασίας, ἵνα μήτε τοὔνομα συνεχῶς προφερόμενοι προσκόπτωμεν ταυτολογοῦντες μήτε πάλιν "ἐμοῦ" καὶ "διʼ ἐμέ" παρʼ ἕκαστον λέγοντες λάθωμεν εἰς φορτικὴν διάθεσιν ἐμπίπτοντες,
It should not excite surprise that I sometimes designate myself by my proper name, and at other times by the common forms of expression—for instance, “when I had said this,” or “we had agreed to this.”
ἀλλὰ συγχρώμενοι πᾶσι τούτοις καὶ μεταλαμβάνοντες ἀεὶ τὸ τῷ καιρῷ πρέπον ἐφʼ ὅσον οἷόν τε διαφεύγωμεν τὸ λίαν ἐπαχθὲς τῆς περὶ αὑτῶν λαλιᾶς,
For as I was much personally involved in the transactions about to be related, it becomes necessary to vary the methods of indicating myself;
ἐπειδὴ φύσει μὲν ἀπρόσδεκτός ἐστιν ὁ τοιοῦτος λόγος, ἀναγκαῖος δʼ ὑπάρχει πολλάκις, ὅταν μὴ δυνατὸν ἄλλως ᾖ δηλῶσαι τὸ προκείμενον.
that I may not weary by continual repetition of my own name, nor again by introducing the words “of me,” or “through me,” at every turn, fall insensibly into an appearance of egotism.
γέγονε δέ τι πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ἡμῖν οἷον ἐκ ταὐτομάτου συνέργημα τὸ μηδένα μέχρι γε τῶν καθʼ ἡμᾶς καιρῶν ταὐτὸν ἡμῖν ὄνομα κεκληρονομηκέναι κυρίως, ὅσον γε καὶ ἡμᾶς εἰδέναι. —
I wished, on the contrary, by an interchangeable use of these terms, and by selecting from time to time the one which seemed most in place, to avoid, as far as could be, the offensiveness of talk about one’s self;
ὅτι κατά τι σύμπτωμα τῶν μὲν τοῦ Καλλικράτους εἰκόνων εἰσφερομένων κατὰ τὸ σκότος, τῶν δὲ τοῦ Λυκόρτα κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν ἡμέραν ἐκφερομένων εἰς τὸ φῶς κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς διάθεσιν,
for such talk, though naturally unacceptable, is frequently inevitable, when one cannot in any other way give a clear exposition of the subjects. I am somewhat assisted in this point by the accident that, as far as I know, no one up to our own time has ever had the same name as myself....
πάντας ἠνάγκαζε τὸ γινόμενον ἐπιφθέγγεσθαι διότι δεῖ μηδέποτε τοῖς καιροῖς ὑπερηφάνως χρῆσθαι κατὰ τῶν πέλας, εἰδότα διότι καὶ λίαν τοῦτʼ ἔστιν ἴδιον ἐπιτήδευμα τῆς τύχης, τὸ τοῖς αὑτῶν ἐπινοήμασι καὶ νομοθετήμασιν ἐξ ὑποστροφῆς αὐτοὺς ὑποβάλλειν τοὺς νομοθετήσαντας. —ὅτι αὐτὸ τὸ φύσει φιλόκαινον τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἱκανόν ἐστι πρὸς πᾶσαν μεταβολήν.
The statues of Callicrates were carried in under the cover of darkness, while those of Lycortas were brought out again by broad daylight, to occupy their original position: and this coincidence drew the remark from every one, that we ought never to use our opportunities against others in a spirit of presumption, knowing that it is extremely characteristic of Fortune to subject those who set a precedent to the operation of their own ideas and principles in their turn....
ὅτι Ῥωμαῖοι ἔπεμψαν πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς ἐπιληψομένους τῆς ὁρμῆς τῆς τοῦ Νικομήδους καὶ κωλύσοντας τὸν Ἄτταλον πολεμεῖν τῷ Προυσίᾳ, καὶ κατεστάθησαν Μάρκος Λικίννιος,
The mere love of novelty inherent in mankind is a sufficient incentive to any kind of change....
