36. When Machatas heard what had happened at Sparta, he returned thither and urged the Ephors and kings to go to war with the Achaeans; arguing that that was the only way of stopping the ambition of the party in Sparta who were doing all they could to break up the alliance with the Aetolians, or of the party in Aetolia who were co-operating with them. Having obtained the consent of the Ephors and kings, Machatas returned home with a success secured him by the blindness of his partisans in Sparta; while Lycurgus with the army and certain others of the citizens invaded the Argive territory, the inhabitants being quite unprepared for an attack, owing to the existing settlement. By a sudden assault he seized Polichna, Prasiae, Leucae, and Cyphanta, but was repulsed at Glympes and Zarax. After these achievements of their king, the Lacedaemonians proclaimed a licence of reprisal against the Achaeans. With the Eleans also Machatas was successful in persuading them, by the same arguments as he had used at Sparta, to go to war with the Achaeans. The unexpected success of these intrigues caused the Aetolians to enter upon the war with high spirits. But it was quite the contrary with the Achaeans: for Philip, on whom their hopes rested, was still busy with his preparations; the Epirotes were hesitating about going to war, and the Messenians were entirely passive; and meantime the Aetolians, aided by the blind policy of the Eleans and Lacedaemonians, were threatening them with actual war on every side.
36. ὁ δὲ Μαχατᾶς, πυθόμενος τὰ γεγονότα περὶ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, ἧκε πάλιν ὑποστρέψας εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην, καὶ παρεκάλει τοὺς ἐφόρους καὶ τοὺς βασιλέας ἐξανεγκεῖν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς τὸν πόλεμον· μόνως γὰρ οὕτως ἔφη λῆξαι τὴν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων φιλονεικίαν τῶν ἐκ παντὸς τρόπου διακοπτόντων τὴν πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς συμμαχίαν τήν τε τῶν ἐν Αἰτωλίᾳ τὰ παραπλήσια τούτοις πραττόντων. πεισθέντων δὲ τῶν ἐφόρων καὶ τῶν βασιλέων, ὁ μὲν Μαχατᾶς ἐπανῆλθε, συντετελεσμένος τὴν πρόθεσιν διὰ τὴν ἄγνοιαν τῶν συμπραττόντων, ὁ δὲ Λυκοῦργος ἀναλαβὼν τοὺς στρατιώτας καί τινας τῶν πολιτικῶν ἐνέβαλεν εἰς τὴν Ἀργείαν, ἀφυλάκτως διακειμένων εἰς τέλος τῶν Ἀργείων διὰ τὴν προϋπάρχουσαν κατάστασιν. καὶ Πολίχναν μὲν καὶ Πρασίας καὶ Λεύκας καὶ Κύφαντα προσπεσὼν ἄφνω κατέσχε· Γλυμπέσι δὲ καὶ Ζάρακι προσπεσὼν ἀπέπεσε. τούτου δὲ ταῦτα πράξαντος, ἐπεκήρυξαν τὸ λάφυρον οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι κατὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν. ἔπεισαν δὲ καὶ τοὺς Ἠλείους οἱ περὶ τὸν Μαχατᾶν, παραπλήσια λέγοντες ἅπερ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, ἐξενεγκεῖν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς τὸν πόλεμον. παραδόξως δὲ καὶ κατὰ νοῦν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς τῶν πραγμάτων προκεχωρηκότων, οὗτοι μὲν εὐθαρσῶς ἐνέβαινον εἰς τὸν πόλεμον, οἱ δʼ Ἀχαιοὶ τἀναντία· Φίλιππος μὲν γάρ, ἐφʼ ᾧ τὰς ἐλπίδας εἶχον, ἀκμὴν ἐγίνετο περὶ παρασκευήν, Ἠπειρῶται δʼ ἔμελλον πολεμεῖν, Μεσσήνιοι δʼ ἡσυχίαν εἶχον, Αἰτωλοὶ δέ, προσειληφότες τὴν Ἠλείων καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων ἄγνοιαν, πανταχόθεν περιεῖχον αὐτοὺς τῷ πολέμῳ.
37. The year of Aratus’s office was just expiring, and his son Aratus the younger had been elected to succeed him as Strategus, and was on the point of taking over the office. Scopas was still Strategus of the Aetolians, and in fact it was just about the middle of his year. For the Aetolians hold their elections immediately after the autumn equinox, while the Achaeans hold theirs about the time of the rising of the Pleiads. As soon therefore as summer had well set in, and Aratus the younger had taken over his office, all these wars at once began simultaneously. Hannibal began besieging Saguntum; the Romans sent Lucius Aemilius with an army to Illyria against Demetrius of Pharos,—of both which I spoke in the last book; Antiochus, having had Ptolemais and Tyre betrayed to him by Theodotus, meditated attacking Coele-Syria; and Ptolemy was engaged in preparing for the war with Antiochus. While Lycurgus, wishing to make a beginning after the pattern of Cleomenes, pitched his camp near the Athenaeum of Megalopolis and was laying siege to it: the Achaeans were collecting mercenary horse and foot for the war which was upon them: and Philip, finally, was starting from Macedonia with an army consisting of ten thousand heavy-armed soldiers of the phalanx, five thousand light-armed, and eight hundred cavalry. Such was the universal state of war or preparation for war.
37. Ἀράτῳ μὲν οὖν συνέβαινε κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἤδη λήγειν τὴν ἀρχήν, Ἄρατον δὲ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ καθεσταμένον ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν παραλαμβάνειν τὴν στρατηγίαν. Αἰτωλῶν δʼ ἐστρατήγει Σκόπας· ὁ δὲ χρόνος αὐτῷ τῆς ἀρχῆς μάλιστα τότε πως διῄρητο· τὰς γὰρ ἀρχαιρεσίας Αἰτωλοὶ μὲν ἐποίουν μετὰ τὴν φθινοπωρινὴν ἰσημερίαν εὐθέως, Ἀχαιοὶ δὲ τότε περὶ τὴν τῆς Πλειάδος ἐπιτολήν. ἤδη δὲ τῆς θερείας ἐνισταμένης, καὶ μετειληφότος Ἀράτου τοῦ νεωτέρου τὴν στρατηγίαν, ἅμα πάντα τὰ πράγματα τὰς ἐπιβολὰς ἐλάμβανε καὶ τὰς ἀρχάς. Ἀννίβας μὲν γὰρ ἐνεχείρει κατὰ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους Ζάκανθαν πολιορκεῖν, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ Λεύκιον Αἰμίλιον εἰς τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα μετὰ δυνάμεως ἐξαπέστελλον ἐπὶ Δημήτριον τὸν Φάριον· ὑπὲρ ὧν ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ βύβλῳ δεδηλώκαμεν. Ἀντίοχος δέ, Πτολεμαΐδα καὶ Τύρον παραδόντος αὐτῷ Θεοδότου, τοῖς κατὰ Κοίλην Συρίαν ἐγχειρεῖν ἐπεβάλλετο· Πτολεμαῖος δὲ περὶ παρασκευὴν ἐγίνετο τοῦ πρὸς Ἀντίοχον πολέμου. Λυκοῦργος δʼ ἀπὸ τῶν ὁμοίων βουλόμενος ἄρχεσθαι Κλεομένει, τὸ τῶν Μεγαλοπολιτῶν Ἀθήναιον ἐπολιόρκει προσεστρατοπεδευκώς. Ἀχαιοὶ δὲ μισθοφόρους ἱππεῖς καὶ πεζοὺς ἥθροιζον εἰς τὸν περιεστῶτα πόλεμον· Φίλιππος δʼ ἐκ Μακεδονίας ἐκίνει μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως, ἔχων Μακεδόνων φαλαγγίτας μὲν μυρίους, πελταστὰς δὲ πεντακισχιλίους, ἅμα δὲ τούτοις ἱππεῖς ὀκτακοσίους. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἅπαντʼ ἦν ἐν τοιαύταις ἐπιβολαῖς καὶ παρασκευαῖς. κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς ἐξήνεγκαν Ῥόδιοι Βυζαντίοις πόλεμον διά τινας τοιαύτας αἰτίας.
