1. IN my former book I explained the causes of the second war between Rome and Carthage; and described Hannibal’s invasion of Italy, and the engagements which took place between them up to the battle of Cannae, on the banks of the Aufidus. I shall now take up the history of Greece during the same period, ending at the same date, and commencing from the 140th Olympiad. But I shall first recall to the recollection of my readers what I stated in my second book on the subject of the Greeks, and especially of the Achaeans; for the league of the latter has made extraordinary progress up to our own age and the generation immediately preceding. I started, then, from Tisamenus, one of the sons of Orestes, and stated that the dynasty existed from his time to that of Ogygus: that then there was an excellent form of democratical federal government established: and that then the league was broken up by the kings of Sparta into separate towns and villages. Then I tried to describe how these towns began to form a league once more: which were the first to join; and the policy subsequently pursued, which led to their inducing all the Peloponnesians to adopt the general title of Achaeans, and to be united under one federal government. Descending to particulars, I brought my story up to the flight of Cleomenes, King of Sparta: then briefly summarising the events included in my prefatory sketch up to the deaths of Antigonus Doson, Seleucus Ceraunus, and Ptolemy Euergetes, who all three died at about the same time, I announced that my main history was to begin from that point.
1. ἐν μὲν τῇ πρὸ ταύτης βύβλῳ τὰς αἰτίας ἐδηλώσαμεν τοῦ δευτέρου συστάντος Ῥωμαίοις καὶ Καρχηδονίοις πολέμου καὶ τὰ περὶ τῆς εἰσβολῆς τῆς εἰς Ἰταλίαν Ἀννίβου διήλθομεν, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἐξηγησάμεθα τοὺς γενομένους αὐτοῖς ἀγῶνας πρὸς ἀλλήλους μέχρι τῆς μάχης τῆς περὶ τὸν Αὔφιδον ποταμὸν καὶ πόλιν Κάνναν γενομένης. νῦν δὲ τὰς Ἑλληνικὰς διέξιμεν πράξεις τὰς κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς ἐπιτελεσθείσας τοῖς προειρημένοις καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς ἑκατοστῆς καὶ τετταρακοστῆς ὀλυμπιάδος, πρότερον ἀναμνήσαντες διὰ βραχέων τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας τῇ πραγματείᾳ τῆς κατασκευῆς, ἣν ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ βύβλῳ περὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ἐποιησάμεθα, καὶ μάλιστα περὶ τοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἔθνους, διὰ τὸ καὶ τοῦτο τὸ πολίτευμα παράδοξον ἐπίδοσιν λαβεῖν εἴς τε τοὺς πρὸ ἡμῶν καὶ καθʼ ἡμᾶς καιρούς. ἀρξάμενοι γὰρ ἀπὸ Τισαμενοῦ τῶν Ὀρέστου παίδων ἑνός, καὶ φήσαντες αὐτοὺς ἀπὸ μὲν τούτου βασιλευθῆναι κατὰ γένος ἕως εἰς Ὤγυγον, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα καλλίστῃ προαιρέσει χρησαμένους δημοκρατικῆς πολιτείας τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὑπὸ τῶν ἐκ Μακεδονίας βασιλέων διασπασθῆναι κατὰ πόλεις καὶ κώμας, ἑξῆς δὲ τούτοις ἐπεβαλόμεθα λέγειν πῶς αὖθις ἤρξαντο συμφρονεῖν καὶ πότε καὶ τίνες αὐτοῖς πρῶτοι συνέστησαν. τούτοις δʼ ἑπομένως ἐδηλώσαμεν τίνι τρόπῳ καὶ ποίᾳ προαιρέσει προσαγόμενοι τὰς πόλεις ἐπεβάλοντο Πελοποννησίους πάντας ὑπὸ τὴν αὐτὴν ἄγειν ὀνομασίαν καὶ πολιτείαν. καθολικῶς δὲ περὶ τῆς προειρημένης ἐπιβολῆς ἀποφηνάμενοι, μετὰ ταῦτα τῶν κατὰ μέρος ἔργων κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς ἐπιψαύοντες εἰς τὴν Κλεομένους τοῦ Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλέως ἔκπτωσιν κατηντήσαμεν. συγκεφαλαιωσάμενοι δὲ τὰς ἐκ τῆς προκατασκευῆς πράξεις ἕως τῆς Ἀντιγόνου καὶ Σελεύκου καὶ Πτολεμαίου τελευτῆς, ἐπειδὴ περὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς πάντες οὗτοι μετήλλαξαν, λοιπὸν ἐπηγγειλάμεθα τῆς αὑτῶν πραγματείας ἀρχὴν ποιήσασθαι τὰς ἑξῆς τοῖς προειρημένοις πράξεις, καλλίστην ὑπόστασιν ὑπολαμβάνοντες εἶναι ταύτην διὰ τὸ πρῶτον μὲν τὴν Ἀράτου σύνταξιν ἐπὶ τούτους καταστρέφειν τοὺς καιρούς, οἷς συνάπτοντες τὴν διήγησιν τὸν ἀκόλουθον ὑπὲρ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀποδιδόναι προῃρήμεθα λόγον, δεύτερον δὲ διὰ τὸ καὶ τοὺς χρόνους οὕτως συντρέχειν τοὺς ἑξῆς καὶ τοὺς πίπτοντας ὑπὸ τὴν ἡμετέραν ἱστορίαν ὥστε τοὺς μὲν καθʼ ἡμᾶς εἶναι, τοὺς δὲ κατὰ τοὺς πατέρας ἡμῶν·
