24. The king gave the final decision, if that decision may be called the king’s: for it is not reasonable to suppose that a mere boy should be able to come to a decision on matters of such moment. Historians, however, must attribute to the highest official present the final decisions arrived at: it being thoroughly understood among their readers that propositions and opinions, such as these, in all probability proceed from the members of the council, and particularly from those highest in his confidence. In this case the decision of the king ought most probably to be attributed to Aratus. It was to this effect: the king said that “in the case of injuries inflicted by the allies upon each other separately, his intervention ought to be confined to a remonstrance by word of mouth or letter; but that it was only injuries affecting the whole body of the allies which demanded joint intervention and redress: and seeing that the Lacedaemonians had plainly committed no such injury against the whole body of allies, but professed their readiness to satisfy every claim that could with justice be made upon them, he held that he ought not to decree any measure of excessive severity against them. For it would be very inconsistent for him to take severe measures against them for so insignificant a cause; while his father inflicted no punishment at all upon them, though when he conquered them they were not allies but professed enemies.” It having, therefore, been formally decided to overlook the incident, the king immediately sent Petraeus, one of his most trusted friends, with Omias, to exhort the people to remain faithful to their friendship with him and Macedonia, and to interchange oaths of alliance; while he himself started once more with his army and returned towards Corinth, having in his conduct to the Lacedaemonians given an excellent specimen of his policy towards the allies.
24. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ πᾶσιν, εἰ χρὴ τοῦ βασιλέως λέγειν τὰς τότε γνώμας· οὐ γὰρ εἰκὸς ἑπτακαιδεκαέτη παῖδα περὶ τηλικούτων δύνασθαι πραγμάτων διευκρινεῖν. ἀλλʼ ἡμῖν μὲν καθήκει τοῖς γράφουσι τὰς κυρούσας τὰ διαβούλια γνώμας ἀνατιθέναι τοῖς προεστῶσι τῶν ὅλων· τοὺς μέντοι γʼ ἀκούοντας αὐτοὺς χρὴ συνυπονοεῖν διότι τῶν συνόντων καὶ μάλιστα τῶν παρακειμένων εἰκός ἐστιν εἶναι τὰς τοιαύτας ὑποθέσεις καὶ διαλήψεις· ὧν Ἀράτῳ τις ἐπιεικέστατʼ ἂν προσάπτοι τὴν τότε ῥηθεῖσαν ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως γνώμην. ὁ γὰρ Φίλιππος τὰ μὲν κατʼ ἰδίαν τῶν συμμάχων εἰς αὑτοὺς ἀδικήματα καθήκειν ἔφησεν αὑτῷ μέχρι λόγου καὶ γραμμάτων διορθοῦν καὶ συνεπισημαίνεσθαι, τὰ δὲ πρὸς τὴν κοινὴν ἀνήκοντα συμμαχίαν, ταῦτʼ ἔφη μόνα δεῖν κοινῆς ἐπιστροφῆς καὶ διορθώσεως τυγχάνειν ὑπὸ πάντων. Λακεδαιμονίων δὲ μηδὲν εἰς τὴν κοινὴν συμμαχίαν ἐκφανὲς ἡμαρτηκότων, ἐπαγγελλομένων δὲ πάντα καὶ ποιεῖν τὰ δίκαια πρὸς ἡμᾶς, οὐ καλῶς ἔχον εἶναι τὸ βουλεύεσθαί τι περὶ αὐτῶν ἀπαραίτητον· καὶ γὰρ ἄτοπον τὸν μὲν πατέρα πολεμίων ὄντων κρατήσαντα μηδὲν ποιῆσαι δεινόν, αὐτὸν δʼ ἐφʼ οὕτω μικρᾶς αἰτίας ἀνήκεστόν τι βουλεύεσθαι περὶ αὐτῶν. ἐπικυρωθείσης δὲ ταύτης τῆς γνώμης, ὅτι δεῖ παριδεῖν τὸ γεγονός, εὐθέως ὁ βασιλεὺς Πετραῖον τῶν αὑτοῦ φίλων ἅμα τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ὠμίαν ἐξαπέστελλε παρακαλέσοντα τοὺς πολλοὺς ἀντέχεσθαι τῆς πρὸς αὑτὸν καὶ Μακεδόνας εὐνοίας, ἅμα δὲ δώσοντα καὶ ληψόμενον τοὺς ὅρκους περὶ συμμαχίαν. αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἀναζεύξας προῆγε πάλιν ὡς ἐπὶ Κορίνθου, καλὸν δεῖγμα τῆς ἑαυτοῦ προαιρέσεως τοῖς συμμάχοις ἐκτιθέμενος ἐν τῇ πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἀποφάσει.
25. When he arrived at Corinth he found the envoys from the allied cities already there; and in consultation with them he discussed the measures to be taken in regard to the Aetolians. The complaints against them were stated by the various envoys. The Boeotians accused them of plundering the temple of Athene at Itone in time of peace: the phocians of having attacked and attempted to seize the cities of Ambrysus and Daulium: the Epirotes of having committed depredations in their territory. The Acarnanians showed how they had contrived a plot for the betrayal of Thyrium into their hands, and had gone so far as to actually assault it under cover of night. The Achaeans made a statement showing that they had seized Clarium in the territory of Megalopolis; traversed the territories of Patrae and Pharae, pillaging the country as they went; completely sacked Cynaetha; plundered the temple of Artemis in Lusi; laid siege to Cleitor; attempted Pylus by sea, and Megalopolis by land, doing all they could by aid of the Illyrians to lay waste the latter after its recent restoration. After listening to these depositions, the congress of allies unanimously decided to go to war with the Aetolians. A decree was, therefore, formulated in which the aforesaid causes for war were stated as a preamble, and a declaration subjoined of their intention of restoring to the several allies any portion of their territory seized by the Aetolians since the death of Demetrius, father of Philip; and similarly of restoring to their ancestral forms of government all states that had been compelled against their will to join the Aetolian league; with full possession of their own territory and cities; subject to no foreign garrison or tribute; in complete independence; and in enjoyment of their own constitutions and laws. Finally a clause in the decree declared their intention of assisting the Amphictyonic council to restore the laws, and to recover its control of the Delphic temple, wrested from it by the Aetolians, who were determined to keep in their own hands all that belonged to that temple.