38. At the same time the Rhodians went to war with the Byzantines, for reasons which I must now describe. As far as the sea is concerned, Byzantium occupies a position the most secure and in every way the most advantageous of any town in our quarter of the world: while in regard to the land, its situation is in both respects the most unfavourable. By sea it so completely commands the entrance to the Pontus, that no merchant can sail in or out against its will. The Pontus therefore being rich in what the rest of the world requires for the support of life, the Byzantines are absolute masters of all such things. For those commodities which are the first necessaries of existence, cattle and slaves, are confessedly supplied by the districts round the Pontus in greater profusion, and of better quality, than by any others: and for luxuries, they supply us with honey, wax, and salt-fish in great abundance; while they take our superfluous stock of olive oil and every kind of wine. In the matter of corn there is a mutual interchange, they supplying or taking it as it happens to be convenient. Now the Greeks would necessarily have been excluded entirely from traffic in these articles, or at least would have had to carry it on at a loss, if the Byzantines had adopted a hostile attitude, and made common cause formerly with the Gauls, or still more at this time with the Thracians, or had abandoned the place altogether: for owing to the narrowness of the strait, and the number of the barbarians along its shores, it would have become entirely impassable to our ships. The Byzantines themselves probably feel the advantages of the situation, in the supplies of the necessaries of life, more than any one else; for their superfluity finds a ready means of export, and what they lack is readily imported, with profit to themselves, and without difficulty or danger: but other people too, as I have said, get a great many commodities by their means. As common benefactors therefore of all Greece they might justly expect, not only gratitude, but the united assistance of Greeks, when threatened by the barbarians. But since the peculiar natural advantages of this site are generally unknown, because it lies somewhat outside the parts of the world ordinarily visited; and since it is an universal wish to be acquainted with things of this sort, by ocular inspection, if possible, of such places as have any unusual or remarkable features; or, if that is impossible, by having in our minds some ideas or images of them as like the truth as may be, I must now state the facts of the case, and what it is that makes this city so eminently rich and prosperous.
38. Βυζάντιοι κατὰ μὲν θάλατταν εὐκαιρότατον οἰκοῦσι τόπον καὶ πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν καὶ πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν πάντη τῶν ἐν τῇ καθʼ ἡμᾶς οἰκουμένῃ, κατὰ δὲ γῆν πρὸς ἀμφότερα πάντων ἀφυέστατον. κατὰ μὲν γὰρ θάλατταν οὕτως ἐπίκεινται τῷ στόματι τοῦ Πόντου κυρίως ὥστε μήτʼ εἰσπλεῦσαι μήτʼ ἐκπλεῦσαι μηδένα δυνατὸν εἶναι τῶν ἐμπόρων χωρὶς τῆς ἐκείνων βουλήσεως. ἔχοντος δὲ τοῦ Πόντου πολλὰ τῶν πρὸς τὸν βίον εὐχρήστων τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις, πάντων εἰσὶ τούτων κύριοι Βυζάντιοι. πρὸς μὲν γὰρ τὰς ἀναγκαίας τοῦ βίου χρείας τά τε θρέμματα καὶ τὸ τῶν εἰς τὰς δουλείας ἀγομένων σωμάτων πλῆθος οἱ κατὰ τὸν Πόντον ἡμῖν τόποι παρασκευάζουσι δαψιλέστατον καὶ χρησιμώτατον ὁμολογουμένως· πρὸς δὲ περιουσίαν μέλι, κηρόν, τάριχος ἀφθόνως ἡμῖν χορηγοῦσι. δέχονται γε μὴν τῶν ἐν τοῖς παρʼ ἡμῖν τόποις περιττευόντων ἔλαιον καὶ πᾶν οἴνου γένος· σίτῳ δʼ ἀμείβονται, ποτὲ μὲν εὐκαίρως διδόντες, ποτὲ δὲ λαμβάνοντες. πάντων δὴ τούτων ἢ κωλύεσθαι δέον ἦν ὁλοσχερῶς τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἢ τελέως ἀλυσιτελῆ γίνεσθαι σφίσι τὴν ἀλλαγὴν αὐτῶν, Βυζαντίων ἤτοι βουλομένων ἐθελοκακεῖν καὶ συνδυάζειν ποτὲ μὲν Γαλάταις, τοτὲ δὲ πλείονα Θρᾳξὶν ἢ τὸ παράπαν μὴ κατοικούντων τοὺς τόπους· διά τε γὰρ τὴν στενότητα τοῦ πόρου καὶ τὸ παρακείμενον πλῆθος τῶν βαρβάρων ἄπλους ἂν ἡμῖν ἦν ὁμολογουμένως ὁ Πόντος. μέγιστα μὲν οὖν ἴσως αὐτοῖς ἐκείνοις περιγίνεται λυσιτελῆ πρὸς τοὺς βίους διὰ τὰς τῶν τόπων ἰδιότητας· ἅπαν γὰρ τὸ μὲν περιττεῦον παρʼ αὐτοῖς ἐξαγωγῆς, τὸ δὲ λεῖπον εἰσαγωγῆς ἑτοίμου τυγχάνει καὶ λυσιτελοῦς ἄνευ πάσης κακοπαθείας καὶ κινδύνου· πολλά γε μὴν καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις εὔχρηστα διʼ ἐκείνους, ὡς εἰρήκαμεν, ἀπαντᾷ. διὸ καὶ κοινοί τινες ὡς εὐεργέται πάντων ὑπάρχοντες εἰκότως ἂν οὐ μόνον χάριτος, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐπικουρίας κοινῆς τυγχάνοιεν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων κατὰ τὰς ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων περιστάσεις. ἐπεὶ δὲ παρὰ τοῖς πλείστοις ἀγνοεῖσθαι συνέβαινε τὴν ἰδιότητα καὶ τὴν εὐφυΐαν τοῦ τόπου, διὰ τὸ μικρὸν ἔξω κεῖσθαι τῶν ἐπισκοπουμένων μερῶν τῆς οἰκουμένης, βουλόμεθα δὲ πάντες εἰδέναι τὰ τοιαῦτα, καὶ μάλιστα μὲν αὐτόπται γίνεσθαι τῶν ἐχόντων παρηλλαγμένον τι καὶ διαφέρον τόπων, εἰ δὲ μὴ τοῦτο δυνατόν, ἐννοίας γε καὶ τύπους ἔχειν ἐν αὑτοῖς ὡς ἔγγιστα τῆς ἀληθείας, ῥητέον ἂν εἴη τί τὸ συμβαῖνόν ἐστι καὶ τί τὸ ποιοῦν τὴν τηλικαύτην καὶ τοιαύτην εὐπορίαν τῆς προειρημένης πόλεως.
39. The sea called “The Pontus” has a circumference of twenty-two thousand stades, and two mouths diametrically opposite to each other, the one opening into the Propontis and the other into the Maeotic Lake; which latter also has itself a circumference of eight thousand stades. Into these two basins many great rivers discharge themselves on the Asiatic side, and still larger and more numerous on the European; and so the Maeotic lake, as it gets filled up, flows into the Pontus, and the Pontus into the Propontis. The mouth of the Maeotic lake is called the Cimmerian Bosporus, about thirty stades broad and sixty long, and shallow all over; that of the Pontus is called the Thracian Bosporus, and is a hundred and twenty stades long, and of a varying breadth. Between Calchedon and Byzantium the channel is fourteen stades broad, and this is the entrance at the end nearest the Propontis. Coming from the Pontus, it begins at a place called Hieron, at which they say that Jason on his return voyage from Colchis first sacrificed to the twelve gods. This place is on the Asiatic side, and its distance from the European coast is twelve stades, measuring to Sarapieium, which lies exactly opposite in Thrace. There are two causes which account for the fact that the waters, both of the Maeotic lake and the Pontus, continually flow outwards. One is patent at once to every observer, namely, that by the continual discharge of many streams into basins which are of definite circumference and content, the water necessarily is continually increasing in bulk, and, had there been no outlet, would inevitably have encroached more and more, and occupied an ever enlarging area in the depression: but as outlets do exist, the surplus water is carried off by a natural process, and runs perpetually through the channels that are there to receive it. The second cause is the alluvial soil brought down, in immense quantities of every description, by the rivers swollen from heavy rains, which forms shelving banks and continually forces the water to take a higher level, which is thus also carried through these outlets. Now as this process of alluvial deposit and influx of water is unceasing and continuous, so also the discharge through the channels is necessarily unceasing and continuous. These are the true causes of the outflow of the Pontus, which do not depend for their credit on the stories of merchants, but upon the actual observation of nature, which is the most accurate method discoverable.