2. I thought this was the best point; first, because it is there that Aratus leaves off, and I meant my work, as far as it was Greek history, to be a continuation of his; and, secondly, because the period thus embraced in my history would fall partly in the life of my father, and partly in my own; and thus I should be able to speak as eye-witness of some of the events, and from the information of eye-witnesses of others. To go further back and write the report of a report, traditions at second or third hand, seemed to me unsatisfactory either with a view to giving clear impressions or making sound statements. But, above all, I began at this period because it was then that the history of the whole world entered on a new phase. Demetrius, had just become the boy king Achaeus, prince of Asia on this side of Taurus, had converted his show of power into a reality; Antiochus the Great had, a short time before, by the death of his brother Seleucus, succeeded while quite a young man to the throne of Syria; Ariarathes to that of Cappadocia; and Ptolemy Philopator to that of Egypt. Not long afterwards Lycurgus became King of Sparta, and the Carthaginians had recently elected Hannibal general to carry on the war lately described. Every government therefore being changed about this time, there seemed every likelihood of a new departure in policy: which is but natural and usual, and in fact did at this time occur. For the Romans and Carthaginians entered upon the war I have described; Antiochus and Ptolemy on one for the possession of Coele-Syria; and the Achaeans and Philip one against the Aetolians and Lacedaemonians. The causes of this last war must now be stated.
2. ἐξ οὗ συμβαίνει τοῖς μὲν αὐτοὺς ἡμᾶς παραγεγονέναι, τὰ δὲ παρὰ τῶν ἑωρακότων ἀκηκοέναι. τὸ γὰρ ἀνωτέρω προσλαμβάνειν τοῖς χρόνοις, ὡς ἀκοὴν ἐξ ἀκοῆς γράφειν, οὐκ ἐφαίνεθʼ ἡμῖν ἀσφαλεῖς ἔχειν οὔτε τὰς διαλήψεις οὔτε τὰς ἀποφάσεις. μάλιστα δʼ ἀπὸ τούτων ἠρξάμεθα τῶν καιρῶν διὰ τὸ καὶ τὴν τύχην ὡς ἂν εἰ κεκαινοποιηκέναι πάντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην ἐν τοῖς προειρημένοις καιροῖς. Φίλιππος μὲν γὰρ ὁ Δημητρίου κατὰ φύσιν υἱὸς ἔτι παῖς ὢν ἄρτι παρελάμβανε τὴν Μακεδόνων ἀρχήν· Ἀχαιὸς δὲ τῆς ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου δυναστεύων οὐ μόνον προστασίαν εἶχε βασιλικήν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δύναμιν· ὁ δὲ Μέγας ἐπικληθεὶς Ἀντίοχος μικροῖς ἀνώτερον χρόνοις, τἀδελφοῦ Σελεύκου μετηλλαχότος, ἔτι κομιδῇ νέος ὢν τὴν ἐν Συρίᾳ διεδέδεκτο βασιλείαν. ἅμα δὲ τούτοις Ἀριαράθης παρέλαβε τὴν Καππαδοκῶν ἀρχήν. ὁ δὲ Φιλοπάτωρ Πτολεμαῖος ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῖς καιροῖς τῶν κατʼ Αἴγυπτον ἐγεγόνει κύριος. Λυκοῦργος δὲ Λακεδαιμονίων μετʼ οὐ πολὺ κατεστάθη βασιλεύς. ᾕρηντο δὲ Καρχηδόνιοι προσφάτως ἐπὶ τὰς προειρημένας πράξεις στρατηγὸν αὑτῶν Ἀννίβαν. οὕτως δὲ τοιαύτης περὶ πάσας τὰς δυναστείας καινοποιίας οὔσης, ἔμελλε πραγμάτων ἔσεσθαι καινῶν ἀρχή. τοῦτο γὰρ δὴ πέφυκε καὶ φιλεῖ συμβαίνειν κατὰ φύσιν· ὃ καὶ τότε συνέβη γενέσθαι. Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν γὰρ καὶ Καρχηδόνιοι τὸν προειρημένον ἐνεστήσαντο πόλεμον, Ἀντίοχος δὲ καὶ Πτολεμαῖος ἅμα τούτοις τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς Κοίλης Συρίας, Ἀχαιοὶ δὲ καὶ Φίλιππος τὸν πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους· οὗ τὰς αἰτίας συνέβη γενέσθαι τοιαύτας.