ἄνθρωπος ποδαγρικὸς καὶ τελείως ἀδύνατος τοῖς ποσί, καὶ μετὰ τοῦτον Αὖλος Μαγκῖνος, ὃς κεραμίδος εἰς τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐμπεσούσης αὐτῷ τηλικαύτας καὶ τοσαύτας οὐλὰς εἶχε διὰ τῆς κεφαλῆς ὥστε θαυμαστὸν εἶναι πῶς ἐσώθη, καὶ Λεύκιος Μαλλέολος, ὃς πάντων ἐδόκει Ῥωμαίων ἀναισθητότατος ὑπάρχειν.
The Romans sent envoys to restrain the impetuosity of Nicomedes and to prevent Attalus from going to war with Prusias.
τῆς δὲ πράξεως προσδεομένης τάχους καὶ τόλμης ἐδόκουν ἀφυέστατοι πρὸς τὴν χρείαν εἶναι ταύτην οἱ καθεσταμένοι.
The men appointed were Marcus Licinius, who was suffering from gout, and was quite lamed by it, and with him Aulus Mancinus, who, from a tile falling on his head, had so many and such great scars on it, that it was a matter of wonder that he escaped with his life, and Lucius Malleolus who was reputed the stupidest man in Rome.
διὸ καί φασι Μάρκον Πόρκιον τὸν Κάτωνα προσαγορευόμενον εἰπεῖν ἐν συγκλήτῳ διότι συμβήσεται μὴ μόνον ἀπολόμενον φθάσαι τὸν Προυσίαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν Νικομήδην γηράσαντʼ ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ·πῶς γὰρ οἷόν τε καταταχῆσαι, πῶς δὲ καταταχήσασαν ἀνύσασθαί τι τὴν πρεσβείαν, μήτε πόδας μήτε κεφαλὴν μήτε καρδίαν ἔχουσαν. —
As the business required speed and boldness, these men seemed the least suitable possible for the purpose that could be conceived; and accordingly they say that Marcus.
ὅτι Προυσίας ὁ βασιλεύς, εἰδεχθὴς ὢν κατὰ τὴν ἔμφασιν, καίπερ ἐκ συλλογισμοῦ βελτίων ὑπάρχων, ἥμισυς ἀνὴρ ἦν κατὰ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν καὶ πρὸς τὰς πολεμικὰς χρείας ἀγεννὴς καὶ γυναικώδης.
Porcius Cato remarked in the Senate that “Not only would Prusias perish before they got there, but that Nicomedes would grow old in his kingdom.
οὐ γὰρ μόνον δειλὸς ἦν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὰς κακοπαθείας ἀλλότριος καὶ συλλήβδην ἐκτεθηλυμμένος καὶ τῇ ψυχῇ καὶ τῷ σώματι παρʼ ὅλον τὸν βίον·
For how could a mission make haste, or if it did, how could it accomplish anything, when it had neither feet, head, nor intelligence?”...
ὅπερ ἥκιστα βούλονται περὶ τοὺς βασιλεῖς ὑπάρχειν ἅπαντες μέν, μάλιστα δὲ τὸ τῶν Βιθυνῶν γένος.πολλὴ δέ τις ἀσέλγεια καὶ περὶ τὰς σωματικὰς ἐπιθυμίας αὐτῷ συνεξηκολούθει.
King Prusias was exceedingly repulsive in personal appearance, though his reasoning powers were somewhat superior: but externally he seemed only half a man, and was cowardly and effeminate in all matters pertaining to war.
παιδείας δὲ καὶ φιλοσοφίας καὶ τῶν ἐν τούτοις θεωρημάτων ἄπειρος εἰς τέλος ἦν
For not only was he timid, but he was averse to all hardships, and in a word was utterly unmanned in mind and body throughout his whole life;
καὶ συλλήβδην τοῦ καλοῦ τί ποτʼ ἔστιν οὐδʼ ἔννοιαν εἶχε, Σαρδαναπάλλου δὲ βάρβαρον βίον ἔζη καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέραν καὶ νύκτωρ.
qualities which all the world object to in kings, but the Bithynians above all people. Moreover, he was also exceedingly dissolute in regard to sensual pleasures;
τοιγαροῦν ἅμα τῷ δράξασθαι βραχείας ἐλπίδος τὸ τῶν βασιλευομένων πλῆθος ἀμετάκλητον ὁρμὴν ἔσχεν εἰς τὸ μὴ μόνον ἀλλότρια φρονεῖν τοῦ βασιλέως, ἀλλὰ καὶ τιμωρίαν βούλεσθαι παρʼ αὐτοῦ λαμβάνειν.
was completely without education or philosophy, or any of the knowledge which they embrace;
ὅτι Μασανάσσης ὁ ἐν Λιβύῃ τῶν Νομάδων βασιλεὺς ἀνὴρ ἦν τῶν καθʼ ἡμᾶς βασιλέων ἄριστος καὶ μακαριώτατος,
and had not the remotest idea of what virtue is. He lived the barbaric life of a Sardanapallus day and night.