25. καταλαβὼν δὲ τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν συμμαχίδων παραγεγονότας εἰς τὴν Κόρινθον, συνήδρευε καὶ διελάμβανε μετὰ τούτων τί δεῖ ποιεῖν καὶ πῶς χρήσασθαι τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς. ἐγκαλούντων δὲ Βοιωτῶν μὲν ὅτι συλήσαιεν τὸ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς τῆς Ἰτωνίας ἱερὸν εἰρήνης ὑπαρχούσης, Φωκέων δὲ διότι στρατεύσαντες ἐπʼ Ἄμβρυσον καὶ Δαύλιον ἐπιβάλοιντο καταλαβέσθαι τὰς πόλεις, Ἠπειρωτῶν δὲ καθότι πορθήσαιεν αὐτῶν τὴν χώραν, Ἀκαρνάνων δὲ παραδεικνυόντων τίνα τρόπον συστησάμενοι πρᾶξιν ἐπὶ Θύριον νυκτὸς ἔτι καὶ προσβαλεῖν τολμήσαιεν τῇ πόλει, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις Ἀχαιῶν ἀπολογιζομένων ὡς καταλάβοιντο μὲν τῆς Μεγαλοπολίτιδος Κλάριον, πορθήσαιεν δὲ διεξιόντες τὴν Πατρέων καὶ Φαραιέων χώραν, διαρπάσαιεν δὲ Κύναιθαν, συλήσαιεν δὲ τὸ τῆς ἐν Λούσοις Ἀρτέμιδος ἱερόν, πολιορκήσαιεν δὲ Κλειτορίους, ἐπιβουλεύσαιεν δὲ κατὰ μὲν θάλατταν Πύλῳ, κατὰ δὲ γῆν ἄρτι συνοικιζομένῃ τῇ Μεγαλοπολιτῶν πόλει σπεύδοντες μετὰ τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν ἀνάστατον αὐτὴν ποιῆσαι, διακούσαντες τούτων οἱ τῶν συμμάχων σύνεδροι πάντες ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἐκφέρειν ἐβουλεύσαντο τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς τὸν πόλεμον. προθέμενοι δὲ τὰς προειρημένας αἰτίας ἐν τῷ δόγματι παρακατεβάλοντο ψήφισμα, προσδιασαφοῦντες ὅτι συνανασώσουσι τοῖς συμμάχοις, εἴ τινα κατέχουσιν αὐτῶν Αἰτωλοὶ χώραν ἢ πόλιν ἀφʼ οὗ Δημήτριος ὁ Φιλίππου κατὰ φύσιν πατὴρ μετήλλαξε· παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς ὑπὸ τῶν καιρῶν ἠναγκασμένους ἀκουσίως μετέχειν τῆς Αἰτωλῶν συμπολιτείας, ὅτι πάντας τούτους ἀποκαταστήσουσιν εἰς τὰ πάτρια πολιτεύματα, χώραν ἔχοντας καὶ πόλεις τὰς αὑτῶν, ἀφρουρήτους, ἀφορολογήτους, ἐλευθέρους ὄντας, πολιτείαις καὶ νόμοις χρωμένους τοῖς πατρίοις. συνανακομιεῖσθαι δὲ καὶ τοῖς Ἀμφικτύοσιν ἔγραψαν τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὴν περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐξουσίαν, ἣν Αἰτωλοὶ παρῄρηνται νῦν, βουλόμενοι τῶν κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐπικρατεῖν αὐτοί.
26. This decree was made in the first year of the 140th Olympiad, and with it began the so-called Social war, the commencement of which was thoroughly justifiable and a natural consequence of the injurious acts of the Aetolians. The first step of the congress was to send commissioners at once to the several allies, that the decree having been confirmed by as many as possible, all might join in this national war. Philip also sent a declaratory letter to the Aetolians, in order that, if they had any justification to put forward on the points alleged against them, they might even at that late hour meet and settle the controversy by conference: “but if they supposed that they were, with no public declaration of war, to sack and plunder, without the injured parties retaliating, on pain of being considered, if they did so, to have commenced hostilities, they were the most simple people in the world.” On the receipt of this letter the Aetolian magistrates, thinking that Philip would never come, named a day on which they would meet him at Rhium. When they were informed, however, that he had actually arrived there, they sent a despatch informing him that they were not competent, before the meeting of the Aetolian assembly, to settle any public matter on their own authority. But when the Achaeans met at the usual federal assembly, they ratified the decree, and published a proclamation authorising reprisals upon the Aetolians. And when King Philip appeared before the council at Aegium, and informed them at length of all that had taken place, they received his speech with warmth, and formally renewed with him personally the friendship which had existed between his ancestors and themselves.
26. τούτου δὲ τοῦ δόγματος κυρωθέντος κατὰ τὸ πρῶτον ἔτος τῆς ἑκατοστῆς καὶ τετταρακοστῆς ὀλυμπιάδος ὁ μὲν συμμαχικὸς προσαγορευόμενος πόλεμος ἀρχὴν εἰλήφει δικαίαν καὶ πρέπουσαν τοῖς γεγονόσιν ἀδικήμασιν. οἱ δὲ σύνεδροι παραχρῆμα πρεσβευτὰς ἐξαπέστελλον πρὸς τοὺς συμμάχους, ἵνα παρʼ ἑκάστοις διὰ τῶν πολλῶν ἐπικυρωθέντος τοῦ δόγματος ἐκφέρωσι πάντες τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς τὸν ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας πόλεμον. ἔπεμψε δὲ καὶ τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς ἐπιστολὴν ὁ Φίλιππος, διασαφῶν ἵνʼ εἴ τι λέγειν ἔχουσι δίκαιον ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐγκαλουμένων, ἔτι καὶ νῦν συνελθόντες διὰ λόγου ποιῶνται τὴν διεξαγωγήν· εἰ δʼ ὑπειλήφασι, διότι χωρὶς κοινοῦ δόγματος λεηλατοῦσι καὶ πορθοῦσι πάντας, οὐκ ἀμύνεσθαι τοὺς ἀδικουμένους, ἐὰν δʼ ἀμύνωνται, νομισθήσεσθαι τούτους κατάρχειν τοῦ πολέμου, πάντων αὐτοὺς εὐηθεστάτους εἶναι. κομισάμενοι δʼ οἱ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἄρχοντες τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ταύτην, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐλπίσαντες οὐχ ἥξειν τὸν Φίλιππον, συνέθεντο ῥητὴν ἡμέραν ἐν ᾗ πρὸς τὸ Ῥίον ἀπαντήσουσι. γνόντες δὲ παραγινόμενον, ἀπέστειλαν γραμματοφόρον διασαφοῦντες ὡς οὐ δύνανται πρὸ τῆς τῶν Αἰτωλῶν συνόδου διʼ αὑτῶν οὐδὲν ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων οἰκονομεῖν. οἱ δʼ Ἀχαιοὶ συνελθόντες εἰς τὴν καθήκουσαν σύνοδον τό τε δόγμα πάντες ἐπεκύρωσαν καὶ τὸ λάφυρον ἐπεκήρυξαν κατὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν. προσελθόντος δὲ καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως πρὸς τὴν βουλὴν ἐν Αἰγίῳ καὶ διαλεχθέντος διὰ πλειόνων, τὰ ῥηθέντα μετʼ εὐνοίας ἀπεδέξαντο καὶ τὰ προϋπάρχοντα φιλάνθρωπα τοῖς προγόνοις ἀνενεώσαντο πρὸς αὐτὸν τὸν Φίλιππον.
27. Meanwhile, the time of the annual election having come round, the Aetolians elected Scopas as their Strategus, the man who had been the moving spirit in all these acts of violence. I am at a loss for fitting terms to describe such a public policy. To pass a decree against going to war, and yet to go on an actual expedition in force and pillage their neighbours’ territories: not to punish one of those responsible for this: but on the contrary to elect as Strategi and bestow honours on the leaders in these transactions,—this seems to me to involve the grossest disingenuousness. I can find no word which better describes such a treacherous policy; and I will quote two instances to show what I mean by it. When Phoebidas treacherously seized the Cadmeia, the Lacedaemonians fined the guilty general but declined to withdraw the garrison, on the ground that the wrong was fully atoned for by the punishment of the perpetrator of it: though their plain duty was to have done the reverse, for it was the latter which was of importance to the Thebans. Again this same people published a proclamation giving the various cities freedom and autonomy in accordance with the terms of the peace of Antalcidas, and yet did not withdraw their Harmosts from the cities. Again, having driven the Mantineans from their home, who were at the time their friends and allies, they denied that they were doing any wrong, inasmuch as they removed them from one city and settled them in several. But indeed a man is a fool, as much as a knave, if he imagines that, because he shuts his own eyes, his neighbours cannot see. Their fondness for such tortuous policy proved however, both to the Lacedaemonians and Aetolians, the source of the greatest disasters; and it is not one which should commend itself to the imitation either of individuals or states, if they are well advised. King Philip, then, after his interview with the Achaean assembly, started with his army on the way to Macedonia, in all haste to make preparations for war; leaving a pleasant impression in the minds of all the Greeks: for the nature of the decree, which I have mentioned as having been passed by him, gave them good hopes of finding him a man of moderate temper and royal magnanimity.
27. κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς Αἰτωλοί, συνάψαντος τοῦ τῶν ἀρχαιρεσίων χρόνου, στρατηγὸν αὑτῶν εἵλοντο Σκόπαν, ὃς ἐγεγόνει πάντων τῶν προειρημένων ἀδικημάτων αἴτιος. ὑπὲρ ὧν οὐκ οἶδα πῶς χρὴ λέγειν. τὸ γὰρ κοινῷ μὲν δόγματι μὴ πολεμεῖν, πανδημεὶ δὲ στρατεύοντας ἄγειν καὶ φέρειν τὰ τῶν πέλας, καὶ κολάζειν μὲν μηδένα τῶν αἰτίων, στρατηγοὺς δʼ αἱρεῖσθαι καὶ τιμᾶν τοὺς προεστῶτας τῶν τοιούτων ἔργων, ἐμοὶ μὲν δοκεῖ τῆς πάσης γέμειν κακοπραγμοσύνης· τί γὰρ ἂν ἄλλο τις τὰς τοιαύτας κακίας ὀνομάσειε; δῆλον δʼ ἔσται τὸ λεγόμενον ἐκ τούτων. Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὴν Καδμείαν Φοιβίδου παρασπονδήσαντος τὸν μὲν αἴτιον ἐζημίωσαν, τὴν δὲ φρουρὰν οὐκ ἐξήγαγον, ὥσπερ λυομένης τῆς ἀδικίας διὰ τῆς τοῦ πράξαντος βλάβης, παρὸν τἀναντία ποιεῖν· τοῦτο γὰρ διέφερε τοῖς Θηβαίοις. πάλιν ἐκήρυττον ἀφιέντες τὰς πόλεις ἐλευθέρας καὶ αὐτονόμους κατὰ τὴν ἐπʼ Ἀνταλκίδου γενομένην εἰρήνην, τοὺς δʼ ἁρμοστὰς οὐκ ἐξῆγον ἐκ τῶν πόλεων. Μαντινεῖς φίλους ὄντας καὶ συμμάχους ἀναστάτους ποιήσαντες οὐκ ἔφασαν ἀδικεῖν, ἐκ μιᾶς πόλεως εἰς πλείους αὐτοὺς διοικίσαντες, ἀνοίᾳ μετὰ κακίας χρησάμενοι προφανῶς διὰ τὸ δοκεῖν, ἐάν τις αὐτὸς ἐπιμύῃ, μηδὲ τοὺς πέλας ὁρᾶν. ἀμφοτέροις τοίνυν ὁ ζῆλος οὗτος τῆς πολιτείας αἴτιος κατέστη τῶν μεγίστων συμπτωμάτων· ὃν οὐδαμῶς οὐδαμῇ ζηλωτέον οὔτε κατʼ ἰδίαν οὔτε κοινῇ τοὺς ὀρθῶς βουλευομένους. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς Φίλιππος χρηματίσας τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἀνέζευξε μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἐπὶ Μακεδονίας, σπεύδων ἐπὶ τὴν παρασκευὴν τῶν πρὸς τὴν πόλεμον, οὐ μόνον τοῖς συμμάχοις, ἀλλὰ πᾶσι τοῖς Ἕλλησι διὰ τοῦ προειρημένου ψηφίσματος καλὰς ἐλπίδας ὑποδεικνύων πρᾳότητος καὶ μεγαλοψυχίας βασιλικῆς.
28. These transactions were contemporaneous with Hannibal’s expedition against Saguntum, after his conquest of all Iberia south of the Iber. Now, had the first attempts of Hannibal been from the beginning involved with the transactions in Greece, it would have been plainly my proper course to have narrated the latter side by side with those in Iberia in my previous book, with an eye solely to dates. But seeing that the wars in Italy, Greece, and Asia were at their commencements entirely distinct, and yet became finally involved with each other, I decided that my history of them must also be distinct, until I came to the point at which they became inseparably interlaced, and began to tend towards a common conclusion. Thus both will be made clear,—the account of their several commencements: and the time, manner, and causes which led to the complication and amalgamation, of which I spoke in my introduction. This point having been reached, I must thenceforth embrace them all in one uninterrupted narrative. This amalgamation began towards the end of the war, in the third year of the 140th Olympiad. From that year, therefore, my history will, with a due regard to dates, become a general one. Before that year it must be divided into distinct narratives, with a mere recapitulation in each case of the events detailed in the preceding book, introduced for the sake of facilitating the comprehension, and rousing the admiration, of my readers.
28. ταῦτα δʼ ἐπράττετο κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς καθʼ οὓς Ἀννίβας, γεγονὼς ἤδη κύριος τῶν ἐντὸς Ἴβηρος ποταμοῦ πάντων, ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ὁρμὴν ἐπὶ τὴν Ζακανθαίων πόλιν. εἰ μὲν οὖν τὰς πρώτας ἐπιβολὰς τὰς Ἀννίβου ταῖς Ἑλληνικαῖς πράξεσιν ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς εὐθέως ἐπιπεπλέχθαι συνέβαινε, δῆλον ὡς ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ βύβλῳ περὶ τούτων ἂν ἡμᾶς ἐναλλὰξ ἔδει καὶ κατὰ παράθεσιν τοῖς Ἰβηρικοῖς πεποιῆσθαι τὴν ἐξήγησιν, ἀκολουθοῦντας τοῖς καιροῖς· ἐπεὶ δὲ τά τε κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν καὶ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς τῶν πολέμων τούτων ἰδίας εἰλήφει, τὰς δὲ συντελείας κοινάς, καὶ τὴν ἐξήγησιν περὶ αὐτῶν ἐκρίναμεν ποιήσασθαι κατʼ ἰδίαν, ἕως ἂν ἐπὶ τὸν καιρὸν ἔλθωμεν τοῦτον ἐν ᾧ συνεπλάκησαν αἱ προειρημέναι πράξεις ἀλλήλαις καὶ πρὸς ἓν τέλος ἤρξαντο τὴν ἀναφορὰν ἔχειν — οὕτως γὰρ ἥ τε περὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς ἑκάστων ἔσται διήγησις σαφὴς ἥ τε συμπλοκὴ καταφανής, περὶ ἧς ἐν ἀρχαῖς ἐνεδειξάμεθα, παραδείξαντες πότε καὶ πῶς καὶ διʼ ἃς αἰτίας γέγονε — λοιπὸν ἤδη κοινὴν ποιήσασθαι περὶ πάντων τὴν ἱστορίαν. ἐγένετο δʼ ἡ συμπλοκὴ τῶν πράξεων περὶ τὴν τοῦ πολέμου συντέλειαν κατὰ τὸ τρίτον ἔτος τῆς ἑκατοστῆς καὶ τετταρακοστῆς ὀλυμπιάδος. διὸ καὶ τὰ μετὰ ταῦτα κοινῇ τοῖς καιροῖς ἀκολουθοῦντες ἐξηγησόμεθα, τὰ δὲ πρὸ τοῦ κατʼ ἰδίαν, ὡς εἶπα, προσαναμιμνήσκοντες μόνον τῶν κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ βύβλῳ δεδηλωμένων, ἵνα μὴ μόνον εὐπαρακολούθητος, ἀλλὰ καὶ καταπληκτικὴ γίνηται τοῖς προσέχουσιν ἡ διήγησις.
