13. When the people of Megalopolis learnt that the Aetolians were at Methydrium, they came to the rescue en masse, at the summons of a trumpet, on the very day after the battle of Caphyae; and were compelled to bury the very men with whose assistance they had expected to fight the Aetolians. Having therefore dug a trench in the territory of Caphyae, and collected the corpses, they performed the funeral rites of these unhappy men with all imaginable honour. But the Aetolians, after this unlooked-for success gained by the cavalry and lightarmed troops, traversed the Peloponnese from that time in complete security. In the course of their march they made an attack upon the town of Pellene, and, after ravaging the territory of Sicyon, finally quitted the Peloponnese by way of the Isthmus. This, then, was the cause and occasion of the Social war: its formal beginning was the decree passed by all the allies after these events, which was confirmed by a general meeting held at Corinth, on the proposal of King Philip, who presided at the assembly.
13. οἱ δὲ Μεγαλοπολῖται, συνέντες τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς περὶ τὸ Μεθύδριον ἐστρατοπεδευκότας, ἧκον ἀπὸ σάλπιγγος πανδημεὶ βοηθοῦντες τῇ κατὰ πόδας ἡμέρᾳ τῆς μάχης, καὶ μεθʼ ὧν ζώντων ἤλπισαν κινδυνεύσειν πρὸς τοὺς ὑπεναντίους, τούτους ἠναγκάζοντο θάπτειν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν τετελευτηκότας. ὀρύξαντες δὲ τάφρον ἐν τῷ τῶν Καφυέων πεδίῳ, καὶ συναθροίσαντες τοὺς νεκρούς, ἐκήδευσαν μετὰ πάσης φιλοτιμίας τοὺς ἠτυχηκότας. οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοὶ παραδόξως διʼ αὐτῶν τῶν ἱππέων καὶ τῶν ψιλῶν ποιήσαντες τὸ προτέρημα, λοιπὸν ἤδη μετʼ ἀσφαλείας διὰ μέσης Πελοποννήσου διῄεσαν. ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ καταπειράσαντες μὲν τῆς Πελληνέων πόλεως, κατασύραντες δὲ τὴν Σικυωνίαν χώραν, τέλος κατὰ τὸν Ἰσθμὸν ἐποιήσαντο τὴν ἀπόλυσιν. τὴν μὲν οὖν αἰτίαν καὶ τὴν ἀφορμὴν ὁ συμμαχικὸς πόλεμος ἔσχεν ἐκ τούτων, τὴν δʼ ἀρχὴν ἐκ τοῦ μετὰ ταῦτα γενομένου δόγματος ἁπάντων τῶν συμμάχων· οἳ συνελθόντες εἰς τὴν τῶν Κορινθίων πόλιν ἐπεκύρωσαν τὸ διαβούλιον διαπροστατεύσαντος Φι λίππου τοῦ βασιλέως.
14. A few days after the events just narrated the ordinary meeting of the Achaean federal assembly took place, and Aratus was bitterly denounced, publicly as well as privately, as indisputably responsible for this disaster; and the anger of the general public was still further roused and embittered by the invectives of his political opponents. It was shown to every one’s satisfaction that Aratus had been guilty of four flagrant errors. His first was that, having taken office before his predecessor’s time was legally at an end, he had availed himself of a time properly belonging to another to engage in the sort of enterprise in which he was conscious of having often failed. His second and graver error was the disbanding the Achaeans, while the Aetolians were still in the middle of the Peloponnese; especially as he had been well aware beforehand that Scopas and Dorimachus were anxious to disturb the existing settlement, and to stir up war. His third error was to engage the enemy, as he did, with such a small force, without any strong necessity; when he might have retired to the neighbouring towns and have summoned a levy of the Achaeans, and then have engaged, if he had thought that measure absolutely necessary. But his last and gravest error was that, having determined to fight, he did so in such an ill-considered manner, and managed the business with so little circumspection, as to deprive himself of the advantages of the plain and the support of his heavy-armed troops, and allow the battle to be settled by light-armed troops, and to take place on the slopes, than which nothing could have been more advantageous or convenient to the Aetolians. Such were the allegations against Aratus. He, however, came forward and reminded the assembly of his former political services and achievements; and urged in his defence that, in the matters alleged, his was not the blame for what had occurred. He begged their indulgence if he had been guilty of any oversight in the battle, and claimed that they should at any rate look at the facts without prejudice or passion. These words created such a rapid and generous change in the popular feeling, that great indignation was roused against the political opponents who attacked him; and the resolutions as to the measures to be taken in the future were passed wholly in accordance with the views of Aratus.
14. τὸ δὲ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πλῆθος μετά τινας ἡμέρας ἁθροισθὲν εἰς τὴν καθήκουσαν σύνοδον, πικρῶς διέκειτο καὶ κοινῇ καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν πρὸς τὸν Ἄρατον, ὡς τοῦτον ὁμολογουμένως αἴτιον γεγονότα τοῦ προειρημένου συμπτώματος. διὸ καὶ τῶν ἀντιπολιτευομένων κατηγορούντων αὐτοῦ καὶ φερόντων ἀπολογισμοὺς ἐναργεῖς, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἠγανάκτει καὶ παρωξύνετο τὸ πλῆθος. ἐδόκει γὰρ πρῶτον ἁμάρτημα προφανὲς εἶναι τὸ μηδέπω τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτῷ καθηκούσης προλαβόντα τὸν ἀλλότριον καιρὸν ἀναδέχεσθαι τοιαύτας πράξεις ἐν αἷς συνῄδει πολλάκις αὑτῷ διεσφαλμένῳ· δεύτερον δὲ καὶ μεῖζον τούτου τὸ διαφεῖναι τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἀκμὴν ἐν μέσῳ Πελοποννήσου τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ὑπαρχόντων, ἄλλως τε καὶ προδιειληφότα διότι σπεύδουσιν οἱ περὶ τὸν Σκόπαν καὶ Δωρίμαχον κινεῖν τὰ καθεστῶτα καὶ συνταράξαι τὸν πόλεμον· τρίτον δὲ τὸ συμβαλεῖν τοῖς ὑπεναντίοις οὕτω μετʼ ὀλίγων μηδεμιᾶς κατεπειγούσης ἀνάγκης, δυνάμενον ἀσφαλῶς εἰς τὰς παρακειμένας πόλεις ἀποχωρῆσαι καὶ συναγαγεῖν τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς καὶ τότε συμβαλεῖν τοῖς πολεμίοις, εἰ τοῦτο πάντως ἡγεῖτο συμφέρειν· τελευταῖον καὶ μέγιστον τὸ προθέμενον καὶ συμβαλεῖν οὕτως εἰκῇ καὶ ἀσκόπως χρήσασθαι τοῖς πράγμασιν ὥστε παρέντα τὰ πεδία καὶ τὴν τῶν ὁπλιτῶν χρείαν διʼ αὐτῶν τῶν εὐζώνων ταῖς παρωρείαις πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς ποιήσασθαι τὸν κίνδυνον, οἷς οὐδὲν ἦν τούτου προυργιαίτερον οὐδʼ οἰκειότερον. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἅμα τῷ προελθόντα τὸν Ἄρατον ἀναμνῆσαι μὲν τῶν προπεπολιτευμένων καὶ πεπραγμένων πρότερον αὑτῷ, φέρειν δʼ ἀπολογισμοὺς περὶ τῶν ἐγκαλουμένων ὡς οὐ γέγονεν αἴτιος τῶν συμβεβηκότων, αἰτεῖσθαι δὲ συγγνώμην, εἰ καί τι παρεώρακε κατὰ τὸν γενόμενον κίνδυνον, οἴεσθαι δὲ δεῖν καὶ καθόλου σκοπεῖσθαι τὰ πράγματα μὴ πικρῶς, ἀλλʼ ἀνθρωπίνως, οὕτως ταχέως καὶ μεγαλοψύχως μετεμελήθη τὸ πλῆθος ὥστε καὶ τοῖς συνεπιτιθεμένοις αὐτῷ τῶν ἀντιπολιτευομένων ἐπὶ πολὺ δυσαρεστῆσαι καὶ περὶ τῶν ἑξῆς πάντα βουλεύεσθαι κατὰ τὴν Ἀράτου γνώμην. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν εἰς τὴν προτέραν ἔπεσεν ὀλυμπιάδα, τὰ δʼ ἑξῆς εἰς τὴν τετταρακοστὴν ἐπὶ ταῖς ἑκατόν.