ὃς ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη πλείω τῶν ἑξήκονθʼ, ὑγιεινότατος ὢν καὶ πολυχρονιώτατος· ἐνενήκοντα γὰρ ἐτῶν ἐγεγόνει.
Accordingly, directly his subjects got the least hope of being able to do so, they conceived an implacable resolution not only to throw off allegiance to the king, but to press for vengeance upon him....
ἐγένετο δὲ καὶ δυναμικώτατος τῶν καθʼ αὑτὸν κατὰ τὴν σωματικὴν ἕξιν, ὅς, ὅτε μὲν στῆναι δέοι, στὰς ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἴχνεσι διʼ ἡμέρας ἔμενε, καθεζόμενος δὲ πάλιν οὐκ ἠγείρετο.
Museium is a place near Olympus in Macedonia....
καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τῶν ἱππικῶν κακοπάθειαν ἡμέραν καὶ νύκτα συνεχῶς διακαρτερῶν οὐδὲν ἔπασχεν. σημεῖον δὲ τῆς σωματικῆς αὐτοῦ δυνάμεως·
As I blame those who assign fortune and destiny as the moving causes in common events and catastrophes, I wish now to enter as minutely on the discussion of this subject as the nature of an historical work will admit.
ἔχων ἐνενήκοντʼ ἔτη, καθʼ ὃν καιρὸν μετήλλαξε τὸν βίον, υἱὸν ἀπέλειπε τεττάρων ἐτῶν, ὄνομα Σθέμβανον, ὃν μετὰ ταῦτα Μικίψης υἱοποιήσατο, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις υἱοὺς ἐννέα.
Those things of which it is impossible or difficult for a mere man to ascertain the causes, such as a continuous fall of rains and unseasonable wet, or, on the contrary, droughts and frosts, one may reasonably impute to God and Fortune, in default of any other explanation;
διὰ δὲ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους τούτων εὔνοιαν διετήρησε τὸν ὅλον βίον πάσης ἐπιβουλῆς καὶ παντὸς οἰκείου μιάσματος ἄμοιρον αὑτοῦ γενέσθαι τὴν βασιλείαν.
and from them come destruction of fruits, as well as long-continued epidemics, and other similar things, of which it is not easy to find the cause.
τὸ δὲ μέγιστον καὶ θειότατον τούτου· τῆς γὰρ Νομαδίας ἁπάσης ἀχρήστου τὸν πρὸ τοῦ χρόνον ὑπαρχούσης καὶ νομιζομένης ἀδυνάτου τῇ φύσει πρὸς ἡμέρους καρποὺς ὑπάρχειν,πρῶτος καὶ μόνος ὑπέδειξε διότι δύναται πάντας ἐκφέρειν τοὺς ἡμέρους καρποὺς οὐδʼ ὁποίας ἧττον, ἑκάστῳ τῶν υἱῶν ἐν διαστάσει μυριοπλέθρους ἀγροὺς κατασκευάσας παμφόρους.
On such matters then, we, in default of a better, follow the prevailing opinions of the multitude, attempting by supplications and sacrifices to appease the wrath of heaven, and sending to ask the gods by what words or actions on our part a change for the better may be brought about, and a respite be obtained for the evils which are afflicting us.
τῇ μὲν οὖν ἐκείνου μεταστάσει ταῦτʼ ἄν τις εὐλόγως ἐπιφθέγξαιτο καὶ δικαίως.ὁ δὲ Σκιπίων παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν Κίρταν ἡμέρᾳ τρίτῃ μετὰ τὸν τοῦ βασιλέως θάνατον διῴκησε καλῶς πάντα. —
But those things, of which it is possible to find the origin and cause of their occurrence, I do not think we should refer to the gods.