39. ὁ δὴ καλούμενος Πόντος ἔχει τὴν μὲν περίμετρον ἔγγιστα τῶν δισμυρίων καὶ δισχιλίων σταδίων, στόματα δὲ διττὰ κατὰ διάμετρον ἀλλήλοις κείμενα, τὸ μὲν ἐκ τῆς Προποντίδος, τὸ δʼ ἐκ τῆς Μαιώτιδος λίμνης, ἥτις αὐτὴ καθʼ αὑτὴν ὀκτακισχιλίων ἔχει σταδίων τὴν περιγραφήν. εἰς δὲ τὰ προειρημένα κοιλώματα πολλῶν μὲν καὶ μεγάλων ποταμῶν ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας ἐκβαλλόντων, ἔτι δὲ μειζόνων καὶ πλειόνων ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώπης, συμβαίνει τὴν μὲν Μαιῶτιν ἀναπληρουμένην ὑπὸ τούτων ῥεῖν εἰς τὸν Πόντον διὰ τοῦ στόματος, τὸν δὲ Πόντον εἰς τὴν Προποντίδα. καλεῖται δὲ τὸ μὲν τῆς Μαιώτιδος στόμα Κιμμερικὸς Βόσπορος, ὃ τὸ μὲν πλάτος ἔχει περὶ τριάκοντα στάδια, τὸ δὲ μῆκος ἑξήκοντα, πᾶν δʼ ἐστὶν ἁλιτενές· τὸ δὲ τοῦ Πόντου παραπλησίως ὀνομάζεται μὲν Βόσπορος Θρᾴκιος, ἔστι δὲ τὸ μὲν μῆκος ἐφʼ ἑκατὸν καὶ εἴκοσι στάδια, τὸ δὲ πλάτος οὐ πάντη ταὐτόν. ἄρχει δὲ τοῦ στόματος ἀπὸ μὲν τῆς Προποντίδος τὸ κατὰ Καλχηδόνα διάστημα καὶ Βυζάντιον, ὃ δεκατεττάρων ἐστὶ σταδίων, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Πόντου τὸ καλούμενον Ἱερόν, ἐφʼ οὗ τόπου φασὶ κατὰ τὴν ἐκ Κόλχων ἀνακομιδὴν Ἰάσονα θῦσαι πρῶτον τοῖς δώδεκα θεοῖς· ὃ κεῖται μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας, ἀπέχει δὲ τῆς Εὐρώπης ἐπὶ δώδεκα στάδια πρὸς τὸ καταντικρὺ κείμενον Σαραπιεῖον τῆς Θρᾴκης. τοῦ δὲ ῥεῖν ἔξω κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς τήν τε Μαιῶτιν καὶ τὸν Πόντον εἰσὶν αἰτίαι διτταί, μία μὲν αὐτόθεν καὶ πᾶσι προφανής, καθʼ ἥν, πολλῶν εἰσπιπτόντων ῥευμάτων εἰς περιγραφὴν ἀγγείων ὡρισμένων, πλεῖον ἀεὶ καὶ πλεῖον γίνεται τὸ ὑγρόν, ὃ μηδεμιᾶς μὲν ὑπαρχούσης ἐκρύσεως δέον ἂν ἦν προσαναβαῖνον ἀεὶ μείζω καὶ πλείω τοῦ κοιλώματος περιλαμβάνειν τόπον, ὑπαρχουσῶν δʼ ἐκρύσεων ἀνάγκη τὸ προσγινόμενον καὶ πλεονάζον ὑπερπῖπτον ἀπορρεῖν καὶ φέρεσθαι συνεχῶς διὰ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων στομάτων· δευτέρα δέ, καθʼ ἥν, πολὺν καὶ παντοδαπὸν χοῦν εἰσφερόντων εἰς τὰ προειρημένα κοιλώματα τῶν ποταμῶν κατὰ τὰς τῶν ὄμβρων ἐπιτάσεις, ἐκπιεζόμενον τὸ ὑγρὸν ὑπὸ τῶν συνισταμένων ἐγχωμάτων ἀεὶ προσαναβαίνει καὶ φέρεται κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν λόγον διὰ τῶν ὑπαρχουσῶν ἐκρύσεων. τῆς δʼ ἐγχώσεως καὶ τῆς ἐπιρρύσεως ἀδιαπαύστου καὶ συνεχοῦς γινομένης ἐκ τῶν ποταμῶν, καὶ τὴν ἀπόρρυσιν ἀδιάπαυστον καὶ συνεχῆ γίνεσθαι διὰ τῶν στομάτων ἀναγκαῖον. αἱ μὲν οὖν ἀληθεῖς αἰτίαι τοῦ ῥεῖν ἔξω τὸν Πόντον αἵδʼ εἰσίν, οὐκ ἐξ ἐμπορικῶν ἔχουσαι διηγημάτων τὴν πίστιν, ἀλλʼ ἐκ τῆς κατὰ φύσιν θεω ρίας, ἧς ἀκριβεστέραν εὑρεῖν οὐ ῥᾴδιον·
40. As I have started this topic I must not, as most historians do, leave any point undiscussed, or only barely stated. My object is rather to give information, and to clear up doubtful points for my readers. This is the peculiarity of the present day, in which every sea and land has been thrown open to travellers; and in which, therefore, one can no longer employ the evidence of poets and fabulists, as my predecessors have done on very many points, “offering,” as Heraclitus says, “tainted witnesses to disputed facts,”—but I must try to make my narrative in itself carry conviction to my readers. I say then the Pontus has long been in process of being filled up with mud, and that this process is actually going on now: and further, that in process of time both it and the Propontis, assuming the same local conditions to be maintained, and the causes of the alluvial deposit to continue active, will be entirely filled up. For time being infinite, and the depressions most undoubtedly finite, it is plain that, even though the amount of deposit be small, they must in course of time be filled. For a finite process, whether of accretion or decrease, must, if we presuppose infinite time, be eventually completed, however infinitesimal its progressive stages may be. In the present instance the amount of soil deposited being not small, but exceedingly large, it is plain that the result I mentioned will not be remote but rapid. And, in fact, it is evident that it is already taking place. The Maeotic lake is already so much choked up, that the greater part of it is only from seven to five fathoms deep, and accordingly cannot any longer be passed by large ships without a pilot. And having moreover been originally a sea precisely on a level with the Pontus, it is now a freshwater lake: the sea-water has been expelled by the silting up of the bottom, and the discharge of the rivers has entirely overpowered it. The same will happen to the Pontus, and indeed is taking place at this moment; and though it is not evident to ordinary observers, owing to the vastness of its basin, yet a moderately attentive study will discover even now what is going on.