15. These events occurred in the previous Olympiad, occurring before midsummer of B. C. 220 belong to the 139th Olympiad. The 140th begins with midsummer B. C. 220. what I am now going to relate belong to the 140th. The resolutions passed by the Achaean federal assembly were these. That embassies should be sent to Epirus, Boeotia, Phocis, Acarnania, and Philip, to declare how the Aetolians, in defiance of treaty, had twice entered Achaia with arms, and to call upon them for assistance in virtue of their agreement, and for their consent to the admission of the Messenians into the alliance. Next, that the Strategus of the Achaeans should enrol five thousand foot and five hundred horse, and support the Messenians in case the Aetolians were to invade their territory; and to arrange with the Lacedaemonians and Messenians how many horse and foot were to be supplied by them severally for the service of the league. These decrees showed a noble spirit on the part of the Achaeans in the presence of defeat, which prevented them from abandoning either the cause of the Messenians or their own purpose. Those who were appointed to serve on these embassies to the allies proceeded to carry them out; while the Strategus at once, in accordance with the decree, set about enrolling the troops from Achaia, and arranged with the Lacedaemonians and Messenians to supply each two thousand five hundred infantry and two hundred and fifty cavalry, so that the whole army for the coming campaign should amount to ten thousand foot and a thousand horse. On the day of their regular assembly the Aetolians also met and decided to maintain peace with the Spartans and Messenians; hoping by that crafty measure to tamper with the loyalty of the Achaean allies and sow disunion among them. With the Achaeans themselves they voted to maintain peace, on condition that they withdrew from alliance with Messenia, and to proclaim war if they refused,—than which nothing could have been more unreasonable. For being themselves in alliance, both with Achaeans and Messenians, they proclaimed war against the former, unless the two ceased to be in alliance and friendly relationship with each other; while if the Achaeans chose to be at enmity with the Messenians, they offered them a separate peace. Their proposition was too iniquitous and unreasonable to admit of being even considered.
15. ἦν δὲ τὰ δόξαντα τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ταῦτα· πρεσβεύειν πρὸς Ἠπειρώτας, Βοιωτούς, Φωκέας, Ἀκαρνᾶνας, Φίλιππον, καὶ διασαφεῖν τίνα τρόπον Αἰτωλοὶ παρὰ τὰς συνθήκας μεθʼ ὅπλων ἤδη δὶς εἰσβεβληκότες εἴησαν εἰς τὴν Ἀχαΐαν, καὶ παρακαλεῖν αὐτοὺς βοηθεῖν κατὰ τὰς ὁμολογίας, προσδέξασθαι δὲ καὶ τοὺς Μεσσηνίους εἰς τὴν συμμαχίαν, τὸν δὲ στρατηγὸν ἐπιλέξαι τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πεζοὺς μὲν πεντακισχιλίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ πεντακοσίους, καὶ βοηθεῖν τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις, ἐὰν ἐπιβαίνωσιν Αἰτωλοὶ τῆς χώρας αὐτῶν· συντάξασθαι δὲ καὶ πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ πρὸς Μεσσηνίους ὅσους δεήσοι παρʼ ἀμφοῖν ὑπάρχειν ἱππεῖς καὶ πεζοὺς πρὸς τὰς κοινὰς χρείας. δοξάντων δὲ τούτων, οἱ μὲν Ἀχαιοὶ φέροντες γενναίως τὸ γεγονὸς οὔτε τοὺς Μεσσηνίους ἐγκατέλιπον οὔτε τὴν αὑτῶν πρόθεσιν, οἱ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς συμμάχους καθεσταμένοι τὰς πρεσβείας ἐπετέλουν, ὁ δὲ στρατηγὸς τοὺς μὲν ἐκ τῆς Ἀχαΐας ἄνδρας ἐπέλεγε κατὰ τὸ δόγμα, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ Μεσσηνίους συνετάττετο πεζοὺς μὲν παρʼ ἑκατέρων ὑπάρχειν δισχιλίους καὶ πεντακοσίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ πεντήκοντα καὶ διακοσίους, ὥστʼ εἶναι τὸ πᾶν σύστημα πρὸς τὰς ἐπιγινομένας χρείας πεζοὺς μὲν μυρίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ χιλίους. οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοί, παραγενομένης αὐτοῖς τῆς καθηκούσης ἐκκλησίας, συνελθόντες ἐβουλεύσαντο πρός τε Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ Μεσσηνίους καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους πάντας εἰρήνην ἄγειν, κακοπραγμονοῦντες καὶ βουλόμενοι φθείρειν καὶ λυμαίνεσθαι τοὺς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν συμμάχους· πρὸς αὐτοὺς δὲ τοὺς Ἀχαιούς, ἐὰν μὲν ἀφιστῶνται τῆς τῶν Μεσσηνίων συμμαχίας, ἄγειν ἐψηφίσαντο τὴν εἰρήνην, εἰ δὲ μή, πολεμεῖν, πρᾶγμα πάντων ἀλογώτατον. ὄντες γὰρ αὐτοὶ σύμμαχοι καὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν καὶ τῶν Μεσσηνίων, εἰ μὲν οὗτοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους φιλίαν ἄγοιεν καὶ συμμαχίαν, τὸν πόλεμον τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἐπήγγελλον· εἰ δʼ ἔχθραν ἕλοιντο πρὸς τοὺς Μεσσηνίους, τὴν εἰρήνην αὐτοῖς ἐποίουν κατὰ μόνας, ὥστε μηδʼ ὑπὸ λόγον πίπτειν τὴν ἀδικίαν αὐτῶν διὰ τὸ παρηλλαγμένον αὐτῶν τῶν ἐγχειρημάτων.
16. The Epirotes and King Philip on hearing the ambassadors consented to admit the Messenians to alliance; but though the conduct of the Aetolians caused them momentary indignation, they were not excessively moved by it, because it was no more than what the Aetolians habitually did. Their anger, therefore, was short-lived, and they presently voted against going to war with them. So true is it that an habitual course of wrong-doing finds readier pardon than when it is spasmodic or isolated. The former, at any rate, was the case with the Aetolians: they perpetually plundered Greece, and levied unprovoked war upon many of its people: they did not deign either to make any defence to those who complained, but answered only by additional insults if any one challenged them to arbitration for injuries which they had inflicted, or indeed which they meditated inflicting. And yet the Lacedaemonians, who had but recently been liberated by means of Antigonus and the generous zeal of the Achaeans, and though they were bound not to commit any act of hostility towards the Macedonians and Philip, sent clandestine messages to the Aetolians, and arranged a secret treaty of alliance and friendship with them. The army had already been enrolled from the Achaeans of military age, and had been assigned to the duty of assisting the Lacedaemonians and Messenians, when Scerdilaidas and Demetrius of Pharos sailed with ninety galleys beyond Lissus, contrary to the terms of their treaty with Rome. These men first touched at Pylos, and failing in an attack upon it, they separated: Demetrius making for the Cyclades, from some of which he exacted money and plundered others; while Scerdilaidas, directing his course homewards, put in at Naupactus with forty galleys at the instigation of Amynas, king of the Athamanes, who happened to be his brother-in-law; and after making an agreement with the Aetolians, by the agency of Agelaus, for a division of spoils, he promised to join them in their invasion of Achaia. With this agreement made with Scerdilaidas, and with the co-operation of the city of Cynaetha, Agelaus, Dorimachus, and Scopas, collected a general levy of the Aetolians, and invaded Achaia in conjunction with the Illyrians.