3. The Aetolians had long been discontented with a state of peace and tired at living at their own charges; they were accustomed to live on their neighbours, and their natural ostentation required abundant means to support it. Enslaved by this passion they live a life as predatory as that of wild beasts, respecting no tie of friendship and regarding every one as an enemy to be plundered. Hitherto, however, as long as Antigonus Doson was alive, their fear of the Macedonians had kept them quiet. But when he was succeeded at his death by the boy Philip, they conceived a contempt for the royal power, and at once began to look out for a pretext and opportunity for interfering in the Peloponnese: induced partly by an old habit of getting plunder from that country, and partly by the belief that, now the Achaeans were unsupported by Macedonia, they would be a match for them. While their thoughts were fixed on this, chance to a certain extent contributed to give them the opportunity which they desired. There was a certain man of Trichonium best to a situation north of the lake. named Dorimachus, son of that Nicostratus who made the treacherous attack on the Pan-Boeotian congress. This Dorimachus, being young and inspired with the true spirit of Aetolian violence and aggressiveness, was sent by the state to Phigalea in the Peloponnese, which, being on the borders of Arcadia and Messenia, happened at that time to be in political union with the Aetolian league. His mission was nominally to guard the city and territory of Phigalea, but in fact to act as a spy on the politics of the Peloponnese. A crowd of pirates flocked to him at Phigalea; and being unable to get them any booty by fair means, because the peace between all Greeks which Antigonus had concluded was still in force, he was finally reduced to allowing the pirates to drive off the cattle of the Messenians, though they were friends and allies of the Aetolians. These injurious acts were at first confined to the sheep on the border lands; but becoming more and more reckless and audacious, they even ventured to break into the farm-houses by sudden attacks at night. The Messenians were naturally indignant, and sent embassies to Dorimachus; which he at first disregarded, because he wanted not only to benefit the men under him, but himself also, by getting a share in their spoils. But when the arrival of such embassies became more and more frequent, owing to the perpetual recurrence of these acts of depredation, he said at last that he would come in person to Messene, and decide on the claims they had to make against the Aetolians. When he came, however, and the sufferers appeared, he laughed at some, threatened to strike others, and drove others away with abusive language.
3. Αἰτωλοὶ πάλαι μὲν δυσχερῶς ἔφερον τὴν εἰρήνην καὶ τὰς ἀπὸ τῶν ἰδίων ὑπαρχόντων δαπάνας, ὡς ἂν εἰθισμένοι μὲν ζῆν ἀπὸ τῶν πέλας, δεόμενοι δὲ πολλῆς χορηγίας διὰ τὴν ἔμφυτον ἀλαζονείαν, ᾗ δουλεύοντες ἀεὶ πλεονεκτικὸν καὶ θηριώδη ζῶσι βίον, οὐδὲν οἰκεῖον, πάντα δʼ ἡγούμενοι πολέμια. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὸν πρὸ τοῦ χρόνον, ἕως Ἀντίγονος ἔζη, δεδιότες Μακεδόνας ἦγον ἡσυχίαν. ἐπειδὴ δʼ ἐκεῖνος μετήλλαξε τὸν βίον, παῖδα καταλιπὼν Φίλιππον, καταφρονήσαντες ἐζήτουν ἀφορμὰς καὶ προφάσεις τῆς εἰς Πελοπόννησον ἐπιπλοκῆς, ἀγόμενοι κατὰ τὸ παλαιὸν ἔθος ἐπὶ τὰς ἐκ ταύτης ἁρπαγάς, ἅμα δὲ καὶ νομίζοντες ἀξιόχρεως εἶναι σφᾶς πρὸς τὸ πολεμεῖν αὐτοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς. ὄντες δʼ ἐπὶ ταύτης τῆς προθέσεως, βραχέα ταὐτομάτου σφίσι συνεργήσαντος ἔλαβον ἀφορμὰς πρὸς τὴν ἐπιβολὴν τοιαύτας. Δωρίμαχος ὁ Τριχωνεὺς ἦν μὲν υἱὸς Νικοστράτου τοῦ παρασπονδήσαντος τὴν τῶν Παμβοιωτίων πανήγυριν, νέος δʼ ὢν καὶ πλήρης Αἰτωλικῆς ὁρμῆς καὶ πλεονεξίας ἐξαπεστάλη κατὰ κοινὸν εἰς τὴν τῶν Φιγαλέων πόλιν, ἥτις ἐστὶ μὲν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ, κεῖται δὲ πρὸς τοῖς τῶν Μεσσηνίων ὅροις, ἐτύγχανε δὲ τότε συμπολιτευομένη τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς, λόγῳ μὲν παραφυλάξων τήν τε χώραν καὶ τὴν πόλιν τῶν Φιγαλέων, ἔργῳ δὲ κατασκόπου τάξιν ἔχων τῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ πραγμάτων. συνδραμόντων δὲ πειρατῶν, καὶ παραγενομένων πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν Φιγάλειαν, οὐκ ἔχων τούτοις ἀπὸ τοῦ δικαίου συμπαρασκευάζειν ὠφελείας, διὰ τὸ μένειν ἔτι τότε τὴν κοινὴν εἰρήνην τοῖς Ἕλλησι τὴν ὑπʼ Ἀντιγόνου συντελεσθεῖσαν, τέλος ἀπορούμενος ἐπέτρεψε τοῖς πειραταῖς λῄζεσθαι τὰ τῶν Μεσσηνίων θρέμματα, φίλων ὄντων καὶ συμμάχων. τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον ἠδίκουν τὰ περὶ τὰς ἐσχατιὰς ποίμνια, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα, προβαινούσης τῆς ἀπονοίας, ἐνεχείρησαν καὶ τὰς ἐπὶ τῶν ἀγρῶν οἰκίας ἐκκόπτειν, ἀνυπονοήτως τὰς νύκτας ἐπιφαινόμενοι. τῶν δὲ Μεσσηνίων ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀγανακτούντων καὶ διαπρεσβευομένων πρὸς τὸν Δωρίμαχον, τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς παρήκουε, βουλόμενος τὰ μὲν ὠφελεῖν τοὺς ὑπʼ αὐτὸν ταττομένους, τὰ δʼ αὐτὸς ὠφελεῖσθαι, μερίτης γινόμενος τῶν λαμβανομένων. πλεοναζούσης δὲ τῆς παρουσίας τῶν πρεσβειῶν διὰ τὴν συνέχειαν τῶν ἀδικημάτων, αὐτὸς ἥξειν ἐπὶ τὴν Μεσσήνην ἔφη, δικαιολογησόμενος πρὸς τοὺς ἐγκαλοῦντας τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς. ἐπειδὴ δὲ παρεγένετο, προσπορευομένων αὐτῷ τῶν ἠδικημένων, τοὺς μὲν διέσυρε χλευάζων, τῶν δὲ κατανίστατο, τοὺς δʼ ἐξέπληττε λοιδορῶν.
4. Even while he was actually in Messene, the pirates came close to the city walls in the night, and by means of scaling-ladders broke into a country-house called Chiron’s villa; killed all the slaves who resisted them; and having bound the others, took them and the cattle away with them. The Messenian Ephors had long been much annoyed by what was going on, and by the presence of Dorimachus in their town; but this they thought was too insolent: and they accordingly summoned him to appear before the assembled magistrates. There Sciron, who happened to be an Ephor at the time, and enjoyed a high reputation for integrity among his fellow-citizens, advised that they should not allow Dorimachus to leave the city, until he had made good all the losses sustained by the Messenians, and had given up the guilty persons to be punished for the murders committed. This suggestion being received with unanimous approval, as but just, Dorimachus passionately exclaimed that “they were fools if they imagined that they were now insulting only Dorimachus, and not the Aetolian league.” In fact he expressed the greatest indignation at the whole affair, and said that “they would meet with a public punishment, which would serve them well right.” Now there was at that time in Messene a man of disgraceful and effeminate character named Babyrtas, who was so exactly like Dorimachus in voice and person, that, when he was dressed in Dorimachus’s sun-hat and cloak, it was impossible to tell them apart; and of this Dorimachus was perfectly aware. When therefore he was speaking in these threatening and insolent tones to the Messenian magistrates, Sciron lost his temper and said: “Do you think we care for you or your threats, Babyrtas?” After this Dorimachus was compelled for the present to yield to circumstances, and to give satisfaction for the injuries inflicted upon the Messenians: but when he returned to Aetolia, he nursed such a bitter and furious feeling of anger at this taunt, that, without any other reasonable pretext, but for this cause and this alone, he got up a war against the Messenians.