40. ἐπεὶ δʼ ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον ἐπέστημεν, οὐδὲν ἀφετέον ἀργὸν οὐδʼ ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ φάσει κείμενον, ὅπερ οἱ πλεῖστοι ποιεῖν εἰώθασι τῶν συγγραφέων, ἀποδεικτικῇ δὲ μᾶλλον τῇ διηγήσει χρηστέον, ἵνα μηδὲν ἄπορον ἀπολείπωμεν τῶν ζητουμένων τοῖς φιληκόοις. τοῦτο γὰρ ἴδιόν ἐστι τῶν νῦν καιρῶν, ἐν οἷς πάντων πλωτῶν καὶ πορευτῶν γεγονότων οὐκ ἂν ἔτι πρέπον εἴη ποιηταῖς καὶ μυθογράφοις χρῆσθαι μάρτυσι περὶ τῶν ἀγνοουμένων, ὅπερ οἱ πρὸ ἡμῶν πεποιήκασι περὶ τῶν πλείστων, ἀπίστους ἀμφισβητουμένων παρεχόμενοι βεβαιωτὰς κατὰ τὸν Ἡράκλειτον, πειρατέον δὲ διʼ αὐτῆς τῆς ἱστορίας ἱκανὴν παριστάναι πίστιν τοῖς ἀκούουσι. φαμὲν δὴ χώννυσθαι μὲν καὶ πάλαι καὶ νῦν τὸν Πόντον, χρόνῳ γε μὴν ὁλοσχερῶς ἐγχωσθήσεσθαι τήν τε Μαιῶτιν καὶ τοῦτον, μενούσης γε δὴ τῆς αὐτῆς τάξεως περὶ τοὺς τόπους, καὶ τῶν αἰτίων τῆς ἐγχώσεως ἐνεργούντων κατὰ τὸ συνεχές. ὅταν γὰρ ὁ μὲν χρόνος ἄπειρος ᾖ, τὰ δὲ κοιλώματα πάντη πάντως ὡρισμένα, δῆλον ὡς, κἂν τὸ τυχὸν εἰσφέρηται, πληρωθήσονται τῷ χρόνῳ. κατὰ φύσιν γὰρ τὸ πεπερασμένον ἐν ἀπείρῳ χρόνῳ συνεχῶς γινόμενον ἢ φθειρόμενον, κἂν κατʼ ἐλάχιστον γίνηται — τοῦτο γὰρ νοείσθω νῦν — ἀνάγκη τελειωθῆναι κατὰ τὴν πρόθεσιν. ὅταν δὲ μὴ τὸ τυχόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ λίαν πολύς τις εἰσφέρηται χοῦς, φανερὸν ὡς οὐ ποτέ, ταχέως δὲ συμβήσεται γενέσθαι τὸ νῦν δὴ λεγόμενον ὑφʼ ἡμῶν. ὃ δὴ καὶ φαίνεται γινόμενον. τὴν μὲν οὖν Μαιῶτιν ἤδη κεχῶσθαι συμβαίνει· τὸ γάρ τοι πλεῖστον αὐτῆς μέρος ἐν ἑπτὰ καὶ πέντε ὀργυιαῖς ἐστι· διὸ καὶ πλεῖν αὐτὴν οὐκέτι δύνανται ναυσὶ μεγάλαις χωρὶς καθηγεμόνος. οὖσά τʼ ἐξ ἀρχῆς θάλαττα σύρρους τῷ Πόντῳ, καθάπερ οἱ παλαιοὶ συμφωνοῦσι, νῦν ἐστι λίμνη γλυκεῖα, τῆς μὲν θαλάττης ἐκπεπιεσμένης ὑπὸ τῶν ἐγχωμάτων, τῆς δὲ τῶν ποταμῶν εἰσβολῆς ἐπικρατούσης. ἔσται δὲ καὶ περὶ τὸν Πόντον παραπλήσιον, καὶ γίνεται νῦν· ἀλλʼ οὐ λίαν τοῖς πολλοῖς ἐστι καταφανὲς διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ κοιλώματος. τοῖς μέντοι γε βραχέα συνεπιστήσασι καὶ νῦν ἐστι δῆλον τὸ γινόμενον.
41. For the Danube discharging itself into the Pontus by several mouths, we find opposite it a bank formed by the mud discharged from these mouths extending for nearly a thousand stades, at a distance of a day’s sail from the shore as it now exists; upon which ships sailing to the Pontus run, while apparently still in deep water, and find themselves unexpectedly stranded on the sandbanks which the sailors call the Breasts. That this deposit is not close to the shore, but projected to some distance, must be accounted for thus: exactly as far as the currents of the rivers retain their force from the strength of the descending stream, and overpower that of the sea, it must of course follow that to that distance the earth, and whatever else is carried down by the rivers, would be projected, and neither settle nor become fixed until it is reached. But when the force of the currents has become quite spent by the depth and bulk of the sea, it is but natural that the soil held in solution should settle down and assume a fixed position. This is the explanation of the fact, that, in the case of large and rapid rivers, such embankments are at considerable distances, and the sea close in shore deep; while in the case of smaller and more sluggish streams, these sandbanks are at their mouths. The strongest proof of this is furnished by the case of heavy rains; for when they occur, rivers of inferior size, overpowering the waves at their mouths, project the alluvial deposit out to sea, to a distance exactly in proportion to the force of the streams thus discharging themselves. It would be mere foolish scepticism to disbelieve in the enormous size of this sandbank, and in the mass of stones, timber, and earth carried down by the rivers; when we often see with our own eyes an insignificant stream suddenly swell into a torrent, and force its way over lofty rocks, sweeping along with it every kind of timber, soil, and stones, and making such huge moraines, that at times the appearance of a locality becomes in a brief period difficult to recognise.
41. τοῦ γὰρ Ἴστρου πλείοσι στόμασιν ἀπὸ τῆς Εὐρώπης εἰς τὸν Πόντον εἰσβάλλοντος, συμβαίνει πρὸς τοῦτον σχεδὸν ἐπὶ χίλια στάδια συνεστάναι ταινίαν ἡμέρας δρόμον ἀπέχουσαν τῆς γῆς [ἥτις νῦν συνέστηκεν] ἐκ τῆς τοῖς στόμασιν εἰσφερομένης ἰλύος· ἐφʼ ἣν ἔτι πελάγιοι τρέχοντες οἱ πλέοντες τὸν Πόντον λανθάνουσιν ἐποκέλλοντες νυκτὸς ἐπὶ τοὺς τόπους. καλοῦσι δʼ αὐτοὺς οἱ ναυτικοὶ Στήθη. τοῦ δὲ μὴ παρʼ αὐτὴν συνίστασθαι τὴν γῆν, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ προωθεῖσθαι τὸν χοῦν, ταύτην νομιστέον εἶναι τὴν αἰτίαν. ἐφʼ ὅσον μὲν γὰρ αἱ ῥύσεις τῶν ποταμῶν διὰ τὴν βίαν τῆς φορᾶς ἐπικρατοῦσι καὶ διωθοῦνται τὴν θάλατταν, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο καὶ τὴν γῆν καὶ πάντα τὰ φερόμενα τοῖς ῥεύμασιν ἀνάγκη προωθεῖσθαι καὶ μὴ λαμβάνειν μονὴν μηδὲ στάσιν ἁπλῶς· ὅταν δὲ διὰ τὸ βάθος ἤδη καὶ πλῆθος τῆς θαλάττης ἐκλύηται τὰ ῥεύματα, τότʼ εἰκὸς ἤδη κατὰ φύσιν φερόμενον κάτω μονὴν καὶ στάσιν λαμβάνειν τὸν χοῦν. διʼ ἃ δὴ τῶν μὲν λάβρων καὶ μεγάλων ποταμῶν τὰ μὲν χώματα μακρὰν συνίσταται, τὰ δὲ παρὰ τὴν χέρσον ἐστὶν ἀγχιβαθῆ, τῶν δʼ ἐλαττόνων καὶ πρᾴως ῥεόντων παρʼ αὐτὰς τὰς εἰσβολὰς οἱ θῖνες συνίστανται. μάλιστα δʼ ἔκδηλον γίνεται τοῦτο κατὰ τὰς τῶν ὄμβρων ἐπιφοράς· καὶ γὰρ τὰ τυχόντα τότε τῶν ῥείθρων, ἐπειδὰν ἐπικρατήσωσι τοῦ κύματος κατὰ τὴν εἰσβολήν, προωθοῦσι τὸν χοῦν εἰς θάλατταν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ὥστε πρὸς λόγον ἑκάστου γίνεσθαι τὴν ἀπόστασιν τῇ βίᾳ τῶν ἐμπιπτόντων ῥευμάτων. τῷ δὲ μεγέθει τῆς προειρημένης ταινίας καὶ καθόλου τῷ πλήθει τῶν εἰσφερομένων λίθων καὶ ξύλων καὶ γῆς ὑπὸ τῶν ποταμῶν οὐδαμῶς ἀπιστητέον — εὔηθες γάρ — θεωροῦντας ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν τὸν τυχόντα χειμάρρουν ἐν βραχεῖ χρόνῳ πολλάκις ἐκχαραδροῦντα μὲν καὶ διακόπτοντα τόπους ἠλιβάτους, φέροντα δὲ πᾶν γένος ὕλης καὶ γῆς καὶ λίθων, ἐπιχώσεις δὲ ποιούμενον τηλικαύτας ὥστʼ ἀλλοιοῦν ἐνίοτε καὶ μηδὲ γινώσκειν ἐν βραχεῖ χρόνῳ τοὺς αὐτοὺς τόπους.