16. οἱ δʼ Ἠπειρῶται καὶ Φίλιππος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀκούσαντες τῶν πρέσβεων τοὺς μὲν Μεσσηνίους εἰς τὴν συμμαχίαν προσέλαβον, ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν πεπραγμένοις παραυτίκα μὲν ἠγανάκτησαν, οὐ μὴν ἐπὶ πλεῖον ἐθαύμασαν, διὰ τὸ μηδὲν παράδοξον, τῶν εἰθισμένων δέ τι πεποιηκέναι τοὺς Αἰτωλούς. διόπερ οὐδʼ ὠργίσθησαν ἐπὶ πλεῖον, ἀλλʼ ἐψηφίσαντο τὴν εἰρήνην ἄγειν πρὸς αὐτούς· οὕτως ἡ συνεχὴς ἀδικία συγγνώμης τυγχάνει μᾶλλον τῆς σπανίου καὶ παραδόξου πονηρίας. Αἰτωλοὶ γοῦν τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ χρώμενοι, καὶ λῃστεύοντες συνεχῶς τὴν Ἑλλάδα, καὶ πολέμους ἀνεπαγγέλτους φέροντες πολλοῖς, οὐδʼ ἀπολογίας ἔτι κατηξίουν τοὺς ἐγκαλοῦντας, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσεχλεύαζον, εἴ τις αὐτοὺς εἰς δικαιοδοσίας προκαλοῖτο περὶ τῶν γεγονότων ἢ καὶ νὴ Δία τῶν μελλόντων. οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, προσφάτως μὲν ἠλευθερωμένοι διʼ Ἀντιγόνου καὶ διὰ τῆς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν φιλοτιμίας, ὀφείλοντες δὲ Μακεδόσι καὶ Φιλίππῳ μηδὲν ὑπεναντίον πράττειν, διαπεμψάμενοι λάθρᾳ πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς φιλίαν διʼ ἀπορρήτων ἔθεντο καὶ συμμαχίαν. ἤδη δʼ ἐπιλελεγμένων τῶν Ἀχαϊκῶν νεανίσκων καὶ συντεταγμένων ὑπὲρ τῆς βοηθείας τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ Μεσσηνίων, Σκερδιλαΐδας ὁμοῦ καὶ Δημήτριος ὁ Φάριος ἔπλευσαν ἐκ τῆς Ἰλλυρίδος ἐν ἐνενήκοντα λέμβοις ἔξω τοῦ Λίσσου παρὰ τὰς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους συνθήκας. οἳ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον τῇ Πύλῳ προσμίξαντες καὶ ποιησάμενοι προσβολὰς ἀπέπεσον· μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Δημήτριος μὲν ἔχων τοὺς πεντήκοντα τῶν λέμβων ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ νήσων, καὶ περιπλέων τινὰς μὲν ἠργυρολόγει, τινὰς δʼ ἐπόρθει τῶν Κυκλάδων· Σκερδιλαΐδας δὲ ποιούμενος τὸν πλοῦν ὡς ἐπʼ οἴκου προσεῖχε πρὸς Ναύπακτον μετὰ τετταράκοντα λέμβων, πεισθεὶς Ἀμυνᾷ τῷ βασιλεῖ τῶν Ἀθαμάνων, ὃς ἐτύγχανε κηδεστὴς ὑπάρχων αὐτοῦ. ποιησάμενος δὲ συνθήκας πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς διʼ Ἀγελάου περὶ τοῦ μερισμοῦ τῶν λαφύρων, ὑπέσχετο συνεμβαλεῖν ὁμόσε τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς εἰς τὴν Ἀχαΐαν. συνθέμενοι δὲ ταῦτα πρὸς τὸν Σκερδιλαΐδαν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀγέλαον καὶ Δωρίμαχον καὶ Σκόπαν, πραττομένης αὐτοῖς τῆς τῶν Κυναιθέων πόλεως, συναθροίσαντες πανδημεὶ τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ἐνέβαλον εἰς τὴν Ἀχαΐαν μετὰ τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν.
17. But the Aetolian Strategus Ariston, ignoring everything that was going on, remained quietly at home, asserting that he was not at war with the Achaeans, but was maintaining peace: a foolish and childish mode of acting,—for what better epithets could be applied to a man who supposed that he could cloak notorious facts by mere words? Meanwhile Dorimachus and his colleague had marched through the Achaean territory and suddenly appeared at Cynaetha. Cynaetha was an Arcadian city which, for many years past, had been afflicted with implacable and violent political factions. The two parties had frequently retaliated on each other with massacres, banishments, confiscations, and re-divisions of lands; but finally the party which affected the Achaean connexion prevailed and got possession of the city, securing themselves by a city-guard and commandant from Achaia. This was the state of affairs when, shortly before the Aetolian invasion, the exiled party sent to the party in possession intreating that they would be reconciled and allow them to return to their own city; whereupon the latter were persuaded, and sent an embassy to the Achaeans with the view of obtaining their consent to the pacification. The Achaeans readily consented, in the belief that both parties would regard them with goodwill: since the party in possession had all their hopes centred in the Achaeans, while those who were about to be restored would owe that restoration to the consent of the same people. Accordingly the Cynaethans dismissed the city-guard and commandant, and restored the exiles, to the number of nearly three hundred, after taking such pledges from them as are reckoned the most inviolable among all mankind. But no sooner had they secured their return, than, without any cause or pretext arising which might give a colour to the renewal of the quarrel, but on the contrary, at the very first moment of their restoration, they began plotting against their country, and against those who had been their preservers. I even believe that at the very sacrifices, which consecrated the oaths and pledges which they gave each other, they were already, even at such a solemn moment, revolving in their minds this offence against religion and those who had trusted them. For, as soon as they were restored to their civil rights they called in the Aetolians, and betrayed the city into their hands, eager to effect the utter ruin both of the people who had preserved, and the city which had nourished, them.
17. ἀρίστων δʼ ὁ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν στρατηγός, οὐ προσποιούμενος οὐδὲν τῶν γινομένων, ἦγε τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκείας, φάσκων οὐ πολεμεῖν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς, ἀλλὰ διατηρεῖν τὴν εἰρήνην, εὔηθες καὶ παιδικὸν πρᾶγμα ποιῶν· δῆλον γὰρ ὡς εὐήθη καὶ μάταιον εἰκὸς φαίνεσθαι τὸν τοιοῦτον, ὅταν ὑπολαμβάνῃ τοῖς λόγοις ἐπικρύψασθαι τὰς τῶν πραγμάτων ἐναργείας. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Δωρίμαχον διὰ τῆς Ἀχαιάτιδος ποιησάμενοι τὴν πορείαν, ἧκον ἄφνω πρὸς τὴν Κύναιθαν. συνέβαινε δὲ τοὺς Κυναιθεῖς, ὄντας Ἀρκάδας, ἐκ πολλῶν χρόνων ἐν ἀκαταπαύστοις καὶ μεγάλαις συνεσχῆσθαι στάσεσι, καὶ πολλὰς μὲν κατʼ ἀλλήλων πεποιῆσθαι σφαγὰς καὶ φυγάς, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἁρπαγὰς ὑπαρχόντων, ἔτι δὲ γῆς ἀναδασμούς, τέλος δʼ ἐπικρατῆσαι τοὺς τὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν αἱρουμένους καὶ κατασχεῖν τὴν πόλιν, φυλακὴν ἔχοντας τῶν τειχῶν καὶ στρατηγὸν τῆς πόλεως ἐξ Ἀχαΐας. τούτων δʼ οὕτως ἐχόντων, ὀλίγοις ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις τῆς τῶν Αἰτωλῶν παρουσίας διαπεμπομένων τῶν φυγάδων πρὸς τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει, καὶ δεομένων διαλυθῆναι πρὸς αὑτοὺς καὶ κατάγειν σφᾶς εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, πεισθέντες οἱ κατέχοντες τὴν πόλιν ἐπρέσβευον πρὸς τὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἔθνος, βουλόμενοι μετὰ τῆς ἐκείνων γνώμης ποιεῖσθαι τὰς διαλύσεις. [τῶν Ἀχαιῶν] ἐπιχωρησάντων δʼ ἑτοίμως διὰ τὸ πεπεῖσθαι σφίσιν ἀμφοτέρους εὐνοήσειν, ἅτε τῶν μὲν κατεχόντων τὴν πόλιν ἐν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἐχόντων πάσας τὰς ἐλπίδας, τῶν δὲ καταπορευομένων μελλόντων τυγχάνειν τῆς σωτηρίας διὰ τὴν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν συγκατάθεσιν, οὕτως ἀποστείλαντες τὴν παραφυλακὴν καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως οἱ Κυναιθεῖς διελύσαντο καὶ κατήγαγον τοὺς φυγάδας, ὄντας σχεδὸν εἰς τριακοσίους, λαβόντες πίστεις τῶν παρʼ ἀνθρώποις νομιζομένων τὰς ἰσχυροτάτας. οἱ δὲ κατανοστήσαντες οὐχ ὡς αἰτίας ἢ προφάσεως ἐπιγενομένης τοῦ δοκεῖν ἄλλης διαφορᾶς ἀρχὴν αὐτοῖς τινα γεγενῆσθαι, τὸ δʼ ἐναντίον παραχρῆμα κατελθόντες εὐθέως ἐπεβούλευον τῇ πατρίδι καὶ τοῖς σώσασι. καί μοι δοκοῦσι, καθʼ ὃν καιρὸν ἐπὶ τῶν σφαγίων τοὺς ὅρκους καὶ τὰς πίστεις ἐδίδοσαν ἀλλήλοις, τότε μάλιστα διανοεῖσθαι περί τε τῆς εἰς τὸ θεῖον καὶ τοὺς πιστεύσαντας ἀσεβείας. ἅμα γὰρ τῷ μετασχεῖν τῆς πολιτείας εὐθέως ἐπεσπῶντο τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς καὶ τούτοις ἔπραττον τὴν πόλιν, σπεύδοντες τοὺς σώσαντας ἅμα καὶ τὴν θρέ ψασαν ἄρδην ἀπολέσαι.
18. The bold stroke by which they actually consummated this treason was as follows. Of the restored exiles certain officers had been appointed called Polemarchs, whose duty it was to lock the city-gates, and keep the keys while they remained closed, and also to be on guard during the day at the gate-houses. The Aetolians accordingly waited for this period of closing the gates, ready to make the attempt, and provided with ladders; while the Polemarchs of the exiles, having assassinated their colleagues on guard at the gate-house, opened the gate. Some of the Aetolians, therefore, got into the town by it, while others applied their ladders to the walls, and mounting by their means, took forcible possession of them. The inhabitants of the town, panic-stricken at the occurrence, could not tell which way to turn. They could not give their undivided energies to opposing the party which was forcing its way through the gate, because of those who were attacking them at the walls; nor could they defend the walls owing to the enemies that were pouring through the gate. The Aetolians having thus become rapidly masters of the town, in spite of the injustice of the whole proceeding, did one act of supreme justice. For the very men who had invited them, and betrayed the town to them, they massacred before any one else, and plundered their property. They then treated all the others of the party in the same way; and, finally, taking up their quarters in the houses, they systematically robbed them of all valuables, and in many cases put Cynaethans to the rack, if they suspected them of having anything concealed, whether money, or furniture, or anything else of unusual value. After inflicting this ruin on the Cynaethans they departed, leaving a garrison to guard the walls, and marched towards Lusi. Arrived at the temple of Artemis, which lies between Cleitor and Cynaetha, and is regarded as inviolable by the Greeks, they threatened to plunder the cattle of the goddess and the other property round the temple. But the people of Lusi acted with great prudence: they gave the Aetolians some of the sacred furniture, and appealed to them not to commit the impiety of inflicting any outrage. The gift was accepted, and the Aetolians at once removed to Cleitor and pitched their camp under its walls.
18. τὴν δὲ πρᾶξιν τοιᾷδέ τινι τόλμῃ καὶ τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ συνεστήσαντο. πολέμαρχοι τῶν κατεληλυθότων τινὲς ἐγεγόνεισαν· ταύτην δὲ συμβαίνει τὴν ἀρχὴν κλείειν τὰς πύλας καὶ τὸν μεταξὺ χρόνον κυριεύειν τῶν κλειδῶν, ποιεῖσθαι δὲ καὶ τὸ καθʼ ἡμέραν τὴν δίαιταν ἐπὶ τῶν πυλώνων. οἱ μὲν οὖν Αἰτωλοὶ διεσκευασμένοι καὶ τὰς κλίμακας ἑτοίμας ἔχοντες ἐπετήρουν τὸν καιρόν· οἱ δὲ πολεμαρχοῦντες τῶν φυγάδων κατασφάξαντες τοὺς συνάρχοντας ἐπὶ τοῦ πυλῶνος ἀνέῳξαν τὴν πύλην. οὗ συμβάντος τινὲς μὲν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν διὰ ταύτης εἰσέπιπτον, τινὲς δὲ τὰς κλίμακας προσερείσαντες ἐβιάσαντο διὰ τούτων καὶ κατελάμβανον τὸ τεῖχος. οἱ δʼ ἐν τῇ πόλει πάντες, ἐκπλαγεῖς ὄντες ἐπὶ τοῖς συντελουμένοις, ἀπόρως καὶ δυσχρήστως εἶχον πρὸς τὸ συμβαῖνον· οὔτε γὰρ πρὸς τοὺς διὰ τῆς πύλης εἰσπίπτοντας οἷοί τʼ ἦσαν βοηθεῖν ἀπερισπάστως διὰ τοὺς πρὸς τὰ τείχη προσβάλλοντας, οὐδὲ μὴν τοῖς τείχεσιν ἐπαμύνειν διὰ τοὺς τῇ πύλῃ βιαζομένους. οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοὶ διὰ ταύτας τὰς αἰτίας ταχέως ἐγκρατεῖς γενόμενοι τῆς πόλεως, τῶν ἀδίκων ἔργων ἓν τοῦτʼ ἔπραξαν δικαιότατον· πρώτους γὰρ τοὺς εἰσαγαγόντας καὶ προδόντας αὐτοῖς τὴν πόλιν κατασφάξαντες διήρπασαν τοὺς τούτων βίους. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐχρήσαντο πᾶσι· τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον ἐπισκηνώσαντες ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας ἐξετοιχωρύχησαν μὲν τοὺς βίους, ἐστρέβλωσαν δὲ πολλοὺς τῶν Κυναιθέων, οἷς ἠπίστησαν ἔχειν κεκρυμμένα διάφορον ἢ κατασκευάσματʼ ἤπερ ἄλλο τι τῶν πλείονος ἀξίων. τοῦτον δὲ τὸν τρόπον λωβησάμενοι τοὺς Κυναιθεῖς ἀνεστρατοπέδευσαν, ἀπολιπόντες φυλακὴν τῶν τειχῶν, καὶ προῆγον ὡς ἐπὶ Λούσων· καὶ παραγενόμενοι πρὸς τὸ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος ἱερόν, ὃ κεῖται μὲν μεταξὺ Κλείτορος καὶ Κυναίθης, ἄσυλον δὲ νενόμισται παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ἀνετείνοντο διαρπάσειν τὰ θρέμματα τῆς θεοῦ καὶ τἄλλα τὰ περὶ τὸν ναόν. οἱ δὲ Λουσιᾶται νουνεχῶς δόντες τινὰ τῶν κατασκευασμάτων τῆς θεοῦ, παρῃτήσαντο τὴν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἀσέβειαν τοῦ μηδὲν παθεῖν ἀνήκεστον. οἱ δὲ δεξάμενοι παραχρῆμʼ ἀναζεύξαντες προσεστρατοπέδευσαν τῇ τῶν Κλειτορίων πόλει.