Μασανάσσην δʼ ἱστορεῖ Πολύβιος ἐνενήκοντα μὲν ἐτῶν ἀποθανεῖν, τετράετες καταλιπόντα παιδάριον ἐξ αὐτοῦ γεγενημένον·
I mean such a thing as the following. In our time all Greece was visited by a dearth of children and generally a decay of population, owing to which the cities were denuded of inhabitants, and a failure of productiveness resulted, though there were no long-continued wars or serious pestilences among us.
ὀλίγῳ δʼ ἔμπροσθεν τῆς τελευτῆς μάχῃ νικήσαντα μεγάλῃ Καρχηδονίους ὀφθῆναι τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ πρὸ τῆς σκηνῆς ῥυπαρὸν ἄρτον ἐσθίοντα καὶ πρὸς τοὺς θαυμάζοντας εἰπεῖν ὅτι τοῦτο ποιεῖ
If, then, any one had advised our sending to ask the gods in regard to this, what we were to do or say in order to become more numerous and better fill our cities,—would he not have seemed a futile person, when the cause was manifest and the cure in our own hands?
ἐγὼ δέ, φησὶν ὁ Πολύβιος ἐπιτιμῶν τοῖς τὴν τύχην καὶ τὴν εἱμαρμένην ἐπιγράφουσιν ἐπί τε τὰς κοινὰς πράξεις καὶ τὰς κατʼ ἰδίαν περιπετείας, νῦν βούλομαι περὶ τούτου τοῦ μέρους διαστείλασθαι καθʼ ὅσον ὁ τῆς πραγματικῆς ἱστορίας ἐπιδέχεται τρόπος.
For this evil grew upon us rapidly, and without attracting attention, by our men becoming perverted to a passion for show and money and the pleasures of an idle life, and accordingly either not marrying at all, or, if they did marry, refusing to rear the children that were born, or at most one or two out of a great number, for the sake of leaving them well off or bringing them up in extravagant luxury.
ὧν μὲν νὴ Δίʼ ἀδύνατον ἢ δυσχερὲς τὰς αἰτίας καταλαβεῖν ἄνθρωπον ὄντα, περὶ τούτων ἴσως ἄν τις ἀπορῶν ἐπὶ τὸν θεὸν τὴν ἀναφορὰν ποιοῖτο καὶ τὴν τύχην, οἶον ὄμβρων καὶ νιφετῶν ἐξαισίων ἐπιφορὰ συνεχής, ἢ τἀναντία πάλιν αὐχμῶν καὶ πάγων καὶ διὰ ταῦτα φθορὰ καρπῶν, ὁμοίως λοιμικαὶ διαθέσεις συνεχεῖς, ἄλλα παραπλήσια τούτοις, ὧν οὐκ εὐμαρὲς τὴν αἰτίαν εὑρεῖν.
For when there are only one or two sons, it is evident that, if war or pestilence carries off one, the houses must be left heirless: and, like swarms of bees, little by little the cities become sparsely inhabited and weak.
διόπερ εἰκότως περὶ τῶν τοιούτων ἀκολουθοῦντες ταῖς τῶν πολλῶν δόξαις διὰ τὴν ἀπορίαν, ἱκετεύοντες καὶ θύοντες ἐξιλασκόμενοι τὸ θεῖον, πέμπομεν ἐρησόμενοι τοὺς θεοὺς τί ποτʼ ἂν ἢ λέγουσιν ἢ πράττουσιν ἡμῖν ἄμεινον εἴη καὶ γένοιτο παῦλα τῶν ἐνεστώτων κακῶν.ὧν δὲ δυνατόν ἐστι τὴν αἰτίαν εὑρεῖν, ἐξ ἧς καὶ διʼ ἣν ἐγένετο τὸ συμβαῖνον, οὐχί μοι δοκεῖ τῶν τοιούτων δεῖν ἐπὶ τὸ θεῖον ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἀναφοράν.
On this subject there is no need to ask the gods how we are to be relieved from such a curse: for any one in the world will tell you that it is by the men themselves if possible changing their objects of ambition; or, if that cannot be done, by passing laws for the preservation of infants. On this subject there is no need of seers or prodigies.