42. This should prevent any surprise that rivers of such magnitude and rapidity, flowing perpetually instead of intermittently, should produce these effects and end by filling up the Pontus. For it is not a mere probability, but a logical certainty, that this must happen. And a proof of what is going to take place is this, that in the same proportion as the Maeotic lake is less salt than the Pontus, the Pontus is less so than the Mediterranean. From which it is manifest that, when the time which it has taken for the Maeotic lake to fill up shall have been extended in proportion to the excess of the Pontic over the Maeotic basin, then the Pontus will also become like a marsh and lake, and filled with fresh water like the Maeotic lake: nay, we must suppose that the process will be somewhat more rapid, insomuch as the rivers falling into it are more numerous and more rapid. I have said thus much in answer to the incredulity of those who cannot believe that the Pontus is actually being silted up, and will some day be filled; and that so vast a sea will ever become a lake or marsh. But I have another and higher object also in thus speaking: which is to prevent our ignorance from forcing us to give a childish credence to every traveller’s tale and marvel related by voyagers; and that, by possessing certain indications of the truth, we may be enabled by them to test the truth or falsehood of anything alleged by this or that person.
42. ἐξ ὧν οὐκ εἰκὸς θαυμάζειν πῶς οἱ τηλικοῦτοι καὶ τοιοῦτοι ποταμοὶ συνεχῶς ῥέοντες ἀπεργάζονταί τι τῶν προειρημένων καὶ τέλος ἐκπληροῦσι τὸν Πόντον. οὐ γὰρ εἰκός, ἀλλʼ ἀναγκαῖον γενέσθαι τοῦτό γε προφαίνεται κατὰ τὸν ὀρθὸν λόγον. σημεῖον δὲ τοῦ μέλλοντος· ὅσῳ γάρ ἐστι νῦν ἡ Μαιῶτις γλυκυτέρα τῆς Ποντικῆς θαλάττης, οὕτως θεωρεῖται διαφέρουσα προφανῶς ἡ Ποντικὴ τῆς καθʼ ἡμᾶς. ἐξ ὧν δῆλον ὡς, ὅταν ὁ χρόνος, ἐν ᾧ πεπληρῶσθαι συμβαίνει τὴν Μαιῶτιν, τοῦτον λάβῃ τὸν λόγον πρὸς τὸν χρόνον, ὃν ἔχει τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ κοιλώματος πρὸς τὸ κοίλωμα, τότε συμβήσεται καὶ τὸν Πόντον τεναγώδη καὶ γλυκὺν καὶ λιμνώδη γενέσθαι παραπλησίως τῇ Μαιώτιδι λίμνῃ. καὶ θᾶττον δὲ τοῦτον ὑποληπτέον. ὅσῳ μείζους καὶ πλείους εἰσὶν αἱ ῥύσεις τῶν εἰς τοῦτον ἐκπιπτόντων ποταμῶν. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἡμῖν εἰρήσθω πρὸς τοὺς ἀπίστως διακειμένους, εἰ δὴ χώννυσθαι νῦν καὶ χωσθήσεσθαί ποτε συμβήσεται τὸν Πόντον καὶ λίμνη καὶ τέναγος ἔσται τὸ τηλικοῦτον πέλαγος. ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον εἰρήσθω καὶ τῆς τῶν πλοϊζομένων ψευδολογίας καὶ τερατείας χάριν, ἵνα μὴ παντὶ τῷ λεγομένῳ προσκεχηνέναι παιδικῶς ἀναγκαζώμεθα διὰ τὴν ἀπειρίαν, ἔχοντες δʼ ἴχνη τῆς ἀληθείας ἐπὶ ποσὸν ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐπικρίνειν δυνώμεθα τὸ λεγόμενον ὑπό τινων ἀληθῶς ἢ τοὐναντίον. ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ συνεχὲς τῆς εὐκαιρίας τῶν Βυζαντίων ἐπάνιμεν.
43. I must now return to the discussion of the excellence of the site of Byzantium. The length of the channel connecting the Pontus and Propontis being, as I have said, a hundred and twenty stades, and Hieron marking its termination towards the Pontus, and the Strait of Byzantium that towards the Propontis, —half-way between these, on the European side, stands Hermaeum, on a headland jutting out into the channel, about five stades from the Asiatic coast, just at the narrowest point of the whole channel; where Darius is said to have made his bridge of ships across the strait, when he crossed to invade Scythia. In the rest of the channel the running of the current from the Pontus is much the same, owing to the similarity of the coast formation on either side of it; but when it reaches Hermaeum on the European side, which I said was the narrowest point, the stream flowing from the Pontus, and being thus confined, strikes the European coast with great violence, and then, as though by a rebound from a blow, dashes against the opposite Asiatic coast, and thence again sweeps back and strikes the European shore near some headlands called the Hearths: thence it runs rapidly once more to the spot on the Asiatic side called the Cow, the place on which the myth declares Io to have first stood after swimming the channel. Finally the current runs from the Cow right up to Byzantium, and dividing into two streams on either side of the city, the lesser part of it forms the gulf called the Horn, while the greater part swerves once more across. But it has no longer sufficient way on it to reach the opposite shore on which Calchedon stands: for after its several counter-blows the current, finding at this point a wider channel, slackens; and no longer makes short rebounds at right angles from one shore to the other, but more and more at an obtuse angle, and accordingly, falling short of Calchedon, runs down the middle of the channel.
43. τοῦ δὴ στόματος τοῦ τὸν Πόντον καὶ τὴν Προποντίδα συνάπτοντος ὄντος ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι σταδίων τὸ μῆκος, καθάπερ ἀρτίως εἶπον, καὶ τοῦ μὲν Ἱεροῦ τὸ πρὸς τὸν Πόντον πέρας ὁρίζοντος, τοῦ δὲ κατὰ Βυζάντιον διαστήματος τὸ πρὸς τὴν Προποντίδα, μεταξὺ τούτων ἐστὶν Ἑρμαῖον, τῆς Εὐρώπης ἐπὶ προοχῆς τινος ἀκρωτηριαζούσης ἐν τῷ στόματι κείμενον, ὃ τῆς μὲν Ἀσίας ἀπέχει περὶ πέντε στάδια, κατὰ τὸν στενώτατον δὲ τόπον ὑπάρχει τοῦ παντὸς στόματος· ᾗ καὶ Δαρεῖον ζεῦξαί φασι τὸν πόρον, καθʼ ὃν χρόνον ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ἐπὶ Σκύθας διάβασιν. κατὰ μὲν δὴ τὸν ἄλλον τόπον ἀπὸ τοῦ Πόντου παραπλήσιός ἐστιν ἡ φορὰ τοῦ ῥεύματος διὰ τὴν ὁμοιότητα τῶν παρʼ ἑκάτερον τὸ μέρος τῷ στόματι παρηκόντων τόπων· ἐπὰν δʼ εἰς τὸ τῆς Εὐρώπης Ἑρμαῖον, ᾗ στενώτατον ἔφαμεν εἶναι, φερόμενος ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου καὶ συγκλειόμενος ὁ ῥοῦς βίᾳ προσπέσῃ, τότε δὴ τραπεὶς ὥσπερ ἀπὸ πληγῆς ἐμπίπτει τοῖς ἀντιπέρας τῆς Ἀσίας τόποις. ἐκεῖθεν δὲ πάλιν, οἷον ἐξ ὑποστροφῆς, τὴν ἀνταπόδοσιν ποιεῖται πρὸς τὰ περὶ τὰς Ἑστίας ἄκρα καλούμενα τῆς Εὐρώπης. ὅθεν αὖθις ὁρμήσας προσπίπτει πρὸς τὴν Βοῦν καλουμένην, ὅς ἐστι τῆς Ἀσίας τόπος, ἐφʼ ὃν ἐπιστῆναί φασι πρῶτον οἱ μῦθοι τὴν Ἰὼ περαιωθεῖσαν. πλὴν ὅ γε ῥοῦς τὸ τελευταῖον ὁρμήσας ἀπὸ τῆς Βοὸς ἐπʼ αὐτὸ φέρεται τὸ Βυζάντιον, περισχισθεὶς δὲ περὶ τὴν πόλιν βραχὺ μὲν εἰς τὸν κόλπον αὑτοῦ διορίζει τὸν καλούμενον Κέρας, τὸ δὲ πλεῖον πάλιν ἀπονεύει. διευτονεῖν μὲν οὖν οὐκέτι δύναται πρὸς τὴν ἀντιπέρας χώραν, ἐφʼ ἧς ἐστι Καλχηδών· πλεονάκις γὰρ τὴν ἀνταπόδοσιν πεποιημένος, καὶ τοῦ πόρου πλάτος ἔχοντος, ἤδη περὶ τοῦτον τὸν τόπον ἐκλυόμενος ὁ ῥοῦς οὐκέτι βραχείας πρὸς ὀξεῖαν γωνίαν ποιεῖται τὰς ἀνακλάσεις ἐπὶ τὴν περαίαν, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον πρὸς ἀμβλεῖαν· διόπερ ἀπολιπὼν τὴν τῶν Καλχηδονίων πόλιν φέρεται διὰ πόρου.