19. Meanwhile Aratus, the Achaean Strategus, had despatched an appeal for help to Philip; was collecting the men selected for service; and was sending for the troops, arranged for by virtue of the treaty, from Sparta and Messenia. The Aetolians at first urged the people of Cleitor to abandon their alliance with the Achaeans and adopt one with themselves; and upon the Cleitorians absolutely refusing, they began an assault upon the town, and endeavoured to take it by an escalade. But meeting with a bold and determined resistance from the inhabitants, they desisted from the attempt; and breaking up their camp marched back to Cynaetha, driving off with them on their route the cattle of the goddess. They at first offered the city to the Eleans, but upon their refusing to accept it, they determined to keep the town in their own hands, and appointed Euripides to command it: but subsequently, on the alarm of an army of relief coming from Macedonia, they set fire to the town and abandoned it, directing their march to Rhium with the purpose of there taking ship and crossing home. But when Taurion heard of the Aetolian invasion, and what had taken place at Cynaetha, and saw that Demetrius of Pharos had sailed into Cenchreae from his island expedition, he urged the latter to assist the Achaeans, and dragging his galleys across the Isthmus to attack the Aetolians as they crossed the gulf. Now though Demetrius had enriched himself by his island expedition, he had had to beat an ignominious retreat, owing to the Rhodians putting out to sea to attack him: he was therefore glad to accede to the request of Taurion, as the latter undertook the expense of having his galleys dragged across the Isthmus. He accordingly got them across, and arriving two days after the passage of the Aetolians, plundered some places on the seaboard of Aetolia and then returned to Corinth. The Lacedaemonians had dishonourably failed to send the full complement of men to which they were bound by their engagement, but had despatched a small contingent only of horse and foot, to save appearances. Aratus however, having his Achaean troops, behaved in this instance also with the caution of a statesman, rather than the promptness of a general: for remembering his previous failure he remained inactively watching events, until Scopas and Dorimachus had accomplished all they wanted and were safe home again; although they had marched through a line of country which was quite open to attack, full of defiles, and wanting only a trumpeter to sound a call to arms. But the great disaster and misfortunes endured by the Cynaethans at the hands of the Aetolians were looked upon as most richly deserved by them.
19. κατὰ δὲ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους ὁ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν στρατηγὸς Ἄρατος ἐξαπέστειλε μὲν πρὸς Φίλιππον παρακαλῶν βοηθεῖν, συνῆγε δὲ τοὺς ἐπιλέκτους, μετεπέμπετο δὲ παρὰ Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ Μεσσηνίων τοὺς διατεταγμένους κατὰ τὰς ὁμολογίας. οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον παρεκάλουν τοὺς Κλειτορίους ἀποστάντας τῶν Ἀχαιῶν αἱρεῖσθαι τὴν πρὸς αὑτοὺς συμμαχίαν. τῶν δὲ Κλειτορίων ἁπλῶς οὐ προσιεμένων τοὺς λόγους, προσβολὰς ἐποιοῦντο, καὶ προσερείδοντες τὰς κλίμακας τοῖς τείχεσι κατεπείραζον τῆς πόλεως. ἀμυνομένων δὲ γενναίως καὶ τολμηρῶς τῶν ἔνδον, εἴξαντες τοῖς πράγμασιν ἀνεστρατοπέδευσαν, καὶ προαγαγόντες αὖθις ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν Κύναιθαν, ὅμως τὰ θρέμματα τῆς θεοῦ περισύραντες ἀπήγαγον. καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον παρεδίδοσαν τοῖς Ἠλείοις τὴν Κύναιθαν· οὐ βουλομένων δὲ προσδέξασθαι τῶν Ἠλείων, ἐπεβάλοντο μὲν διʼ αὑτῶν κατέχειν τὴν πόλιν, στρατηγὸν ἐπιστήσαντες Εὐριπίδαν, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πάλιν δείσαντες ἐκ τῶν προσαγγελλομένων τὴν ἐκ Μακεδονίας βοήθειαν, ἐμπρήσαντες τὴν πόλιν ἀπηλλάγησαν, καὶ προῆγον αὖτις ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ Ῥίον, ταύτῃ κρίνοντες ποιεῖσθαι τὴν διάβασιν. ὁ δὲ Ταυρίων, πυνθανόμενος τὴν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν εἰσβολὴν καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν Κύναιθαν πεπραγμένα, θεωρῶν δὲ τὸν Δημήτριον τὸν Φάριον ἀπὸ τῶν νήσων εἰς τὰς Κεγχρεὰς καταπεπλευκότα, παρεκάλει τοῦτον βοηθῆσαι τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς καὶ διισθμίσαντα τοὺς λέμβους ἐπιτίθεσθαι τῇ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν διαβάσει. ὁ δὲ Δημήτριος λυσιτελῆ μέν, οὐκ εὐσχήμονα δὲ πεποιημένος τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν νήσων ἐπάνοδον, διὰ τὸν τῶν Ῥοδίων ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἀνάπλουν, ἄσμενος ὑπήκουσε τῷ Ταυρίωνι, προσδεξαμένου ʼκείνου τὴν εἰς τὴν ὑπέρβασιν τῶν λέμβων δαπάνην. οὗτος μὲν οὖν ὑπερισθμίσας, καὶ δυσὶ καθυστερήσας ἡμέραις τῆς τῶν Αἰτωλῶν διαβάσεως, προκατασύρας τινὰς τόπους τῆς παραλίας τῆς τῶν Αἰτωλῶν κατήχθη πάλιν εἰς τὴν Κόρινθον. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ τὸ μὲν πέμπειν τὰς βοηθείας κατὰ τὴν διάταξιν ἐνεκάκησαν, βραχεῖς δέ τινας παντελῶς ἱππεῖς καὶ πεζούς, στοχαζόμενοι τοῦ δοκεῖν μόνον, ἐξέπεμψαν. Ἄρατος δὲ τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἔχων πολιτικώτερον ἢ στρατηγικώτερον ὑπὲρ τῶν παρόντων ἐβουλεύσατο· μέχρι γὰρ τούτου τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἦγε, προσανέχων καὶ μεμνημένος τῆς προγεγενημένης συμφορᾶς, ἕως οὗ πάντα διαπραξάμενοι κατὰ τὰς αὑτῶν προαιρέσεις οἱ περὶ τὸν Σκόπαν καὶ Δωρίμαχον ἐπανῆλθον εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, καίπερ διὰ τόπων ποιούμενοι τὰς πορείας εὐεπιθέτων καὶ στενῶν καὶ μόνον σαλπιγκτοῦ δεομένων. Κυναιθεῖς δὲ μεγάλοις ἀτυχήμασιν ὑπʼ Αἰτωλῶν καὶ μεγάλαις συμφοραῖς περιπεσόντες ὅμως πάντων ἀνθρώπων ἔδοξαν ἠτυχηκέναι δικαιότατα.
20. Now, seeing that the Arcadians as a whole have a reputation for virtue throughout Greece, not only in respect of their hospitality and humanity, but especially for their scrupulous piety, it seems worth while to investigate briefly the barbarous character of the Cynaethans: and inquire how it came about that, though indisputably Arcadians in race, they at that time so far surpassed the rest of Greece in cruelty and contempt of law. They seem then to me to be the first, and indeed the only, Arcadians who have abandoned institutions nobly conceived by their ancestors and admirably adapted to the character of all the inhabitants of Arcadia. For music, and I mean by that true music, which it is advantageous to every one to practice, is obligatory with the Arcadians. For we must not think, as Ephorus in a hasty sentence of his preface, wholly unworthy of him, says, that music was introduced among mankind for the purpose of deception and jugglery; nor must the ancient Cretans and Spartans be supposed to have introduced the pipe and rhythmic movement in war, instead of the trumpet, without some reason; nor the early Arcadians to have given music such a high place in their constitution, that not only boys, but young men up to the age of thirty, are compelled to practise it, though in other respects most simple and primitive in their manner of life. Every one is familiarly acquainted with the fact that the Arcadians are the only people among whom boys are by the laws trained from infancy to sing hymns and paeans, in which they celebrate in the traditional fashion the heroes and gods of their particular towns. They next learn the airs of Philoxenus and Timotheus, and dance with great spirit to the pipers at the yearly Dionysia in the theatres, the boys at the boys’ festival, and the young men at what is called the men’s festival. Similarly it is their universal custom, at all festal gatherings and banquets, not to have strangers to make the music, but to produce it themselves, calling on each other in turn for a song. They do not look upon it as a disgrace to disclaim the possession of any other accomplishment: but no one can disclaim the knowledge of how to sing, because all are forced to learn; nor can they confess the knowledge, and yet excuse themselves from practising it, because that too among them is looked upon as disgraceful. Their young men again practise a military step to the music of the pipe and in regular order of battle, producing elaborate dances, which they display to their fellow-citizens every year in the theatres, at the public charge and expense.