29. Philip then passed the winter in Macedonia, in an energetic enlistment of troops for the coming campaign, and in securing his frontier on the side of the Barbarians. And having accomplished these objects, he met Scerdilaidas and put himself fearlessly in his power, and discussed with him the terms of friendship and alliance; and partly by promising to help him in securing his power in Illyria, and partly by bringing against the Aetolians the charges to which they were only too open, persuaded him without difficulty to assent to his proposals. The fact is that public crimes do not differ from private, except in quantity and extent; and just as in the case of petty thieves, what brings them to ruin more than anything else is that they cheat and are unfaithful to each other, so was it in the case of the Aetolians. They had agreed with Scerdilaidas to give him half the booty, if he would join them in their attack upon Achaea; but when, on his consenting to do so, and actually carrying out his engagement, they had sacked Cynaetha and carried off a large booty in slaves and cattle, they gave him no share in the spoil at all. He was therefore already enraged with them; and required very little persuasion on Philip’s part to induce him to accept the proposal, and agree to join the alliance, on condition of receiving a yearly subsidy of twenty talents; and, in return, putting to sea with thirty galleys and carrying on a naval war with the Aetolians.
29. Φίλιππος δὲ παραχειμάζων ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ κατέγραφε τὰς δυνάμεις πρὸς τὴν μέλλουσαν χρείαν ἐπιμελῶς, ἅμα δὲ τούτοις ἠσφαλίζετο τὰ πρὸς τοὺς ὑπερκειμένους τῆς Μακεδονίας βαρβάρους. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα συνελθὼν πρὸς Σκερδιλαΐδαν καὶ τολμηρῶς δοὺς αὑτὸν εἰς τὰς χεῖρας, διελέγετο περὶ φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας, καὶ τὰ μὲν ὑπισχνούμενος αὐτῷ συγκατασκευάσειν τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα πραγμάτων, τὰ δὲ κατηγορῶν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν, ὄντων εὐκατηγορήτων, ῥᾳδίως ἔπεισε συγχωρεῖν τοῖς παρακαλουμένοις. μήποτε γὰρ οὐδὲν διαφέρει τὰ κατʼ ἰδίαν ἀδικήματα τῶν κοινῶν, ἀλλὰ πλήθει μόνον καὶ μεγέθει τῶν συμβαινόντων. καὶ γὰρ κατʼ ἰδίαν τὸ τῶν ῥᾳδιουργῶν καὶ κλεπτῶν φῦλον τούτῳ μάλιστα τῷ τρόπῳ σφάλλεται, τῷ μὴ ποιεῖν ἀλλήλοις τὰ δίκαια καὶ συλλήβδην διὰ τὰς εἰς αὑτοὺς ἀθεσίας. ὃ καὶ τότε συνέβη γενέσθαι περὶ τοὺς Αἰτωλούς. συνθέμενοι γὰρ τῷ Σκερδιλαΐδᾳ δώσειν μέρος τι τῆς λείας, ἐὰν συνεισβάλῃ μετʼ αὐτῶν εἰς τὴν Ἀχαΐαν, πεισθέντος καὶ ποιήσαντος τοῦτο, διαρπάσαντες τὴν τῶν Κυναιθέων πόλιν, καὶ πολλὰ περιελασάμενοι σώματα καὶ θρέμματα, τὸν Σκερδιλαΐδαν οὐδενὸς μερίτην ἐποίησαν τῶν ἁλόντων. διόπερ ὑποκαθημένης ἐκ τούτων αὐτῷ τῆς ὀργῆς, βραχέα προσαναμνήσαντος τοῦ Φιλίππου, ταχέως ὑπήκουσε καὶ συνέθετο μεθέξειν τῆς κοινῆς συμμαχίας, ἐφʼ ᾧ λαμβάνειν μὲν εἴκοσι τάλαντα κατʼ ἐνιαυτόν, πλεῖν δὲ λέμβοις τριάκοντα καὶ πολεμεῖν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς κατὰ θάλατταν.
30. While Philip was thus engaged, the commissioners sent out to the allies were performing their mission. The first place they came to was Acarnania; and the Acarnanians, with a noble promptitude, confirmed the decree and undertook to join the war against the Aetolians with their full forces. And yet they, if any one, might have been excused if they had put the matter off, and hesitated, and shown fear of entering upon a war with their neighbours; both because they lived upon the frontiers of Aetolia, and still more because they were peculiarly open to attack, and, most of all, because they had a short time before experienced the most dreadful disasters from the enmity of the Aetolians. But I imagine that men of noble nature, whether in private or public affairs, look upon duty as the highest consideration; and in adherence to this principle no people in Greece have been more frequently conspicuous than the Acarnanians, although the forces at their command were but slender. With them, above all others in Greece, an alliance should be sought at a crisis, without any misgiving; for they have, individually and collectively, an element of stability and a spirit of liberality. The conduct of the Epirotes was in strong contrast. When they heard what the commissioners had to say, indeed, they, like the Acarnanians, joined in confirming the decree, and voted to go to war with the Aetolians at such time as Philip also did the same; but with ignoble duplicity they told the Aetolian envoys that they had determined to maintain peace with them. Ambassadors were despatched also to King Ptolemy, to urge him not to send money to the Aetolians, nor to supply them with any aid against Philip and the allies.
30. ὁ μὲν οὖν Φίλιππος περὶ ταῦτα διέτριβεν. οἱ δʼ ἐξαποσταλέντες πρέσβεις πρὸς τοὺς συμμάχους, ἀφικόμενοι πρῶτον εἰς Ἀκαρνανίαν ἐνετύγχανον τούτοις. οἱ δʼ Ἀκαρνᾶνες τό τε δόγμα γνησίως συνεπεκύρωσαν καὶ τὸν ἀπὸ χώρας πόλεμον ἐξήνεγκαν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς· καίπερ τούτοις, εἰ καί τισιν ἑτέροις, δίκαιον ἦν συγγνώμην ἔχειν, ὑπερτιθεμένοις καὶ καταμέλλουσι καὶ καθόλου δεδιόσι τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν ἀστυγειτόνων πόλεμον, καὶ διὰ τὸ παρακεῖσθαι μὲν συντερμονοῦντας τῇ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν χώρᾳ, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον διὰ τὸ κατʼ ἰδίαν εὐχειρώτους ὑπάρχειν, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον διὰ τὸ μικροῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις πεῖραν εἰληφέναι τῶν δεινοτάτων διὰ τὴν πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς ἀπέχθειαν. ἀλλά μοι δοκοῦσιν οἱ γνήσιοι τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ κοινῇ καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν οὐδέποτε περὶ πλείονος οὐθὲν ποιεῖσθαι τοῦ καθήκοντος· ὅπερ Ἀκαρνᾶνες ἐν τοῖς πλείστοις καιροῖς οὐδενὸς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἧττον εὑρίσκονται διατετηρηκότες, καίπερ ἀπὸ μικρᾶς ὁρμώμενοι δυνάμεως. οἷς οὐκ ὀκνητέον κατὰ τὰς περιστάσεις κοινωνεῖν πραγμάτων, σπευστέον δὲ μᾶλλον, εἰ καί τισιν ἑτέροις τῶν Ἑλλήνων· καὶ γὰρ ἰδίᾳ καὶ κοινῇ στάσιμον ἔχουσί τι καὶ φιλελεύθερον. Ἠπειρῶται δʼ ἐκ παραθέσεως διακούσαντες τῶν πρέσβεων τὸ μὲν δόγμα παραπλησίως ἐπεκύρωσαν, τὸν δὲ πόλεμον ἐκφέρειν ἐψηφίσαντο τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς, ἐπειδὰν καὶ Φίλιππος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐξενέγκῃ. τοῖς δὲ παρὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν πρεσβευταῖς ἀπεκρίθησαν ὅτι δέδοκται τοῖς Ἠπειρώταις διατηρεῖν πρὸς αὐτοὺς τὴν εἰρήνην, ἀγεννῶς καὶ ποικίλως χρώμενοι τοῖς πράγμασιν. ἀπεστάλησαν δὲ καὶ πρὸς βασιλέα Πτολεμαῖον πρέσβεις οἱ παρακαλέσοντες αὐτὸν μήτε χρήματα πέμπειν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς μήτʼ ἄλλο μηδὲν χορηγεῖν κατὰ Φιλίππου καὶ τῶν συμμάχων.