44. What then makes Byzantium a most excellent site, and Calchedon the reverse, is just this: and although at first sight both positions seem equally convenient, the practical fact is that it is difficult to sail up to the latter, even if you wish to do so; while the current carries you to the former, whether you will or no, as I have just now shown. And a proof of my assertion is this: those who want to cross from Calchedon to Byzantium cannot sail straight across the channel, but coast up to the Cow and Chrysopolis,—which the Athenians formerly seized, by the advice of Alcibiades, when they for the first time levied customs on ships sailing into the Pontus, —and then drift down the current, which carries them as a matter of course to Byzantium. And the same is the case with a voyage on either side of Byzantium. For if a man is running before a south wind from the Hellespont, or to the Hellespont from the Pontus before the Etesian winds, if he keeps to the European shore, he has a direct and easy course to the narrow part of the Hellespont between Abydos and Sestos, and thence also back again to Byzantium: but if he goes from Calchedon along the Asiatic coast, the case is exactly the reverse, from the fact that the coast is broken up by deep bays, and that the territory of Cyzicus projects to a considerable distance. Nor can a man coming from the Hellespont to Calchedon obviate this by keeping to the European coast as far as Byzantium, and then striking across to Calchedon; for the current and other circumstances which I have mentioned make it difficult. Similarly, for one sailing out from Calchedon it is absolutely impossible to make straight for Thrace, owing to the intervening current, and to the fact that both winds are unfavourable to both voyages; for as the south wind blows into the Pontus, and the north wind from it, the one or the other of these must be encountered in both these voyages. These, then, are the advantages enjoyed by Byzantium in regard to the sea: I must now describe its disadvantages on shore.
44. καὶ τὸ ποιοῦν τὴν μὲν τῶν Βυζαντίων πόλιν εὐκαιροτάτην, τὴν δὲ τῶν Καλχηδονίων τἀναντία, τοῦτʼ ἔστι τὸ νῦν ὑφʼ ἡμῶν εἰρημένον, καίπερ ἀπὸ τῆς ὄψεως ὁμοίας ἀμφοτέραις δοκούσης εἶναι τῆς θέσεως πρὸς τὴν εὐκαιρίαν. ἀλλʼ ὅμως εἰς τὴν μὲν βουληθέντα καταπλεῦσʼ οὐ ῥᾴδιον, πρὸς ἣν δέ, κἂν μὴ βούλῃ, φέρει κατʼ ἀνάγκην ὁ ῥοῦς, καθάπερ ἀρτίως εἴπομεν. σημεῖον δὲ τούτου· ἐκ Καλχηδόνος γὰρ οἱ βουλόμενοι διαίρειν εἰς Βυζάντιον οὐ δύνανται πλεῖν κατʼ εὐθεῖαν διὰ τὸν μεταξὺ ῥοῦν, ἀλλὰ παράγουσιν ἐπί τε τὴν Βοῦν καὶ τὴν καλουμένην Χρυσόπολιν, ἣν Ἀθηναῖοι τότε κατασχόντες Ἀλκιβιάδου γνώμῃ παραγωγιάζειν ἐπεβάλοντο πρῶτον τοὺς εἰς Πόντον πλέοντας, τὸ δʼ ἔμπροσθεν ἀφιᾶσι κατὰ ῥοῦν, ᾧ φέρονται κατʼ ἀνάγκην πρὸς τὸ Βυζάντιον. ὅμοια δὲ τούτοις καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὸν ἐπὶ θάτερα πλοῦν ἐστι τῆς Βυζαντίων πόλεως· ἄν τε γὰρ ἀφʼ Ἑλλησπόντου τρέχῃ τις τοῖς νότοις ἄν τʼ ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου τοῖς ἐτησίοις, παρὰ μὲν τὴν Εὐρώπην ἐκ τῆς Βυζαντίων πόλεως ὀρθός, ἅμα δʼ εὐπαρακόμιστός ἐστιν ὁ πλοῦς ἐπὶ τὰ τῆς Προποντίδος στενὰ κατʼ Ἄβυδον καὶ Σηστόν, κἀκεῖθεν ὡσαύτως πάλιν ἐπὶ τὸ Βυζάντιον, ἀπὸ δὲ Καλχηδόνος παρὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν τἀναντία τούτοις διὰ τὸ κολπώδη τὸν παράπλουν ὑπάρχειν καὶ προτείνειν πολὺ τὴν τῶν Κυζικηνῶν χώραν. ἀφʼ Ἑλλησπόντου γὰρ φερόμενον εἰς Καλχηδόνα χρήσασθαι τῷ παρὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην πλῷ, κἄπειτα συνεγγίζοντα τοῖς κατὰ Βυζάντιον τόποις κάμπτειν καὶ προστρέχειν πρὸς τὴν Καλχηδόνα διὰ τὸν ῥοῦν καὶ τὰ προειρημένα δυσχερές. ὁμοίως δὲ πάλιν ἐκπλέοντα προστρέχειν εὐθέως τῇ Θρᾴκῃ τελέως ἀδύνατον διά τε τὸν μεταξὺ ῥοῦν καὶ διὰ τὸ τοὺς ἀνέμους ἑκατέρους ἀντιπίπτειν πρὸς ἀμφοτέρας τὰς ἐπιβολάς, ἐπειδήπερ εἰσάγει μὲν εἰς τὸν Πόντον νότος, ἐξάγει δὲ βορέας, καὶ τούτοις ἀνάγκη χρῆσθαι πρὸς ἑκάτερον τὸν δρόμον τοῖς ἀνέμοις. τὰ μὲν οὖν τὴν κατὰ θάλατταν εὐκαιρίαν ποιοῦντα Βυζαντίοις ταῦτʼ ἔστι, τὰ δὲ τὴν κατὰ γῆν ἀκαιρίαν τὰ μέλλοντα ῥηθήσεσθαι.