4. ἔτι δʼ αὐτοῦ παρεπιδημοῦντος ἐν τῇ Μεσσήνῃ, συνεγγίσαντες τῇ πόλει νυκτὸς οἱ πειραταὶ καὶ προσβαλόντες κλίμακας ἐξέκοψαν τὸ Χυρῶνος καλούμενον ἐπαύλιον, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἀμυνομένους ἀπέσφαξαν, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς τῶν οἰκετῶν δήσαντες καὶ τὰ κτήνη μετʼ αὐτῶν ἀπήγαγον. οἱ δὲ τῶν Μεσσηνίων ἔφοροι, πάλαι μὲν ἐπί τε τοῖς γινομένοις καὶ τῇ παρεπιδημίᾳ τοῦ Δωριμάχου διαλγοῦντες, τότε δὲ καὶ προσενυβρίζεσθαι δόξαντες, ἀνεκαλοῦντʼ αὐτὸν εἰς τὰς συναρχίας. ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ Σκύρων, ὃς ἦν μὲν ἔφορος τότε τῶν Μεσσηνίων, εὐδοκίμει δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὸν ἄλλον βίον παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις, συνεβούλευε μὴ προίεσθαι τὸν Δωρίμαχον ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, ἐὰν μὴ τὰ μὲν ἀπολωλότα πάντα τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις ἀποκαταστήσῃ, περὶ δὲ τῶν τεθνεώτων δωσιδίκους παράσχῃ τοὺς ἠδικηκότας. πάντων δʼ ἐπισημηναμένων ὡς δίκαια λέγοντος τοῦ Σκύρωνος, διοργισθεὶς ὁ Δωρίμαχος εὐήθεις αὐτοὺς ἔφη τελέως ὑπάρχειν, εἰ Δωρίμαχον οἴονται νῦν προπηλακίζειν, ἀλλʼ οὐ τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν· καὶ καθόλου δεινὸν ἡγεῖτο τὸ γινόμενον, καὶ κοινῆς αὐτοὺς ἐπιστροφῆς ἔφη τεύξεσθαι, καὶ τοῦτο πείσεσθαι δικαίως. ἦν δέ τις κατʼ ἐκείνους τοὺς καιροὺς ἄνθρωπος ἀσυρὴς ἐν τῇ Μεσσήνῃ, τῶν ἐξηρμένων τὸν ἄνδρα κατὰ πάντα τρόπον, ὄνομα Βαβύρτας, ᾧ τις εἰ περιέθηκε τὴν καυσίαν καὶ χλαμύδα τοῦ Δωριμάχου, μὴ οἷόν τʼ εἶναι διαγινώσκειν· ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐξωμοίωτο κατά τε τὴν φωνὴν καὶ τἄλλα μέρη τοῦ σώματος τῷ προειρημένῳ. καὶ τοῦτʼ οὐκ ἐλάνθανε τὸν Δωρίμαχον. ὁμιλοῦντος οὖν [αὐτοῦ] ἀνατατικῶς τότε καὶ μάλʼ ὑπερηφάνως τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις, περιοργισθεὶς ὁ Σκύρων "νομίζεις γὰρ ἡμῖν" ἔφη "σοῦ μέλειν ἢ τῆς σῆς ἀνατάσεως, Βαβύρτα;" ῥηθέντος δὲ τούτου, παραυτίκα μὲν εἴξας ὁ Δωρίμαχος τῇ περιστάσει συνεχώρησε πάντων ἐπιστροφὴν ποιήσεσθαι τῶν γεγονότων ἀδικημάτων τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις· ἐπανελθὼν δʼ εἰς τὴν Αἰτωλίαν οὕτω πικρῶς ἤνεγκε καὶ βαρέως τὸ ῥηθὲν ὡς οὐδεμίαν ἄλλην ἔχων εὔλογον πρόφασιν διʼ αὐτὸ τοῦτο τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις ἐξέκαυσε τὸν πόλεμον.
5. The Strategus of the Aetolians at that time was Ariston; but being from physical infirmities unable to serve in the field, and being a kinsman of Dorimachus and Scopas, he had somehow or another surrendered his whole authority to the former. In his public capacity Dorimachus could not venture to urge the Aetolians to undertake the Messenian war, because he had no reasonable pretext for so doing: the origin of his wish being, as everybody well knew, the wrongs committed by himself and the bitter gibe which they had brought upon him. He therefore gave up the idea of publicly advocating the war, but tried privately to induce Scopas to join in the intrigue against the Messenians. He pointed out that there was now no danger from the side of Macedonia owing to the youth of the king (Philip being then only seventeen years old); that the Lacedaemonians were alienated from the Messenians; and that they possessed the affection and alliance of the Eleans; and these circumstances taken together would make an invasion of Messenia perfectly safe. But the argument most truly Aetolian which he used was to put before him that a great booty was to be got from Messenia, because it was entirely unguarded, and had alone, of all the Peloponnesian districts, remained unravaged throughout the Cleomenic war. And, to sum up all, he argued that such a move would secure them great popularity with the Aetolians generally. And if the Achaeans were to try to hinder their march through the country, they would not be able to complain if they retaliated: and if, on the other hand, they did not stir, would be no hindrance to their enterprise. Besides, he affirmed that they would have plenty of pretext against the Messenians; for they had long been in the position of aggressors by promising the Achaeans and Macedonians to join their alliance. By these, and similar arguments to the same effect, he roused such a strong feeling in the minds of Scopas and his friends, that, without waiting for a meeting of the Aetolian federal assembly, and without communicating with the Apocleti, or taking any of the proper constitutional steps, of their own mere impulse and opinion they committed acts of hostility simultaneously against Messenia, Epirus, Achaia, Acarnania, and Macedonia.