31. The Messenians again, on whose account the war began, answered the commissioners sent to them that, seeing Phigalia was on their frontier and was in the power of the Aetolians, they would not undertake the war until that city was wrested from them. This decision was forcibly carried, much against the will of the people at large, by the Ephors Oenis and Nicippus, and some others of the oligarchical party: wherein they showed, to my thinking, great ignorance of their true interests. I admit, indeed, that war is a terrible thing; but it is less terrible than to submit to anything whatever in order to avoid it. For what is the meaning of our fine talk about equality of rights, freedom of speech, and liberty, if the one important thing is peace? We have no good word for the Thebans, because they shrunk from fighting for Greece and chose from fear to side with the Persians,—nor indeed for Pindar who supported their inaction in the verses—A quiet haven for the ship of stateShould be the patriot’s aim,And smiling peace, to small and greatThat brings no shame.For though his advice was for the moment acceptable, it was not long before it became manifest that his opinion was as mischievous as it was dishonourable. For peace, with justice and honour, is the noblest and most advantageous thing in the world; when joined with disgrace and contemptible cowardice, it is the basest and most disastrous.
31. Μεσσήνιοι δέ, διʼ οὓς ὁ πόλεμος τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔλαβε, τοῖς παραγενομένοις πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀπεκρίθησαν ὅτι τῆς Φιγαλείας κειμένης ἐπὶ τοῖς ὅροις αὐτῶν καὶ ταττομένης ὑπʼ Αἰτωλοὺς οὐκ ἂν ἐπιδέξαιντο τὸν πόλεμον, πρὶν ἢ ταύτην ἀπʼ Αἰτωλῶν ἀποσπασθῆναι τὴν πόλιν. περὶ δὲ τῆς ἀποφάσεως ταύτης κατίσχυσαν, οὐδαμῶς εὐδοκούντων τῶν πολλῶν, Αἰτωλῶν δεδιότες τὴν τόλμαν ἐφορεύοντες Οἶνις καὶ Νίκιππος καί τινες ἕτεροι τῶν ὀλιγαρχικῶν, ἀγνοοῦντες καὶ πολὺ παραπαίοντες τοῦ δέοντος κατά γε τὴν ἐμὴν γνώμην. ἐγὼ γὰρ φοβερὸν μὲν εἶναί φημι τὸν πόλεμον, οὐ μὴν οὕτω γε φοβερὸν ὥστε πᾶν ὑπομένειν χάριν τοῦ μὴ προσδέξασθαι πόλεμον. ἐπεὶ τί καὶ θρασύνομεν τὴν ἰσηγορίαν καὶ παρρησίαν καὶ τὸ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ὄνομα πάντες, εἰ μηδὲν ἔσται προυργιαίτερον τῆς εἰρήνης; οὐδὲ γὰρ Θηβαίους ἐπαινοῦμεν κατὰ τὰ Μηδικά, διότι τῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀποστάντες κινδύνων τὰ Περσῶν εἵλοντο διὰ τὸν φόβον, οὐδὲ Πίνδαρον τὸν συναποφηνάμενον αὐτοῖς ἄγειν τὴν ἡσυχίαν διὰ τῶνδε τῶν ποιημάτων, τὸ κοινόν τις ἀστῶν ἐν εὐδίᾳ τιθεὶς ἐρευνασάτω μεγαλάνορος ἡσυχίας τὸ φαιδρὸν φάος. δόξας γὰρ παραυτίκα πιθανῶς εἰρηκέναι, μετʼ οὐ πολὺ πάντων αἰσχίστην εὑρέθη καὶ βλαβερωτάτην πεποιημένος ἀπόφασιν· εἰρήνη γὰρ μετὰ μὲν τοῦ δικαίου καὶ πρέποντος κάλλιστόν ἐστι κτῆμα καὶ λυσιτελέστατον, μετὰ δὲ κακίας ἢ δειλίας ἐπονειδίστου πάντων αἴσχιστον καὶ βλαβερώτατον.
32. The Messenian leaders, then, being of oligarchical tendencies, and aiming at their own immediate advantage, were always too much inclined to peace. On many critical occasions indeed they managed to elude fear and danger: but all the while this policy of theirs was accumulating a heavy retribution for themselves; and they finally involved their country in the gravest misfortunes. And the reason in my opinion was this, that being neighbours to two of the most powerful nations in the Peloponnese, or I might almost say in Greece, I mean the Arcadians and Lacedaemonians,—one of which had been irreconcilably hostile to them from the moment they occupied the country, and the other disposed to be friendly and protect them,—they never frankly accepted hostility to the Spartans, or friendship with the Arcadians. Accordingly when the attention of the former was distracted by domestic or foreign war, the Messenians were secure; for they always enjoyed peace and tranquillity from the fact of their country lying out of the road: but when the Lacedaemonians, having nothing else on hand to distract their attention, took to inflicting injuries on them, they were unable to withstand the superior strength of the Lacedaemonians by their own power; and, having failed to secure the support of their true friends, who were ready to do anything for their protection, they were reduced to the alternatives of becoming the slaves of Sparta and enduring her heavy exactions; or of leaving their homes to escape from this servitude, abandoning their country with wives and children. And this has repeatedly happened to them within comparatively recent times. That the present settlement of the Peloponnese may prove a lasting one, so that no measure such as I am about to describe may be ever necessary, is indeed my earnest wish: but if anything does happen to disturb it, and threaten revolutionary changes, the only hope for the Messenians and Megalopolitans of continuing to occupy their present territory, that I can see, is a recurrence to the policy of Epaminondas. They must resolve, that is to say, upon a cordial and sincere partnership with each other in every danger and labour.