45. They consist in the fact that its territory is so completely hemmed in by Thrace from shore to shore, that the Byzantines have a perpetual and dangerous war continually on hand with the Thracians. For they are unable once for all to arm and repel them by a single decisive battle, owing to the number of their people and chiefs, three others still more formidable invade their territory. Nor again do they gain anything by consenting to pay tribute and make terms; for a concession of any sort to one brings at once five times as many enemies upon them. Therefore, as I say, they are burdened by a perpetual and dangerous war: for what can be more hazardous or more formidable than a war with barbarians living on your borders? Nay, it is not only this perpetual struggle with danger on land, but, apart from the evils that always accompany war, they have to endure a misery like that ascribed by the poets to Tantalus: for being in possession of an extremely fertile district, no sooner have they expended their labour upon it and been rewarded by crops of the finest quality, than the barbarians sweep down, and either destroy them, or collect and carry them off; and then, to say nothing of the loss of their labour and expense, the very excellence of the crops enhances the misery and distress of seeing them destroyed before their eyes. Still, habit making them able to endure the war with the Thracians, they maintained their original connexions with the other Greeks; but when to their other misfortunes was added the attack of the Gauls under Comontorius, they were reduced to a sad state of distress indeed.
45. τῆς γὰρ Θρᾴκης κύκλῳ περιεχούσης αὐτῶν τὴν χώραν οὕτως ὥστʼ ἐκ θαλάττης εἰς θάλατταν καθήκειν, ἀίδιον ἔχουσι πόλεμον καὶ δυσχερῆ πρὸς τούτους. οὔτε γὰρ παρασκευασάμενοι καὶ κρατήσαντες αὐτῶν εἰσάπαξ ἀποτρίψασθαι τὸν πόλεμον οἷοί τʼ εἰσὶ διὰ τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τῶν ὄχλων καὶ τῶν δυναστῶν· ἐὰν τοῦ γὰρ ἑνὸς περιγένωνται, τρεῖς ἐπιβαίνουσιν ἐπὶ τὴν τούτων χώραν ἄλλοι βαρύτεροι δυνάσται. καὶ μὴν οὐδʼ εἴξαντες καὶ συγκαταβάντες εἰς φόρους καὶ συνθήκας οὐδὲν ποιοῦσι πλέον· ἂν γὰρ ἑνὶ πρόωνταί τι, πενταπλασίους διʼ αὐτὸ τοῦτο πολεμίους εὑρίσκουσι. διόπερ ἀιδίῳ συνέχονται καὶ δυσχερεῖ πολέμῳ· τί γὰρ ἐπισφαλέστερον ἀστυγείτονος καὶ βαρβάρου πολέμου; τί δεινότερον; οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τούτοις τὸ παράπαν κακοῖς παλαίοντες κατὰ γῆν, χωρὶς τῶν ἄλλων τῶν παρεπομένων τῷ πολέμῳ κακῶν, ὑπομένουσί τινα καὶ τιμωρίαν Ταντάλειον κατὰ τὸν ποιητήν· ἔχοντες γὰρ χώραν γενναιοτάτην, ὅταν διαπονήσωσι ταύτην καὶ γένηται τὸ τῶν καρπῶν πλῆθος τῷ κάλλει διαφέρον, κἄπειτα παραγενηθέντες οἱ βάρβαροι τοὺς μὲν καταφθείρωσι, τοὺς δὲ συναθροίσαντες ἀποφέρωσι, τότε δὴ χωρὶς τῶν ἔργων καὶ τῆς δαπάνης καὶ τὴν καταφθορὰν θεώμενοι διὰ τὸ κάλλος τῶν καρπῶν σχετλιάζουσι καὶ βαρέως φέρουσι τὸ συμβαῖνον. ἀλλʼ ὅμως τὸν μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν Θρᾳκῶν πόλεμον κατὰ τὴν συνήθειαν ἀναφέροντες ἔμενον ἐπὶ τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς δικαίων πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας· προσεπιγενομένων δὲ Γαλατῶν αὐτοῖς τῶν περὶ Κομοντόριον εἰς πᾶν ἦλθον περιστάσεως.
46. These Gauls had left their country with Brennus, and having survived the battle at Delphi and made their way to the Hellespont, instead of crossing to Asia, were captivated by the beauty of the district round Byzantium, and settled there. Then, having conquered the Thracians and erected Tyle into a capital, they placed the Byzantines in extreme danger. In their earlier attacks, made under the command of Comontorius their first king, the Byzantines always bought them off by presents amounting to three, or five, or sometimes even ten thousand gold pieces, on condition of their not devastating their territory: and at last were compelled to agree to pay them a yearly tribute of eighty talents, until the time of Cavarus, in whose reign their kingdom came to an end; and their whole tribe, being in their turn conquered by the Thracians, were entirely annihilated. It was in these times, then, that being hard pressed by the payment of these exactions, the Byzantines first sent embassies to the Greek states with a prayer for aid and support in their dangerous situation: but being disregarded by the greater number, they, under pressure of necessity, attempted to levy dues upon ships sailing into the Pontus.
46. οὗτοι δʼ ἐκίνησαν μὲν ἅμα τοῖς περὶ Βρέννον ἐκ τῆς οἰκείας, διαφυγόντες δὲ τὸν περὶ Δελφοὺς κίνδυνον, καὶ παραγενόμενοι πρὸς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον, εἰς μὲν τὴν Ἀσίαν οὐκ ἐπεραιώθησαν, αὐτοῦ δὲ κατέμειναν διὰ τὸ φιλοχωρῆσαι τοῖς περὶ τὸ Βυζάντιον τόποις. οἳ καὶ κρατήσαντες τῶν Θρᾳκῶν, καὶ κατασκευασάμενοι βασίλειον τὴν Τύλιν, εἰς ὁλοσχερῆ κίνδυνον ἦγον τοὺς Βυζαντίους. κατὰ μὲν οὖν τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐν ταῖς ἐφόδοις αὐτῶν ταῖς κατὰ Κομοντόριον τὸν πρῶτον βασιλεύσαντα δῶρα διετέλουν οἱ Βυζάντιοι διδόντες ἀνὰ τρισχιλίους καὶ πεντακισχιλίους, ποτὲ δὲ καὶ μυρίους χρυσοῦς, ἐφʼ ᾧ μὴ καταφθείρειν τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν. τέλος δʼ ἠναγκάσθησαν ὀγδοήκοντα τάλαντα συγχωρῆσαι φόρον τελεῖν κατʼ ἐνιαυτὸν ἕως εἰς Καύαρον, ἐφʼ οὗ κατελύθη μὲν ἡ βασιλεία, τὸ δὲ γένος αὐτῶν ἐξεφθάρη πᾶν, ὑπὸ Θρᾳκῶν ἐκ μεταβολῆς ἐπικρατηθέν. ἐν οἷς καιροῖς ὑπὸ τῶν φόρων πιεζούμενοι τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐπρέσβευον πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας, δεόμενοι σφίσι βοηθεῖν καὶ συγχορηγεῖν εἰς τοὺς περιεστῶτας καιρούς· τῶν δὲ πλείστων παρολιγωρούντων, ἐνεχείρησαν ἀπαναγκασθέντες παρ αγωγιάζειν τοὺς εἰς τὸν Πόντον πλέοντας.
47. Now this exaction by the Byzantines of a duty upon goods brought from the Pontus, being a heavy loss and burden to everybody, was universally regarded as a grievance; and accordingly an appeal from all those engaged in the trade was made to the Rhodians, as acknowledged masters of the sea: and it was from this circumstance that the war originated of which I am about to speak. For the Rhodians, roused to action by the loss incurred by themselves, as well as that of their neighbours, at first joined their allies in an embassy to Byzantium, and demanded the abolition of the impost. The Byzantines refused compliance, being persuaded that they were in the right by the arguments advanced by their chief magistrates, Hecatorus and Olympidorus, in their interview with the ambassadors. The Rhodian envoys accordingly departed without effecting their object. But upon their return home, war was at once voted against Byzantium on these grounds; and messengers were immediately despatched to Prusias. inviting his co-operation in the war: for they knew that Prusias was from various causes incensed with the Byzantines.