5. στρατηγὸς μὲν οὖν ὑπῆρχε τῶν Αἰτωλῶν Ἀρίστων· οὗτος δὲ διά τινας σωματικὰς ἀσθενείας ἀδύνατος ὢν πρὸς πολεμικὴν χρείαν, ἅμα δὲ καὶ συγγενὴς ὑπάρχων Δωριμάχου καὶ Σκόπα, τρόπον τινὰ παρακεχωρήκει τούτῳ τῆς ὅλης ἀρχῆς. ὁ δὲ Δωρίμαχος κατὰ κοινὸν μὲν οὐκ ἐτόλμα παρακαλεῖν τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς εἰς τὸν κατὰ τῶν Μεσσηνίων πόλεμον διὰ τὸ μηδεμίαν ἔχειν ἀξίαν λόγου πρόφασιν, ἀλλʼ ὁμολογουμένως ἐκ παρανομίας καὶ σκώμματος γεγονέναι τὴν ὁρμήν· ἀφέμενος δὲ τῆς ἐπινοίας ταύτης ἰδίᾳ προετρέπετο τὸν Σκόπαν κοινωνῆσαι τῆς ἐπιβολῆς αὐτῷ τῆς κατὰ τῶν Μεσσηνίων, ὑποδεικνύων μὲν τὴν ἀπὸ Μακεδόνων ἀσφάλειαν διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν τοῦ προεστῶτος — οὐ γὰρ εἶχε πλεῖον ἐτῶν τότε Φίλιππος ἑπτακαίδεκα — παρατιθεὶς δὲ τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀλλοτριότητα πρὸς τοὺς Μεσσηνίους, ἀναμιμνήσκων δὲ τῆς Ἠλείων πρὸς σφᾶς εὐνοίας καὶ συμμαχίας· ἐξ ὧν ἀσφαλῆ τὴν εἰσβολὴν τὴν εἰς τὴν Μεσσηνίαν ἐσομένην αὐτοῖς ἀπέφαινεν. τὸ δὲ συνέχον τῆς Αἰτωλικῆς προτροπῆς, ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν ἐτίθει τὰς ἐσομένας ὠφελείας ἐκ τῆς τῶν Μεσσηνίων χώρας, οὔσης ἀπρονοήτου καὶ διαμεμενηκυίας ἀκεραίου μόνης τῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ κατὰ τὸν Κλεομενικὸν πόλεμον. ἐπὶ δὲ πᾶσι τούτοις συνίστανε τὴν ἐξακολουθήσουσαν εὔνοιαν σφίσι παρὰ τοῦ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν πλήθους. Ἀχαιοὺς δʼ, ἂν μὲν κωλύσωσι τὴν δίοδον, οὐκ ἐρεῖν ἐγκλήματα τοῖς ἀμυνομένοις· ἐὰν δʼ ἀγάγωσι τὴν ἡσυχίαν, οὐκ ἐμποδιεῖν αὐτοῖς πρὸς τὴν ἐπιβολήν. πρὸς δὲ Μεσσηνίους προφάσεως οὐκ ἀπορήσειν ἔφη· πάλαι γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἀδικεῖν Ἀχαιοῖς καὶ Μακεδόσιν ἐπηγγελμένους κοινωνήσειν τῆς συμμαχίας. ταῦτα δʼ εἰπὼν καὶ παραπλήσια τούτοις ἕτερα πρὸς τὴν αὐτὴν ὑπόθεσιν, τοιαύτην ὁρμὴν παρέστησε τῷ Σκόπᾳ καὶ τοῖς τούτου φίλοις ὥστʼ οὔτε κοινὴν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν προσδεξάμενοι σύνοδον οὔτε τοῖς ἀποκλήτοις συμμεταδόντες, οὐδὲ μὴν ἄλλο τῶν καθηκόντων οὐδὲν πράξαντες, κατὰ δὲ τὰς αὑτῶν ὁρμὰς καὶ κρίσεις διαλαβόντες ἅμα Μεσσηνίοις, Ἠπειρώταις, Ἀχαιοῖς, Ἀκαρνᾶσι, Μακεδόσι πόλεμον ἐξήνεγκαν.