20. ἐπειδὴ δὲ κοινῇ τὸ τῶν Ἀρκάδων ἔθνος ἔχει τινὰ παρὰ πᾶσι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἐπʼ ἀρετῇ φήμην, οὐ μόνον διὰ τὴν ἐν τοῖς ἤθεσι καὶ βίοις φιλοξενίαν καὶ φιλανθρωπίαν, μάλιστα δὲ διὰ τὴν εἰς τὸ θεῖον εὐσέβειαν, ἄξιον βραχὺ διαπορῆσαι περὶ τῆς Κυναιθέων ἀγριότητος, πῶς ὄντες ὁμολογουμένως Ἀρκάδες τοσοῦτο κατʼ ἐκείνους τοὺς καιροὺς διήνεγκαν τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων ὠμότητι καὶ παρανομίᾳ. δοκοῦσι δέ μοι, διότι τὰ καλῶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρχαίων ἐπινενοημένα καὶ φυσικῶς συντεθεωρημένα περὶ πάντας τοὺς κατοικοῦντας τὴν Ἀρκαδίαν, ταῦτα δὴ πρῶτοι καὶ μόνοι τῶν Ἀρκάδων ἐγκατέλιπον. μουσικὴν γάρ, τήν γʼ ἀληθῶς μουσικήν, πᾶσι μὲν ἀνθρώποις ὄφελος ἀσκεῖν, Ἀρκάσι δὲ καὶ ἀναγκαῖον. οὐ γὰρ ἡγητέον μουσικήν, ὡς Ἔφορός φησιν ἐν τῷ προοιμίῳ τῆς ὅλης πραγματείας, οὐδαμῶς ἁρμόζοντα λόγον αὑτῷ ῥίψας, ἐπʼ ἀπάτῃ καὶ γοητείᾳ παρεισῆχθαι τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, οὐδὲ τοὺς παλαιοὺς Κρητῶν καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων αὐλὸν καὶ ῥυθμὸν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον ἀντὶ σάλπιγγος εἰκῇ νομιστέον εἰσαγαγεῖν, οὐδὲ τοὺς πρώτους Ἀρκάδων εἰς τὴν ὅλην πολιτείαν τὴν μουσικὴν παραλαβεῖν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ὥστε μὴ μόνον παισὶν οὖσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ νεανίσκοις γενομένοις ἕως τριάκοντʼ ἐτῶν κατʼ ἀνάγκην σύντροφον ποιεῖν αὐτήν, τἄλλα τοῖς βίοις ὄντας αὐστηροτάτους. ταῦτα γὰρ πᾶσίν ἐστι γνώριμα καὶ συνήθη, διότι σχεδὸν παρὰ μόνοις Ἀρκάσι πρῶτον μὲν οἱ παῖδες ἐκ νηπίων ᾄδειν ἐθίζονται κατὰ νόμους τοὺς ὕμνους καὶ παιᾶνας, οἷς ἕκαστοι κατὰ τὰ πάτρια τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους ἥρωας καὶ θεοὺς ὑμνοῦσι· μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τοὺς Φιλοξένου καὶ Τιμοθέου νόμους μανθάνοντες πολλῇ φιλοτιμίᾳ χορεύουσι κατʼ ἐνιαυτὸν τοῖς Διονυσιακοῖς αὐληταῖς ἐν τοῖς θεάτροις, οἱ μὲν παῖδες τοὺς παιδικοὺς ἀγῶνας, οἱ δὲ νεανίσκοι τοὺς τῶν ἀνδρῶν λεγομένους. ὁμοίως γε μὴν καὶ παρʼ ὅλον τὸν βίον τὰς ἀγωγὰς τὰς ἐν ταῖς συνουσίαις οὐχ οὕτως ποιοῦνται διὰ τῶν ἐπεισάκτων ἀκροαμάτων ὡς διʼ αὑτῶν, ἀνὰ μέρος ᾄδειν ἀλλήλοις προστάττοντες. καὶ τῶν μὲν ἄλλων μαθημάτων ἀρνηθῆναί τι μὴ γινώσκειν οὐδὲν αἰσχρὸν ἡγοῦνται, τήν γε μὴν ᾠδὴν οὔτʼ ἀρνηθῆναι δύνανται διὰ τὸ κατʼ ἀνάγκην πάντας μανθάνειν, οὔθʼ ὁμολογοῦντες ἀποτρίβεσθαι διὰ τὸ τῶν αἰσχρῶν παρʼ αὐτοῖς νομίζεσθαι τοῦτο. καὶ μὴν ἐμβατήρια μετʼ αὐλοῦ καὶ τάξεως ἀσκοῦντες, ἔτι δʼ ὀρχήσεις ἐκπονοῦντες μετὰ κοινῆς ἐπιστροφῆς καὶ δαπάνης κατʼ ἐνιαυτὸν ἐν τοῖς θεάτροις ἐπιδείκνυνται τοῖς αὑτῶν πολίταις οἱ νέοι.
21. Now the object of the ancient Arcadians in introducing these customs was not, as I think, the gratification of luxury and extravagance. They saw that Arcadia was a nation of workers; that the life of the people was laborious and hard; and that, as a natural consequence of the coldness and gloom which were the prevailing features of a great part of the country, the general character of the people was austere. For we mortals have an irresistible tendency to yield to climatic influences: and to this cause, and no other, may be traced the great distinctions which prevail amongst us in character, physical formation, and complexion, as well as in most of our habits, varying with nationality or wide local separation. And it was with a view of softening and tempering this natural ruggedness and rusticity, that they not only introduced the things which I have mentioned, but also the custom of holding assemblies and frequently offering sacrifices, in both of which women took part equally with men; and having mixed dances of girls and boys: and in fact did everything they could to humanise their souls by the civilising and softening influence of such culture. The people of Cynaetha entirely neglected these things, although they needed them more than any one else, because their climate and country is by far the most unfavourable in all Arcadia; and on the contrary gave their whole minds to mutual animosities and contentions. They in consequence became finally so brutalised, that no Greek city has ever witnessed a longer series of the most atrocious crimes. I will give one instance of the ill fortune of Cynaetha in this respect, and of the disapproval of such proceedings on the part of the Arcadians at large. When the Cynaethans, after their great massacre, sent an embassy to Sparta, every city which the ambassadors entered on their road at once ordered them by a herald to depart; while the Mantineans not only did that, but after their departure regularly purified their city and territory from the taint of blood, by carrying victims round them both. I have had three objects in saying thus much on this subject. First, that the character of the Arcadians should not suffer from the crimes of one city: secondly, that other nations should not neglect music, from an idea that certain Arcadians give an excessive and extravagant attention to it: and, lastly, I speak for the sake of the Cynaethans themselves, that, if ever God gives them better fortune, they may humanise themselves by turning their attention to education, and especially to music.