47. μεγάλης δὲ γενομένης τῆς ἀλυσιτελείας καὶ δυσχρηστίας πᾶσιν ἐκ τοῦ τέλος πράττειν τοὺς Βυζαντίους τῶν ἐξαγομένων ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου, δεινὸν ἡγοῦντο, καὶ πάντες ἐνεκάλουν οἱ πλοϊζόμενοι τοῖς Ῥοδίοις διὰ τὸ δοκεῖν τούτους προεστάναι τῶν κατὰ θάλατταν. ἐξ οὗ συνέβη φῦναι τὸν πόλεμον, ὑπὲρ οὗ νῦν ἡμεῖς ἱστορεῖν μέλλομεν. οἱ γὰρ Ῥόδιοι, συνεξεγερθέντες ἅμα μὲν διὰ τὴν σφετέραν βλάβην, ἅμα δὲ καὶ διὰ τὴν τῶν πέλας ἐλάττωσιν, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον παραλαβόντες τοὺς συμμάχους ἐπρέσβευον πρὸς τοὺς Βυζαντίους, ἀξιοῦντες καταλύσειν αὐτοὺς τὸ παραγώγιον· οὐκ ἐντρεπομένων δὲ τοῖς ὅλοις, ἀλλὰ πεπεισμένων δίκαια λέγειν ἐκ τῆς ἀντικαταστάσεως τῆς γενομένης παρʼ αὐτοῖς τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἑκατόδωρον καὶ Ὀλυμπιόδωρον πρὸς τοὺς τῶν Ῥοδίων πρεσβευτάς — οὗτοι γὰρ τότε προέστησαν τοῦ τῶν Βυζαντίων πολιτεύματος — τότε μὲν ἀπηλλάγησαν οἱ Ῥόδιοι περάναντες οὐδέν, ἐπανελθόντες δὲ τὸν πόλεμον ἐψηφίσαντο τοῖς Βυζαντίοις διὰ τὰς προειρημένας αἰτίας. καὶ παραυτίκα πρεσβευτὰς ἐξαπέστελλον πρὸς Προυσίαν, παρακαλοῦντες καὶ τοῦτον εἰς τὸν πόλεμον· ᾔδεσαν γὰρ τὸν Προυσίαν παρατριβόμενον ἔκ τινων πρὸς τοὺς Βυζαντίους.
48. The Byzantines took steps of a similar nature, by sending to Attalus and Achaeus begging for their assistance. For his part Attalus was ready enough to give it: but his importance was small, because he had been reduced within the limits of his ancestral dominions by Achaeus. But Achaeus, who exercised dominion throughout Asia on this side Taurus, and had recently established his regal power, promised assistance; and his attitude roused high hopes in the minds of the Byzantines, and corresponding depression in those of the Rhodians and Prusias. Achaeus was a relation of the Antiochus who had just succeeded to the kingdom of Syria; and he became possessed of the dominion I have mentioned through the following circumstances. After the death of Seleucus, father of the above-named Antiochus, and the succession of his eldest son Seleucus to the throne, Achaeus accompanied the latter in an expedition over Mount Taurus, about two years before the period of which we are speaking. For as soon as Seleucus the younger had succeeded to the kingdom he learnt that Attalus had already reduced all Asia on this side of Taurus under his power; and being accordingly eager to support his own rights, he crossed Taurus with a large army. There he was treacherously assassinated by Apaturius the Gaul, and Nicanor. Achaeus, in right of his relationship, promptly revenged his murder by killing Nicanor and Apaturius; and taking supreme command of the army and administration, conducted it with wisdom and integrity. For the opportunity was a convenient one, and the feeling of the common soldiers was all in favour of his assuming the crown; yet he refused to do so, and preserving the royal title for Antiochus the younger, son of Seleucus, went on energetically with the expedition, and the recovery of the whole of the territory this side Taurus. Meeting however with unexpected success,—for he shut up Attalus within the walls of Pergamus and became master of all the rest of the country,—he was puffed up by his good fortune, and at once swerved from his straightforward course of policy. He assumed the diadem, adopted the title of king, and was at this time the most powerful and formidable of all the kings and princes this side Taurus. This was the man on whose help the Byzantines relied when they undertook the war against the Rhodians and Prusias.
48. τὸ δὲ παραπλήσιον ἐποίουν καὶ Βυζάντιοι· πρός τε γὰρ Ἄτταλον καὶ πρὸς Ἀχαιὸν ἔπεμπον πρέσβεις, δεόμενοι σφίσι βοηθεῖν. ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἄτταλος ἦν πρόθυμος, εἶχε δὲ βραχεῖαν τότε ῥοπήν, ὡς ἂν ὑπʼ Ἀχαιοῦ συνεληλαμένος εἰς τὴν πατρῴαν ἀρχήν· ὁ δʼ Ἀχαιός, κρατῶν μὲν τῆς ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου, βασιλέα δὲ προσφάτως αὑτὸν ἀναδεδειχώς, ἐπηγγέλλετο βοηθήσειν. ὑπάρχων δʼ ἐπὶ ταύτης τῆς προαιρέσεως, τοῖς μὲν Βυζαντίοις μεγάλην ἐλπίδα παρεσκεύαζε, τοῖς δὲ Ῥοδίοις καὶ Προυσίᾳ τἀναντία κατάπληξιν. Ἀχαιὸς γὰρ ἦν μὲν Ἀντιόχου συγγενὴς τοῦ παρειληφότος τὴν ἐν Συρίᾳ βασιλείαν, ἐγκρατὴς δʼ ἐγένετο τῆς προειρημένης δυναστείας διά τινας τοιαύτας αἰτίας. Σελεύκου μεταλλάξαντος τὸν βίον, ὃς ἦν Ἀντιόχου τοῦ προειρημένου πατήρ, διαδεξαμένου δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν Σελεύκου πρεσβυτάτου τῶν υἱῶν, ἅμα τούτῳ διὰ τὴν οἰκειότητα συνυπερέβαλε τὸν Ταῦρον, δυσὶ μάλιστά πως ἔτεσι πρότερον τῶν νῦν λεγομένων καιρῶν. Σέλευκος γὰρ ὁ νέος ὡς θᾶττον παρέλαβε τὴν βασιλείαν, πυνθανόμενος Ἄτταλον πᾶσαν ἤδη τὴν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου δυναστείαν ὑφʼ αὑτὸν πεποιῆσθαι, παρωρμήθη βοηθεῖν τοῖς σφετέροις πράγμασιν. ὑπερβαλὼν δὲ μεγάλῃ δυνάμει τὸν Ταῦρον, καὶ δολοφονηθεὶς ὑπό τʼ Ἀπατουρίου τοῦ Γαλάτου καὶ Νικάνορος, μετήλλαξε τὸν βίον. Ἀχαιὸς δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἀναγκαιότητα τὸν φόνον αὐτοῦ μετῆλθε παραχρῆμα, τοὺς περὶ τὸν Νικάνορα καὶ τὸν Ἀπατούριον ἀποκτείνας, τῶν τε δυνάμεων καὶ τῶν ὅλων πραγμάτων φρονίμως καὶ μεγαλοψύχως προέστη. τῶν γὰρ καιρῶν παρόντων αὐτῷ, καὶ τῆς τῶν ὄχλων ὁρμῆς συνεργούσης εἰς τὸ διάδημα περιθέσθαι, τοῦτο μὲν οὐ προείλετο ποιῆσαι, τηρῶν δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν Ἀντιόχῳ τῷ νεωτέρῳ τῶν υἱῶν, ἐνεργῶς ἐπιπορευόμενος ἀνεκτᾶτο τὴν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου πᾶσαν. τῶν δὲ πραγμάτων αὐτῷ παραδόξως εὐροούντων, ἐπεὶ τὸν μὲν Ἄτταλον εἰς αὐτὸ τὸ Πέργαμον συνέκλεισε, τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν πάντων ἦν ἐγκρατής, ἐπαρθεὶς τοῖς εὐτυχήμασι παρὰ πόδας ἐξώκειλε. καὶ διάδημα περιθέμενος καὶ βασιλέα προσαγορεύσας αὑτὸν βαρύτατος ἦν τότε καὶ φοβερώτατος τῶν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου βασιλέων καὶ δυναστῶν· ᾧ καὶ μάλιστα τότε Βυζάντιοι πιστεύσαντες ἀνεδέξαντο τὸν πρὸς τοὺς Ῥοδίους καὶ Προυσίαν πόλεμον.