32. οἱ δὲ τῶν Μεσσηνίων προεστῶτες ὀλιγαρχικοί, [καὶ] στοχαζόμενοι τοῦ παραυτὰ κατʼ ἰδίαν λυσιτελοῦς, φιλοτιμότερον τοῦ δέοντος ἀεὶ διέκειντο πρὸς τὴν εἰρήνην. διὸ πολλὰς μὲν περιστάσεις καὶ καιροὺς ἔχοντες, ἐνίοτε δὲ φόβους καὶ κινδύνους διωλίσθανον· ἡθροίζετο δὲ κατὰ τὴν πρόθεσιν ταύτην ἀεὶ τὸ κεφάλαιον αὐτοῖς καὶ μεγίσταις ἐποίουν παλαίειν τὴν πατρίδα συμφοραῖς. δοκῶ δʼ ἔγωγε τὴν αἰτίαν εἶναι ταύτην, ὅτι δυσὶ γειτνιῶντες ἔθνεσι τοῖς μεγίστοις τῶν κατὰ Πελοπόννησον, μᾶλλον δὲ σχεδὸν καὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν, λέγω δὲ τῷ τε τῶν Ἀρκάδων καὶ τῷ τῶν Λακώνων, καὶ τοῦ μὲν ἐχθρῶς καὶ ἀκαταλλάκτως ἀεί ποτε πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἔχοντος, ἐξ οὗ καὶ κατέσχον τὴν χώραν, τοῦ δὲ φιλικῶς καὶ κηδεμονικῶς, οὔτε τὴν πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους ἔχθραν εὐγενῶς ἀνελάμβανον οὔτε τὴν πρὸς Ἀρκάδας φιλίαν. λοιπὸν ὅταν μὲν οὗτοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἢ πρὸς ἑτέρους πολεμοῦντες ἐν περισπασμοῖς ἦσαν, ἐγίνετο τὸ δέον αὐτοῖς· ἦγον γὰρ τὴν εἰρήνην ἀεὶ παρευδιαζόμενοι διὰ τὴν τοῦ τόπου παράπτωσιν· ὅταν δʼ εὔσχολοι καὶ ἀπερίσπαστοι Λακεδαιμόνιοι γενηθέντες ἐτράπησαν πρὸς τὸ βλάπτειν αὐτούς, οὔτʼ αὐτοὶ διʼ αὑτῶν ἀντοφθαλμεῖν ἐδύναντο πρὸς τὸ βάρος τὸ Λακεδαιμονίων οὔτε προκατεσκευασμένοι φίλους τοὺς ἀληθινῶς αὐτοῖς πάντα συνυποστησομένους ἢ δουλεύειν ἠναγκάζοντο τούτοις ἀχθοφοροῦντες ἢ φεύγοντας τὴν δουλείαν ἀναστάτους γίνεσθαι, λείποντας τὴν χώραν μετὰ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν· ὅπερ ἤδη πλεονάκις αὐτοῖς συνέβη παθεῖν οὐ πάνυ πολλοῖς χρόνοις. εἴη μὲν οὖν οἷον εἰ συμφῦναι τὴν νῦν ὑπάρχουσαν κατάστασιν Πελοποννησίοις, ἵνα μηδενὸς δέῃ τῶν λέγεσθαι μελλόντων· ἐὰν δέ ποτε κίνησιν καὶ μετάστασιν σχῇ ταῦτα, μίαν ὁρῶ Μεσσηνίοις καὶ Μεγαλοπολίταις ἐλπίδα τοῦ δύνασθαι νέμεσθαι τὴν αὑτῶν χώραν τὸν πλείω χρόνον, ἐὰν συμφρονήσαντες κατὰ τὴν Ἐπαμινώνδου γνώμην παντὸς καιροῦ καὶ πράγματος ἕλωνται κοινωνεῖν ἀλλήλοις ἀληθινῶς.
33. And perhaps my observation may receive some support from ancient history. For, among many other indications, it is a fact that the Messenians did set up a pillar close to the altar of Zeus Lycaeus in the time of Aristomenes, according to the evidence of Callisthenes, in which they inscribed the following verses:A faithless king will perish soon or late!Messene tracked him down right easily,The traitor:—perjury must meet its fate;Glory to Zeus, and life to Arcady!The point of this is, that, having lost their own country, they pray the gods to save Arcadia as their second country. And it was very natural that they should do so; for not only did the Arcadians receive them when driven from their own land, at the time of the Aristomenic war, and make them welcome to their homes and free of their civic rights; but they also passed a vote bestowing their daughters in marriage upon those of the Messenians who were of proper age; and besides all this, investigated the treason of their king Aristocrates in the battle of the Trench; and, finding him guilty, put him to death and utterly destroyed his whole family. But setting aside these ancient events, what has happened recently after the restoration of Megalopolis and Messene will be sufficient to support what I have said. For when, upon the death of Epaminondas leaving the result of the battle of Mantinea doubtful, the Lacedaemonians endeavoured to prevent the Messenians from being included. in the truce, hoping even then to get Messenia into their own hands, the Megalopolitans, and all the other Arcadians who were allied with the Messenians, made such a point of their being admitted to the benefits of the new confederacy, that they were accepted by the allies and allowed to take the oaths and share in the provisions of the peace; while the Lacedaemonians were the only Greeks excluded from the treaty. With such facts before him, could any one doubt the soundness of the suggestion I lately made? I have said thus much for the sake of the Arcadians and Messenians themselves; that, remembering all the misfortunes which have befallen their countries at the hands of the Lacedaemonians, they may cling close to the policy of mutual affection and fidelity; and let no fear of war, or desire of peace, induce them to abandon each other in what affects the highest interests of both.
33. ὁ δὲ λόγος οὗτος ἔχει μὲν ἴσως καὶ διὰ τῶν πάλαι γεγονότων πίστιν. οἱ γὰρ Μεσσήνιοι πρὸς ἄλλοις πολλοῖς καὶ παρὰ τὸν τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Λυκαίου βωμὸν ἀνέθεσαν στήλην ἐν τοῖς κατʼ Ἀριστομένην καιροῖς, καθάπερ καὶ Καλλισθένης φησί, γράψαντες τὸ γράμμα τοῦτο· πάντως ὁ χρόνος εὗρε δίκην ἀδίκῳ βασιλῆι, εὗρε δὲ Μεσσήνη σὺν Διὶ τὸν προδότην ῥηιδίως. χαλεπὸν δὲ λαθεῖν θεὸν ἄνδρʼ ἐπίορκον. χαῖρε, Ζεῦ βασιλεῦ, καὶ σάω Ἀρκαδίαν. ἐπεὶ γὰρ τῆς αὑτῶν ἐστερήθησαν, οἷον εἰ περὶ δευτέρας πατρίδος, ὥς γʼ ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, τοῖς θεοῖς εὐχόμενοι σῴζειν τὴν Ἀρκαδίαν, τοῦτʼ ἀνέθεσαν τὸ γράμμα. καὶ τοῦτʼ εἰκότως ἐποίουν· οὐ γὰρ μόνον αὐτοὺς Ἀρκάδες ὑποδεξάμενοι κατὰ τὴν ἔκπτωσιν τὴν ἐκ τῆς ἰδίας ὑπὸ τὸν Ἀριστομένειον πόλεμον ὁμεστίους ἐποιήσαντο καὶ πολίτας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς θυγατέρας ἐψηφίσαντο τοῖς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ διδόναι τῶν Μεσσηνίων, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἀναζητήσαντες τὴν Ἀριστοκράτους τοῦ βασιλέως προδοσίαν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ τῇ καλουμένῃ περὶ Τάφρον αὐτόν τʼ ἀνεῖλον καὶ τὸ γένος αὐτοῦ πᾶν ἠφάνισαν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ χωρὶς τῶν πάλαι τὰ τελευταῖα γεγονότα μετὰ τὸν Μεγάλης πόλεως καὶ Μεσσήνης συνοικισμὸν ἱκανὴν ἂν παράσχοι πίστιν τοῖς ὑφʼ ἡμῶν εἰρημένοις. καθʼ οὓς γὰρ καιρούς, τῆς περὶ Μαντίνειαν μάχης τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀμφιδήριτον ἐχούσης τὴν νίκην διὰ τὸν Ἐπαμινώνδου θάνατον, ἐκώλυον Λακεδαιμόνιοι μετέχειν τῶν σπονδῶν Μεσσηνίους, ἀκμὴν σφετεριζόμενοι ταῖς ἐλπίσι τὴν Μεσσηνίαν, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο διέσπευσαν Μεγαλοπολῖται καὶ πάντες οἱ κοινωνοῦντες Ἀρκάδων τῆς αὐτῶν συμμαχίας ὥστε Μεσσηνίους μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν συμμάχων προσδεχθῆναι καὶ μετασχεῖν τῶν ὅρκων καὶ διαλύσεων, Λακεδαιμονίους δὲ μόνους ἐκσπόνδους γενέσθαι τῶν Ἑλλήνων. ἃ τίς οὐκ ἂν τῶν ἐπιγινομένων ἐν νῷ τιθέμενος νομίσειε καλῶς εἰρῆσθαι τὰ μικρῷ πρότερον ὑφʼ ἡμῶν δεδηλωμένα; ταῦτα μὲν οὖν εἰρήσθω μοι χάριν Ἀρκάδων καὶ Μεσσηνίων, ἵνα μνημονεύοντες τῶν συμβεβηκότων αὐτοῖς περὶ τὰς πατρίδας ἀτυχημάτων ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων ἀληθινῶς ἀντέχωνται τῆς πρὸς αὑτοὺς εὐνοίας καὶ πίστεως, καὶ μήτε φόβον ὑφορώμενοι μήτʼ εἰρήνης ἐπιθυμοῦντες ἐγκαταλείπωσιν ἀλλήλους ἐν ταῖς ὁλοσχερέσι περιστάσεσι.