21. ταῦτά τέ μοι δοκοῦσιν οἱ πάλαι παρεισαγαγεῖν οὐ τρυφῆς καὶ περιουσίας χάριν, ἀλλὰ θεωροῦντες μὲν τὴν ἑκάστων αὐτουργίαν καὶ συλλήβδην τὸ τῶν βίων ἐπίπονον καὶ σκληρόν, θεωροῦντες δὲ τὴν τῶν ἠθῶν αὐστηρίαν, ἥτις αὐτοῖς παρέπεται διὰ τὴν τοῦ περιέχοντος ψυχρότητα καὶ στυγνότητα τὴν κατὰ τὸ πλεῖστον ἐν τοῖς τόποις ὑπάρχουσαν, ᾧ συνεξομοιοῦσθαι πεφύκαμεν πάντες ἄνθρωποι κατʼ ἀνάγκην· οὐ γὰρ διʼ ἄλλην, διὰ δὲ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν κατὰ τὰς ἐθνικὰς καὶ τὰς ὁλοσχερεῖς διαστάσεις πλεῖστον ἀλλήλων διαφέρομεν ἤθεσί τε καὶ μορφαῖς καὶ χρώμασιν, ἔτι δὲ τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων τοῖς πλείστοις. βουλόμενοι δὲ μαλάττειν καὶ κιρνᾶν τὸ τῆς φύσεως αὔθαδες καὶ σκληρόν, τά τε προειρημένα πάντα παρεισήγαγον, καὶ πρὸς τούτοις συνόδους κοινὰς καὶ θυσίας πλείστας ὁμοίως ἀνδράσι καὶ γυναιξὶ κατείθισαν, ἔτι δὲ χοροὺς παρθένων ὁμοῦ καὶ παίδων, καὶ συλλήβδην πᾶν ἐμηχανήσαντο, σπεύδοντες τὸ τῆς ψυχῆς ἀτέραμνον διὰ τῆς τῶν ἐθισμῶν κατασκευῆς ἐξημεροῦν καὶ πραΰνειν. ὧν Κυναιθεῖς ὀλιγωρήσαντες εἰς τέλος, καὶ ταῦτα. πλείστης δεόμενοι τῆς τοιαύτης ἐπικουρίας διὰ τὸ σκληρότατον παρὰ πολὺ τῆς Ἀρκαδίας ἔχειν ἀέρα καὶ τόπον, πρὸς αὐτὰς δὲ τὰς ἐν ἀλλήλοις διατριβὰς καὶ φιλοτιμίας ὁρμήσαντες, τέλος ἀπεθηριώθησαν οὕτως ὥστε μηδʼ ἐν ὁποίᾳ γεγονέναι τῶν Ἑλληνίδων πόλεων ἀσεβήματα μείζονα καὶ συνεχέστερα. σημεῖον δὲ τῆς Κυναιθέων ἀτυχίας περὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος καὶ τῆς τῶν ἄλλων Ἀρκάδων τοῖς τοιούτοις τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων δυσαρεστήσεως· καθʼ οὓς γὰρ καιροὺς τὴν μεγάλην σφαγὴν ποιήσαντες Κυναιθεῖς ἐπρέσβευσαν πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους, εἰς ἃς πόλεις ποτʼ Ἀρκαδικὰς εἰσῆλθον κατὰ τὴν ὁδόν, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι παραχρῆμα πάντες αὐτοὺς ἐξεκήρυξαν, Μαντινεῖς δὲ μετὰ τὴν ἀπαλλαγὴν αὐτῶν καὶ καθαρμὸν ἐποιήσαντο καὶ σφάγια περιήνεγκαν τῆς τε πόλεως κύκλῳ καὶ τῆς χώρας πάσης. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἡμῖν εἰρήσθω χάριν τοῦ μὴ διὰ μίαν πόλιν τὸ κοινὸν ἦθος διαβάλλεσθαι τῶν Ἀρκάδων, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοῦ μὴ νομίσαντας ἐνίους τῶν κατοικούντων τὴν Ἀρκαδίαν περιουσίας χάριν τὰ κατὰ μουσικὴν ἐπὶ πλεῖον ἀσκεῖσθαι παρʼ αὑτοῖς ὀλιγωρεῖν ἐγχειρῆσαι τούτου τοῦ μέρους, ἔτι δὲ καὶ Κυναιθέων ἕνεκεν, ἵνʼ ἄν ποτʼ αὐτοῖς ὁ θεὸς εὖ δῷ, τραπέντες πρὸς παιδείαν ἡμερῶσιν αὑτούς, καὶ μάλιστα ταύτης πρὸς μουσικήν· οὕτως γὰρ μόνως ἂν λήξαιεν τῆς τότε περὶ αὐτοὺς γενομένης ἀγριότητος. ἡμεῖς δʼ ἐπειδὴ τὰ περὶ Κυναιθέων ὑποπίπτοντα δεδηλώκαμεν, αὖτις ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκτροπὴν ἐπάνιμεν.
22. To return from this digression. When the Aetolians had reached their homes in safety after this raid upon the Peloponnese, Philip, coming to the aid of the Achaeans with an army, arrived at Corinth. Finding that he was too late, he sent despatches to all the allies urging them to send deputies at once to Corinth, to consult on the measures required for the common safety. Meanwhile he himself marched towards Tegea, being informed that the Lacedaemonians were in a state of revolution, and were fallen to mutual slaughter. For being accustomed to have a king over them, and to be entirely submissive to their rulers, their sudden enfranchisement by means of Antigonus, and the absence of a king, produced a state of civil war; because they all imagined themselves to be on a footing of complete political equality. At first two of the five Ephors kept their views to themselves; while the other three threw in their lot with the Aetolians, because they were convinced that the youth of Philip would prevent him as yet from having a decisive influence in the Peloponnese. But when, contrary to their expectations, the Aetolians retired quickly from the Peloponnese, and Philip arrived still more quickly from Macedonia, the three Ephors became distrustful of Adeimantus, one of the other two, because he was privy to and disapproved of their plans; and were in a great state of anxiety lest he should tell Philip everything as soon as that monarch approached. After some consultation therefore with certain young men, they published a proclamation ordering all citizens of military age to assemble in arms in the sacred enclosure of Athene of the Brazenhouse, on the pretext that the Macedonians were advancing against the town. This startling announcement caused a rapid muster: when Adeimantus, who disapproved of the measure, came forward and endeavoured to show that “the proclamation and summons to assemble in arms should have been made some time before, when they were told that their enemies the Aetolians were approaching the frontier: not then, when they learnt that their benefactors and preservers the Macedonians were coming with their king.” In the middle of this dissuasive speech the young men whose co-operation had been secured struck him dead, and with him Sthenelaus, Alcamenes, Thyestes, Bionidas, and several other citizens; whereupon Polyphontes and certain of his party, seeing clearly what was going to happen, went off to join Philip.