λέγω δʼ οἷον οὕτως. ἐπέσχεν ἐν τοῖς καθʼ ἡμᾶς καιροῖς τὴν Ἑλλάδα πᾶσαν ἀπαιδία καὶ συλλήβδην ὀλιγανθρωπία, διʼ ἣν αἵ τε πόλεις ἐξηρημώθησαν καὶ ἀφορίαν εἶναι συνέβαινε, καίπερ οὔτε πολέμων συνεχῶν ἐσχηκότων ἡμᾶς οὔτε λοιμικῶν περιστάσεων.
And the same holds good of all similar things. But in regard to events of which the causes are impossible or difficult to discover, it is reasonable to feel a difficulty. And in this class may be reckoned the course of Macedonian history.
εἴ τις οὖν περὶ τούτου συνεβούλευσεν εἰς θεοὺς πέμπειν ἐρησομένους τί ποτʼ ἂν ἢ λέγοντες ἢ πράττοντες πλείονες γινοίμεθα καὶ κάλλιον οἰκοίημεν τὰς πόλεις, ἆρʼ οὐ μάταιος ἂν ἐφαίνετο, τῆς αἰτίας προφανοῦς ὑπαρχούσης καὶ τῆς διορθώσεως ἐν ἡμῖν κειμένης;
For the Macedonians had enjoyed many important favours at the hands of the Romans, having been as a nation liberated from arbitrary government and imports, and having obtained undisputed freedom in the place of slavery; and having been individually relieved to a great extent from intestine factions and civil bloodshed....
τῶν γὰρ ἀνθρώπων εἰς ἀλαζονείαν καὶ φιλοχρημοσύνην, ἔτι δὲ ῥᾳθυμίαν ἐκτετραμμένων καὶ μὴ βουλομένων μήτε γαμεῖν μήτʼ, ἐὰν γήμωσι, τὰ γινόμενα τέκνα τρέφειν, ἀλλὰ μόλις ἓν τῶν πλείστων ἢ δύο χάριν τοῦ πλουσίους τούτους καταλιπεῖν καὶ σπαταλῶντας θρέψαι, ταχέως ἔλαθε τὸ κακὸν αὐξηθέν.
They had been worsted by the Romans formerly when fighting on the side of Demetrius and again on that of Perseus; yet when engaged on the side of a man of odious character, and in support of his claims to the throne, they displayed great courage and conquered a Roman army.
ὅτε γὰρ ἑνὸς ὄντος ἢ δυεῖν, τούτων τὸν μὲν πόλεμος, τὸν δὲ νόσος ἐνστᾶσα παρείλετο, δῆλον ὡς ἀνάγκη καταλείπεσθαι τὰς οἰκήσεις ἐρήμους, καὶ καθάπερ ἐπὶ τῶν μελιττῶν τὰ σμήνη, τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον κατὰ βραχὺ καὶ τὰς πόλεις ἀπορουμένας ἀδυνατεῖν.
These facts may well seem a puzzle to us, for it is difficult to discover their cause.
ὑπὲρ ὧν οὐδὲ χρεία παρὰ τῶν θεῶν πυνθάνεσθαι πῶς ἂν ἀπολυθείημεν τῆς τοιαύτης βλάβης·
And accordingly one would be inclined to say in such matters that what had happened was a heaven-sent infatuation, and that the wrath of God had fallen upon the Macedonians. And this will be rendered evident from what remains to be told....
ὁ γὰρ τυχὼν τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐρεῖ διότι μάλιστα μὲν αὐτοὶ διʼ αὑτῶν, μεταθέμενοι τὸν ζῆλον, εἰ δὲ μή, νόμους γράψαντες, ἵνα τρέφηται τὰ γινόμενα. περὶ τούτων οὔτε μάντεων οὔτε τερατειῶν χρεία.ὁ δʼ αὐτὸς λόγος καὶ περὶ τῶν κατὰ μέρος.
Massanissa, king of the Numidians in Africa, was the best man of all the kings of our time, and the most completely fortunate;
ἀλλʼ ἐπʼ ἐκείνων ἐφʼ ὧν ἀλήπτους ἢ δυσλήπτους εἶναι τὰς αἰτίας συμβαίνει, διαπορητέον· ὧν ἓν ἦν καὶ τὸ περὶ Μακεδόνας γεγενημένον.
for he reigned more than sixty years in the soundest health and to extreme old age,—for he was ninety when he died. He was, besides, the most powerful man physically of all his contemporaries: for instance, when it was necessary to stand, he would do so without moving a foot all day long; and again, when he had once sat down to business he remained there the whole day; nor did it distress him the least to remain in the saddle day and night continuously; and at ninety years old, at which age he died, he left a son only four years old, called Sthembanus, who was afterwards adopted by Micipses, and four sons besides. Owing, again, to the affection existing between these sons, he kept his whole life free from any treasonable plot and his kingdom unpolluted by any family tragedy. But his greatest and most divine achievement was this: Numidia had been before his time universally unproductive, and was looked upon as incapable of producing any cultivated fruits.