34. In the matter of the commissioners from the allies, to go back to my story, the behaviour of the Lacedaemonians was very characteristic. For their own ill-considered and tortuous policy had placed them in such a difficulty, that they finally dismissed them without an answer: thus illustrating, as it seems to me, the truth of the saying, that, “boldness pushed to extremes amounts to want of sense, and comes to nothing.” Subsequently, however, on the appointment of new Ephors, the party who had originally promoted the outbreak, and had been the causes of the massacre, sent to the Aetolians to induce them to despatch an ambassador to Sparta. The Aetolians gladly consented, and in a short time Machatas arrived there in that capacity. Pressure was at once put upon the Ephors to allow Machatas to address the people, and to re-establish royalty in accordance with the ancient constitution, and not to allow the Heraclid dynasty to be any longer suppressed, contrary to the laws. The Ephors were annoyed at the proposal, but were unable to withstand the pressure, and afraid of a rising of the younger men: they therefore answered that the question of restoring the kings must be reserved for future consideration; but they consented to grant Machatas an opportunity of addressing a public assembly. When the people accordingly were met, Machatas came forward, and in a long speech urged them to embrace the alliance with Aetolia; inveighing in reckless and audacious terms against the Macedonians, while he went beyond all reason and truth in his commendations of the Aetolians. Upon his retirement, there was a long and animated debate between those who supported the Aetolians and advised the adoption of their alliance, and those who took the opposite side. When, however, some of the elders reminded the people of the good services rendered them by Antigonus and the Macedonians, and the injuries inflicted on them by Charixenus and Timaeus,—when the Aetolians invaded them with their full force and ravaged their territory, enslaved the neighbouring villages, and laid a plot for attacking Sparta itself by a fraudulent and forcible restoration of exiles,—these words produced a great revulsion of feeling, and the people finally decided to maintain the alliance with Philip and the Macedonians. Machatas accordingly had to go home without attaining the object of his mission.
34. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ τῶν εἰθισμένων ἐποίησάν τι — τοῦτο γὰρ συνεχὲς ἦν τοῖς προειρημένοις — τέλος γὰρ τοὺς παρὰ τῶν συμμάχων πρέσβεις ἀναποκρίτους ἀπέστειλαν. οὕτως ἐξηπόρησαν ὑπὸ τῆς ἀλογίας καὶ κακίας τῆς αὑτῶν. καί μοι δοκεῖ τοῦτʼ ἀληθὲς εἶναι διότι πολλάκις τολμᾶν περιττὸν εἰς ἄνοιαν καὶ τὸ μηδὲν καταντᾶν εἴωθεν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ μετὰ ταῦτα, κατασταθέντων ἐφόρων ἄλλων, οἱ κινήσαντες ἐξ ἀρχῆς τὰ πράγματα καὶ γενόμενοι τῆς προειρημένης σφαγῆς αἴτιοι διεπέμποντο πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλούς, ἐπισπώμενοι πρεσβευτήν. τῶν δὲ καὶ μάλʼ ἀσμένως ὑπακουσάντων, ἧκε μετʼ ὀλίγον πρεσβεύων εἰς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα Μαχατᾶς. καὶ παραυτίκα προσῄει τοῖς ἐφόροις οἰόμενοι δεῖν τῷ τε Μαχατᾷ δίδοσθαι τὴν ἔφοδον ἐπὶ τοὺς πολλούς, καὶ βασιλέας καθιστάναι κατὰ τὰ πάτρια, καὶ μὴ περιορᾶν τὸν πλείω χρόνον παρὰ τοὺς νόμους καταλελυμένην τὴν τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν ἀρχήν. οἱ δʼ ἔφοροι, δυσαρεστούμενοι μὲν τοῖς ὅλοις πράγμασιν, οὐ δυνάμενοι δὲ πρὸς τὴν ὁρμὴν ἀντοφθαλμεῖν, ἀλλὰ δεδιότες τὴν τῶν νέων συστροφήν, περὶ μὲν τῶν βασιλέων ἔφασαν μετὰ ταῦτα βουλεύσεσθαι, τῷ δὲ Μαχατᾷ συνεχώρησαν δώσειν τὴν ἐκκλησίαν. συναχθέντος δὲ τοῦ πλήθους παρελθὼν ὁ Μαχατᾶς παρεκάλει διὰ πλειόνων αὐτοὺς αἱρεῖσθαι τὴν πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς συμμαχίαν, εἰκῇ μὲν καὶ θρασέως κατηγορῶν Μακεδόνων, ἀλόγως δὲ καὶ ψευδῶς ἐγκωμιάζων τοὺς Αἰτωλούς. μεταστάντος δὲ τούτου, πολλῆς ἀμφισβητήσεως ἐτύγχανε τὸ πρᾶγμα· τινὲς μὲν γὰρ συνηγόρουν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς καὶ συντίθεσθαι πρὸς αὐτοὺς παρῄνουν τὴν συμμαχίαν, ἔνιοι δὲ τούτοις ἀντέλεγον. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων τινὲς ἐπιστήσαντες τὸ πλῆθος ἐπί τε τὰς Ἀντιγόνου καὶ Μακεδόνων εὐεργεσίας ἐπί τε τὰς διὰ Χαριξένου καὶ Τιμαίου βλάβας, ὅτε στρατεύσαντες Αἰτωλοὶ πανδημεὶ κατέφθειραν μὲν αὐτῶν τὴν χώραν, ἐξηνδραποδίσαντο δὲ τὰς περιοίκους, ἐπεβούλευσαν δὲ τῇ Σπάρτῃ, μετὰ δόλου καὶ βίας τοὺς φυγάδας ἐπαγαγόντες, ἐπʼ ἄλλης ἐγένοντο γνώμης, καὶ τέλος ἐπείσθησαν τηρεῖν τὴν πρὸς Φίλιππον καὶ Μακεδόνας συμμαχίας. γενομένων δὲ τούτων, ὁ μὲν Μαχατᾶς ἄπρακτος ἐπανῄει πάλιν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, οἱ δʼ ἐξ ἀρχῆς αἴτιοι γεγονότες τῆς κινήσεως, οὐδαμῶς εἶξαι δυνάμενοι τοῖς παροῦσιν, αὖτις ἐπεβάλοντο πρᾶγμα ποιεῖν πάντων ἀσεβέστατον, φθείραντές τινας τῶν νέων.