22. Αἰτωλοὶ μὲν οὖν τοιαῦτα διεργασάμενοι κατὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον ἧκον εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἀσφαλῶς. Φίλιππος δὲ μετὰ δυνάμεως βοηθῶν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς παρῆν εἰς Κόρινθον· ὑστερήσας δὲ τοῦ καιροῦ διαπέστειλε βιβλιαφόρους πρὸς πάντας τοὺς συμμάχους, παρακαλῶν πέμπειν ἑκάστους παρʼ αὑτῶν κατὰ σπουδὴν εἰς Κόρινθον τοὺς βουλευσομένους ὑπὲρ τῶν κοινῇ συμφερόντων. αὐτὸς δʼ ἀναζεύξας ὡς ἐπὶ Τεγέας προῆγε, πυνθανόμενος τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους εἰς σφαγὰς καὶ ταραχὰς ἐμπεπτωκέναι πρὸς ἀλλήλους. οἱ γὰρ Λακεδαιμόνιοι συνήθεις ὄντες βασιλεύεσθαι καὶ πάντως τοῖς προεστῶσι πειθαρχεῖν, τότε προσφάτως μὲν ἠλευθερωμένοι διʼ Ἀντιγόνου, βασιλέως δʼ οὐχ ὑπάρχοντος παρʼ αὐτοῖς, ἐστασίαζον πρὸς σφᾶς, πάντες ὑπολαμβάνοντες ἴσον αὑτοῖς μετεῖναι τῆς πολιτείας. τὰς μὲν οὖν ἀρχὰς οἱ μὲν δύο τῶν ἐφόρων ἄδηλον εἶχον τὴν γνώμην, οἱ δὲ τρεῖς ἐκοινώνουν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς τῶν πραγμάτων, πεπεισμένοι διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν τὸν Φίλιππον οὐδέπω δυνήσεσθαι τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον πράγμασιν ἐπαρκεῖν. ἐπεὶ δʼ οἱ μὲν Αἰτωλοὶ παρὰ τὴν προσδοκίαν αὐτῶν ἐκ Πελοποννήσου ταχεῖαν ἐποιήσαντο τὴν ἐπάνοδον, ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ἐκ Μακεδονίας ἔτι θάττω τὴν παρουσίαν, ἀπιστοῦντες οἱ τρεῖς ἑνὶ τῶν δυεῖν Ἀδειμάντῳ διὰ τὸ συνειδέναι μὲν σφίσι πάσας τὰς ἐπιβολάς, μὴ λίαν δὲ τοῖς γινομένοις εὐδοκεῖν, ἠγωνίων μὴ συνεγγίσαντος τοῦ βασιλέως πάντα τὰ πραττόμενα πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον ἐξηγήσηται. διʼ ἃ δὴ συλλαλήσαντές τισι τῶν νέων ἐκήρυττον εἰς τὸ τῆς Χαλκιοίκου τέμενος μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἰέναι τοὺς ἐν ταῖς ἡλικίαις, ὡς τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν παραγινομένων. ταχὺ δὲ διὰ τὸ παράδοξον ἁθροισθέντων, δυσαρεστῶν Ἀδείμαντος τοῖς γινομένοις ἐπειρᾶτο προπορευθεὶς παρακαλεῖν καὶ διδάσκειν διότι " πρῴην ἔδει τὰ κηρύγματα ταῦτα καὶ τοὺς ἁθροισμοὺς τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις παραγγέλλειν, καθʼ ὃν καιρὸν τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς πολεμίους ὄντας ἠκούομεν τοῖς ὅρους τῆς χώρας ἡμῶν συνεγγίζειν, οὐ νῦν, ὅτε Μακεδόνας τοὺς εὐεργέτας καὶ σωτῆρας πυνθανόμεθα πλησιάζειν μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέωσ". ἔτι δʼ αὐτοῦ ταῦτʼ ἀνακρουομένου, προσπεσόντες οἱ παρακεκλημένοι τῶν νέων τοῦτόν τε συνεκέντησαν καὶ μετὰ τούτου Σθενέλαον, Ἀλκαμένη, Θυέστην, Βιωνίδαν, ἑτέρους τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ πλείους. οἱ δὲ περὶ Πολυφόνταν καί τινες ἅμα τούτοις ἐμφρόνως προϊδόμενοι τὸ μέλλον, ἀπεχώρησαν πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον.
23. Immediately after the commission of this crime, the Ephors who were then in power sent men to Philip, to accuse the victims of this massacre; and to beg him to delay his approach, until the affairs of the city had returned to their normal state after this commotion; and to be assured meanwhile that it was their purpose to be loyal and friendly to the Macedonians in every respect. These ambassadors found Philip near Mount Parthenius, and communicated to him their commission. Having listened, he bade the ambassadors make all haste home, and inform the Ephors that he was going to continue his march to Tegea, and expected that they would as quickly as possible send him men of credit to consult with him on the present position of affairs. After hearing this message from the king, the Lacedaemonian officers despatched ten commissioners headed by Omias to meet Philip; who, on arriving at Tegea, and entering the king’s council chamber, accused Adeimantus of being the cause of the late commotion; and promised that they would perform all their obligations as allies to Philip, and show that they were second to none of those whom he looked upon as his most loyal friends, in their affection for his person. With these and similar asseverations the Lacedaemonian commissioners left the council chamber. The members of the council were divided in opinion: one party knowing the secret treachery of the Spartan magistrates, and feeling certain that Adeimantus had lost his life from his loyalty to Macedonia, while the Lacedaemonians had really determined upon an alliance with the Aetolians, advised Philip to make an example of the Lacedaemonians, by treating them precisely as Alexander had treated the Thebans, immediately after his assumption of his sovereignty. But another party, consisting of the older counsellors, sought to show that such severity was too great for the occasion, and that all that ought to be done was to rebuke the offenders, depose them, and put the management of the state and the chief offices in the hands of his own friends.
23. ταῦτα δὲ πράξαντες εὐθέως ἔπεμπον οἱ προεστῶτες ἔφοροι τῶν πραγμάτων τοὺς κατηγορήσοντας πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον τῶν ἀνῃρημένων καὶ παρακαλέσοντας αὐτὸν ἐπισχεῖν τὴν παρουσίαν, ἕως ἂν ἐκ τοῦ γεγονότος κινήματος εἰς τὴν ἀποκατάστασιν ἔλθῃ τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν· γινώσκειν δὲ διότι πρόκειται διατηρεῖν αὐτοῖς πάντα τὰ δίκαια καὶ φιλάνθρωπα πρὸς Μακεδόνας· οἳ καὶ συμμίξαντες ἤδη περὶ τὸ Παρθένιον ὄρος ὄντι τῷ βασιλεῖ διελέχθησαν ἀκολούθως ταῖς ἐντολαῖς. ὁ δὲ διακούσας παρεκάλεσε τοὺς ἥκοντας κατὰ σπουδὴν ποιήσασθαι τὴν εἰς οἶκον ἐπάνοδον καὶ δηλοῦν τοῖς ἐφόροις ὅτι κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς πορευθεὶς αὐτὸς μὲν ἐν Τεγέᾳ ποιήσεται τὴν στρατοπεδείαν, ἐκείνους δʼ οἴεται δεῖν τὴν ταχίστην ἐκπέμπειν ἄνδρας ἀξιοχρέους τοὺς κοινολογησομένους πρὸς αὑτὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐνεστώτων. ποιησάντων δὲ τὸ προσταχθὲν τῶν ἀπαντησάντων, διακούσαντες τὰ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως οἱ προεστῶτες τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἐξέπεμψαν ἄνδρας δέκα πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον οἳ καὶ πορευθέντες εἰς τὴν Τεγέαν καὶ παρελθόντες εἰς τὸ τοῦ βασιλέως συνέδριον, Ὠμίου προεστῶτος αὐτῶν, κατηγόρησαν μὲν τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀδείμαντον ὡς αἰτίων γεγονότων τῆς κινήσεως, πάντα δʼ ὑπισχνοῦνται ποιήσειν αὐτοὶ τῷ Φιλίππῳ τὰ κατὰ τὴν συμμαχίαν, καὶ μηδενὸς ἐν μηδενὶ φανήσεσθαι δεύτεροι κατὰ τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν εὔνοιαν τῶν δοκούντων ἀληθινῶν αὐτῷ φίλων ὑπάρχειν. οἱ μὲν οὖν Λακεδαιμόνιοι ταῦτα καὶ τούτοις παραπλήσια διαλεχθέντες μετέστησαν, οἱ δὲ μετέχοντες τοῦ συνεδρίου διεφέροντο πρὸς ἀλλήλους ταῖς γνώμαις. καὶ τινὲς μέν, εἰδότες τὴν κακοπραγμοσύνην τῶν ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ, καὶ πεπεισμένοι τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἀδείμαντον ἀπολωλέναι διὰ τὴν πρὸς αὑτοὺς εὔνοιαν, τούς τε Λακεδαιμονίους ἐπιβεβλῆσθαι κοινοπραγεῖν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς, συνεβούλευον τῷ Φιλίππῳ παράδειγμα ποιῆσαι τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους, χρησάμενον αὐτοῖς τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ὅνπερ Ἀλέξανδρος ἐχρήσατο Θηβαίοις εὐθέως παραλαβὼν τὴν ἀρχήν· ἕτεροι δὲ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων τὴν μὲν τοιαύτην ὀργὴν βαρυτέραν ἀπέφαινον εἶναι τῶν γεγονότων, ἐπιτιμῆσαι δὲ δεῖν τοῖς αἰτίοις, καὶ μεταστησάμενον τούτους ἐγχειρίσαι τὸ πολίτευμα καὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς τοῖς αὑτοῦ φίλοις.