Μακεδόνες μὲν γὰρ ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων ἐτετεύχεισαν φιλανθρωπιῶν, κοινῇ μὲν πάντες ἀπολυθέντες μοναρχικῶν ἐπιταγμάτων καὶ φόρων καὶ μεταλαβόντες ἀπὸ δουλείας ὁμολογουμένως ἐλευθερίαν, ἰδίᾳ δὲ πάλιν κατὰ πόλεις ἐκλυθέντες ἐκ μεγάλων στάσεων καὶ φόνων ἐμφυλίων διὰ τῆς Ῥωμαίων … φιλοτ?ιμίας· … ἅ?μ?α? δυσμενείας μ?ὲ?ν? ἢ βλάβης τῆς ἐν τοῖς πρότερον καιροῖς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἔτι γεύ … φιλ … πόλεως· ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦ Ψευδοφιλίππου πρῶτον μὲν πρ … ε?ξ?ε?τ?ο?ι? διῄτ … πολλοὺς μὲν ἀν … φρ … πλείστους ἐπεῖδον αὐτῶν ἐν πάνυ βραχεῖ χρόνῳ φυγαδευθέντας καὶ στρεβλωθέντας καὶ φονευθέντας ἢ τῶν ἐν τοῖς π?ρ?ό?τ?ε?ρ?ο?ν? καιροῖς ὑπὸ τῶν κατʼ ἀλήθειαν β?α?σι … ἤδη τοῦτο γε ε?χ? … ῶς απαντ?ε?σ?ι? ἐπὶ το … εἴ … αι τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς βασιλέων, ὡς … ὑβρίζ … καὶ … πλείστο?ι?σ? ε?μ?ο?σ? τῶν βρ … καὶ … Ῥωμαίων στρατοπεδεύματος ἐξ αὐτῆς μεταμέλοι· ἐν ἀδικ … τῶν πρὸ τοῦ Ψευδοφιλίππου μὲν εἰς αὐτοὺς παρανομημάτων· ο?ἱ? δ?ὲ? τ?ὸ? …
He was the first and only man who showed that it could produce cultivated fruits just as well as any other country whatever, by cultivating farms to the extent of ten thousand plethra for each of his sons in different parts of it. On this man’s death, then, so much may reasonably and justly be said.
… π?ο?λ?λ?ῶ?ν? τ?ε? μ?ε?τ?ὰ? μὲν τοῦ Δημητρίου καὶ πάλιν μετὰ Περσέως μαχόμενοι πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἡττήθησαν, ἀνδρὶ δὲ στυγνῷ συναγωνιζόμενοι καὶ περὶ τῆς τούτου βασιλείας ἀνδραγαθήσαντες ἐνίκησαν Ῥωμαίους.
Scipio arrived at Cirta on the third day after his departure, and settled everything properly and fairly....
ἐξ ὧν τίς οὐκ ἂν ἐπαπορήσειεν ἐπὶ τῷ συμβάντι; τὴν γὰρ αἰτίαν εὑρεῖν τούτων δυσχερές.
A little while before his death he was seen, on the day following a great victory over the Carthaginians, sitting outside his tent eating a piece of dirty bread, and on those who saw it expressing surprise at his doing so, he said....
διόπερ ἄν τις ἐπὶ τῶν τοιούτων διαθέσεων δαιμονοβλάβειαν εἴπειε τὸ γεγονὸς καὶ μῆνιν ἐκ θεῶν ἅπασι Μακεδόσιν ἀπηντῆσθαι. δῆλον δʼ ἔστιν ἐκ τῶν λέγεσθαι μελλόντων. Μούσειον, τόπος περὶ τὸν Ὄλυμπον τὸν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ· Πολύβιος τριακοστῷ ἑβδόμῳ.