35. The party, however, at Sparta who were the original instigators of the outbreak could not make up their minds to give way. They once more therefore determined to commit a crime of the most impious description, having first corrupted some of the younger men. It was an ancestral custom that, at a certain sacrifice, all citizens of military age should join fully armed in a procession to the temple of Athene of the Brazen-house, while the Ephors remained in the sacred precinct and completed the sacrifice. As the young men therefore were conducting the procession, some of them suddenly fell upon the Ephors, while they were engaged with the sacrifice, and slew them. The enormity of this crime will be made apparent by remembering that the sanctity of this temple was such, that it gave a safe asylum even to criminals condemned to death; whereas its privileges were now by the cruelty of these audacious men treated with such contempt, that the whole of the Ephors were butchered round the altar and the table of the goddess. In pursuance of their purpose they next killed one of the elders, Gyridas, and drove into exile those who had spoken against the Aetolians. They then chose some of their own body as Ephors, and made an alliance with the Aetolians. Their motives for doing all this, for incurring the enmity of the Achaeans, for their ingratitude to the Macedonians, and generally for their unjustifiable conduct towards all, was before everything else their devotion to Cleomenes, and the hopes and expectations they continued to cherish that he would return to Sparta in safety. So true it is that men who have the tact to ingratiate themselves with those who surround them can, even when far removed, leave in their hearts very effective materials for kindling the flame of a renewed popularity. This people for instance, to say nothing of other examples, after nearly three years of constitutional government, following the banishment of Cleomenes, without once thinking of appointing kings at Sparta, no sooner heard of the death of Cleomenes than they were eager—populace and Ephors alike—to restore kingly rule. Accordingly the Ephors who were in sympathy with the conspirators, and who had made the alliance with Aetolia which I just now mentioned, did so. One of these kings so restored they appointed in accordance with the regular and legal succession, namely Agesipolis. He was a child at the time, a son of Agesipolis, and grandson of that Cleombrotus who had become king, as the next of kin to this family, when Leonidas was driven from office. As guardian of the young king they elected Cleomenes, son of Cleombrotus and brother of Agesipolis. Of the other royal house there were surviving two sons of Archidamus, son of Eudamidas, by the daughter of Hippodemon; as well as Hippodemon himself, the son of Agesilaus, and several other members of the same branch, though somewhat less closely connected than those I have mentioned. But these were all passed over, and Lycurgus was appointed king, none of whose ancestors had ever enjoyed that title. A present of a talent to each of the Ephors made him “descendant of Hercules” and king of Sparta. So true is it all the world over that such nobility is a mere question of a little money. The result was that the penalty for their folly had to be paid, not by the third generation, but by the very authors of this royalist restoration.
35. κατὰ γάρ τινα θυσίαν πάτριον ἔδει τοὺς μὲν ἐν ταῖς ἡλικίαις μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων πομπεύειν ἐπὶ τὸν τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς τῆς Χαλκιοίκου νεών, τοὺς δʼ ἐφόρους συντελεῖν τὰ περὶ τὴν θυσίαν, αὐτοῦ περὶ τὸ τέμενος διατρίβοντας. ἐν τούτῳ τῷ καιρῷ τῶν πομπευόντων ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις τινὲς νεανίσκων ἄφνω προσπεσόντες θύουσι τοῖς ἐφόροις ἀπέσφαξαν αὐτούς. καίτοι πᾶσι τοῖς καταφυγοῦσι τὴν ἀσφάλειαν παρεσκεύαζε τὸ ἱερόν, κἂν θανάτου τις ᾖ κατακεκριμένος· τότε δὲ διὰ τὴν ὠμότητα τῶν τολμώντων εἰς τοῦτʼ ἦλθε καταφρονήσεως ὥστε περὶ τὸν βωμὸν καὶ τὴν τράπεζαν τῆς θεοῦ κατασφαγῆναι τοὺς ἐφόρους ἅπαντας. ἑξῆς δὲ τούτου τἀκόλουθον τῇ προθέσει ποιοῦντες ἀνεῖλον μὲν τοὺς περὶ Γυρίδαν τῶν γερόντων, ἐφυγάδευσαν δὲ τοὺς ἀντειπόντας τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς, εἵλοντο δʼ ἐξ αὑτῶν ἐφόρους, συνέθεντο δὲ πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς τὴν συμμαχίαν. ἐποίουν δὲ ταῦτα, καὶ τήν τε πρὸς Ἀχαιοὺς ἀπέχθειαν καὶ τὴν πρὸς Μακεδόνας ἀχαριστίαν καὶ καθόλου τὴν πρὸς πάντας ἀλογίαν ὑπέμενον — οὐχ ἥκιστα δὲ διὰ Κλεομένη καὶ τὴν πρὸς ἐκεῖνον εὔνοιαν — ἐπελπίζοντες ἀεὶ καὶ προσδοκίαν ἔχοντες τῆς ἐκείνου παρουσίας ἅμα καὶ σωτηρίας. οὕτως οἱ δυνάμενοι τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐπιδεξίως ὁμιλεῖν τοῖς συμπεριφερομένοις οὐ μόνον παρόντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ μακρὰν ἀφεστῶτες ἐγκαταλείπουσί τινα καὶ λίαν ἰσχυρὰ τῆς πρὸς αὑτοὺς εὐνοίας αἰθύγματα. οἵ γε χωρὶς τῶν ἄλλων καὶ τότε, πολιτευόμενοι κατὰ τὰ πάτρια σχεδὸν ἤδη τρεῖς ἐνιαυτοὺς μετὰ τὴν Κλεομένους ἔκπτωσιν, οὐδʼ ἐπενόησαν οὐδέποτε βασιλεῖς καταστῆσαι τῆς Σπάρτης· ἅμα δὲ τῷ τὴν φήμην ἀφικέσθαι περὶ τῆς Κλεομένους τελευτῆς εὐθέως ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ τὸ βασιλεῖς καθιστάναι τά τε πλήθη καὶ τὸ τῶν ἐφόρων ἀρχεῖον. καὶ κατέστησαν οἱ κοινωνοῦντες ἔφοροι τῆς αἱρέσεως τοῖς στασιώταις, οἱ καὶ τὴν πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς συνθέμενοι συμμαχίαν, ὑπὲρ ὧν τὸν ἄρτι λόγον ἐποιησάμην, τὸν μὲν ἕνα νομίμως καὶ καθηκόντως, Ἀγησίπολιν, ὄντα μὲν παῖδα τὴν ἡλικίαν, υἱὸν δʼ Ἀγησιπόλιδος τοῦ Κλεομβρότου· τὸν δὲ συνέβαινε βεβασιλευκέναι καθʼ οὓς καιροὺς ἐξέπεσε Λεωνίδης ἐκ τῆς ἀρχῆς, διὰ τὸ κατὰ γένος ὑπάρχειν ἔγγιστα τῆς οἰκίας ταύτης. ἐπίτροπον δὲ τοῦ παιδὸς εἵλοντο Κλεομένη, Κλεομβρότου μὲν υἱόν, Ἀγησιπόλιδος δʼ ἀδελφόν. ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς ἑτέρας οἰκίας, ὄντων ἐκ τῆς Ἱππομέδοντος θυγατρὸς Ἀρχιδάμῳ δυεῖν παίδων, ὃς ἦν υἱὸς Εὐδαμίδου, ζῶντος δὲ καὶ Ἱππομέδοντος ἀκμήν, ὃς ἦν υἱὸς Ἀγησιλάου τοῦ Εὐδαμίδου, καὶ ἑτέρων δὲ πλειόνων ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκίας ὑπαρχόντων, ἀπωτέρω μὲν τῶν προειρημένων, προσηκόντων δὲ κατὰ γένος, τούτους μὲν ἅπαντας ὑπερεῖδον, Λυκοῦργον δὲ βασιλέα κατέστησαν, οὗ τῶν προγόνων οὐδεὶς ἐτετεύχει τῆς προσηγορίας· ὃς δοὺς ἑκάστῳ τῶν ἐφόρων τάλαντον Ἡρακλέους ἀπόγονος καὶ βασιλεὺς ἐγεγόνει τῆς Σπάρτης. οὕτως εὔωνα πανταχῇ τὰ καλὰ γέγονε. τοιγαροῦν οὐ παῖδες παίδων, ἀλλʼ αὐτοὶ πρῶτοι τῆς ἀνοίας ἀπέτισαν τοὺς μισθοὺς οἱ καταστήσαντες.