6. By sea they immediately sent out privateers, who, falling in with a royal vessel of Macedonia near Cythera, brought it with all its crew to Aetolia, and sold ship-owners, sailors, and marines, and finally the ship itself. Then they began sacking the seaboard of Epirus, employing the aid of some Cephallenian ships for carrying out this act of violence. They tried also to capture Thyrium in Acarnania. At the same time they secretly-sent some men to seize a strong place called Clarium, in the centre of the territory of Megalopolis; which they used thenceforth as a place of sale for their spoils, and a starting-place for their marauding expeditions. However Timoxenus, the Achaean Strategus, with the assistance of Taurion, who had been left by Antigonus in charge of the Macedonian interests in the Peloponnese, took the place after a siege of a very few days. For Antigonus retained Corinth, in accordance with his convention with the Achaeans, made at the time of the Cleomenic war; and had never restored Orchomenus to the Achaeans after he had taken it by force, but claimed and retained it in his own hands; with the view, as I suppose, not only of commanding the entrance of the Peloponnese, but of guarding also its interior by means of his garrison and warlike apparatus in Orchomenus. Dorimachus and Scopas waited until Timoxenus had a very short time of office left, and when Aratus, though elected by the Achaeans for the coming year, would not yet be in office; and then collecting a general levy of Aetolians at Rhium, and preparing means of transport, with some Cephallenian ships ready to convoy them, they got their men across to the Peloponnese, and led them against Messenia. While marching through the territories of Patrae, Pharae, and Tritaea they pretended that they did not wish to do any injury to the Achaeans; but their forces, from their inveterate passion for plunder, could not be restrained from robbing the country; and consequently they committed outrages and acts of violence all along their line of march, till they arrived at Phigalea. Thence, by a bold and sudden movement, they entered Messenia; and without any regard for their ancient friendship and alliance with the Messenians, or for the principles of international justice common to all mankind, subordinating every consideration to their selfish greed, they set about plundering the country without resistance, the Messenians being absolutely afraid to come out to attack them.
6. καὶ κατὰ μὲν θάλατταν παραχρῆμα πειρατὰς ἐξέπεμψαν, οἳ περιτυχόντες πλοίῳ βασιλικῷ τῶν ἐκ Μακεδονίας περὶ Κύθηρα, τοῦτό τʼ εἰς Αἰτωλίαν καταγαγόντες αὔτανδρον, τούς τε ναυκλήρους καὶ τοὺς ἐπιβάτας, σὺν δὲ τούτοις τὴν ναῦν ἀπέδοντο. τῆς δʼ Ἠπείρου τὴν παραλίαν ἐπόρθουν, συγχρώμενοι πρὸς τὴν ἀδικίαν ταῖς τῶν Κεφαλλήνων ναυσίν· ἐπεβάλοντο δὲ καὶ τῆς Ἀκαρνανίας Θύριον καταλαβέσθαι. ἅμα δὲ τούτοις λάθρᾳ διὰ Πελοποννήσου τινὰς πέμψαντες ἐν μέσῃ τῇ τῶν Μεγαλοπολιτῶν χώρᾳ κατέσχον τὸ καλούμενον ὀχύρωμα Κλάριον· ᾧ λαφυροπωλείῳ χρησάμενοι διῆγον ἐν τούτῳ πρὸς τὰς ἁρπαγάς. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τοῦτο μὲν Τιμόξενος ὁ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν στρατηγός, παραλαβὼν Ταυρίωνα τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ βασιλικῶν πραγμάτων ὑπʼ Ἀντιγόνου καταλελειμμένον, ἐξεπολιόρκησε τελέως ἐν ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις. ὁ γὰρ βασιλεὺς Ἀντίγονος Κόρινθον μὲν εἶχε κατὰ τὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν συγχώρημα διὰ τοὺς Κλεομενικοὺς καιρούς, Ὀρχομενὸν δὲ κατὰ κράτος ἑλὼν οὐκ ἀποκατέστησε τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς, ἀλλὰ σφετερισάμενος κατεῖχε, βουλόμενος, ὥς γʼ ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, μὴ μόνον τῆς εἰσόδου κυριεύειν τῆς εἰς Πελοπόννησον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν μεσόγαιαν αὐτῆς παραφυλάττειν διὰ τῆς ἐν Ὀρχομενῷ φρουρᾶς καὶ παρασκευῆς. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Δωρίμαχον καὶ Σκόπαν παρατηρήσαντες τὸν καιρόν, ἐν ᾧ λοιπὸς ἦν Τιμοξένῳ μὲν ὀλίγος ἔτι χρόνος τῆς ἀρχῆς, Ἄρατος δὲ καθίστατο μὲν εἰς τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν τὸν ἐπιόντα στρατηγὸς ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, οὔπω δʼ ἔμελλε τὴν ἀρχὴν ἕξειν, συναθροίσαντες πανδημεὶ τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ἐπὶ τὸ Ῥίον, καὶ παρασκευασάμενοι πορθμεῖα καὶ τὰς Κεφαλλήνων ἑτοιμάσαντες ναῦς, διεβίβασαν τοὺς ἄνδρας εἰς Πελοπόννησον καὶ προῆγον ἐπὶ τὴν Μεσσηνίαν. ποιούμενοι δὲ τὴν πορείαν διὰ τῆς Πατρέων καὶ Φαραιέων καὶ Τριταιέων χώρας ὑπεκρίνοντο μὲν βούλεσθαι μηδὲν ἀδίκημα ποιεῖν εἰς τοὺς Ἀχαιούς, οὐ δυναμένου δὲ τοῦ πλήθους ἀπέχεσθαι τῆς χώρας διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὰς ὠφελείας ἀκρασίαν, κακοποιοῦντες αὐτὴν καὶ λυμαινόμενοι διῄεσαν, μέχρι παρεγενήθησαν εἰς τὴν Φιγάλειαν. ποιησάμενοι δὲ τὴν ὁρμὴν ἐντεῦθεν αἰφνιδίως καὶ θρασέως, ἐνέβαλον εἰς τὴν τῶν Μεσσηνίων χώραν, οὔτε τῆς ὑπαρχούσης αὐτοῖς ἐκ παλαιῶν χρόνων πρὸς τοὺς Μεσσηνίους φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας οὐδʼ ἡντινοῦν ποιησάμενοι πρόνοιαν οὔτε τῶν κατὰ κοινὸν ὡρισμένων δικαίων παρʼ ἀνθρώποις. ἅπαντα δʼ ἐν ἐλάττονι θέμενοι τῆς σφετέρας πλεονεξίας ἀδεῶς ἐπόρθουν, οὐ τολμώντων ἐπεξιέναι καθόλου τῶν Μεσσηνίων.
7. This being the time, according to their laws, for the meeting of the Achaean federal assembly, the members arrived at Aegium. When the assembly met, the deputies from Patrae and Pharae made a formal statement of the injuries inflicted upon their territories during the passage of the Aetolians: an embassy from Messenia also appeared, begging for their assistance on the ground that the treatment from which they were suffering was unjust and in defiance of treaty. When these statements were heard, great indignation was felt at the wrongs of Patrae and Pharae, and great sympathy for the misfortunes of the Messenians. But it was regarded as especially outrageous that the Aetolians should have ventured to enter Achaia with an army, contrary to treaty, without obtaining or even asking for permission from any one to pass through the country. Roused to indignation by all these considerations, the assembly voted to give assistance to the Messenians: that the Strategus should summon a general levy of the Achaean arms: and that whatever was decided by this levy, when it met, should be done. Now Timoxenus, the existing Strategus, was just on the point of quitting office, and felt besides small confidence in the Achaeans, because martial exercise had been allowed to fall into neglect among them; he therefore shrank from undertaking the expedition, or from even summoning the popular levy. The fact was that, after the expulsion of Cleomenes, King of Sparta, the Peloponnesians, weary of the wars that had taken place, and trusting to the peaceful arrangement that had been come to, neglected all warlike preparations. Aratus, however, indignant and incensed at the audacity of the Aetolians, was not inclined to take things so calmly, for he had in fact a grudge of long standing against these people. Wherefore he was for instantly summoning the Achaeans to an armed levy, and was all eagerness to attack the Aetolians. Eventually he took over from Timoxenus the seal of the league, five days before the proper time, and wrote to the various cities summoning a meeting in arms of all those who were of the military age, at Megalopolis. But the peculiar character of this man, I think, makes it proper for me to give a brief preliminary sketch of him.
7. οἱ δʼ Ἀχαιοί, καθηκούσης αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῶν νόμων συνόδου κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον, ἧκον εἰς Αἴγιον. συνελθόντες δʼ εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, καὶ τῶν τε Πατρέων καὶ Φαραιέων ἀπολογιζομένων τὰ γεγονότα περὶ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν ἀδικήματα κατὰ τὴν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν δίοδον, τῶν τε Μεσσηνίων παρόντων κατὰ πρεσβείαν καὶ δεομένων σφίσι βοηθεῖν ἀδικουμένοις καὶ παρασπονδουμένοις, διακούσαντες τῶν λεγομένων, καὶ συναγανακτοῦντες μὲν τοῖς Πατρεῦσι καὶ Φαραιεῦσι, συμπάσχοντες δὲ ταῖς τῶν Μεσσηνίων ἀτυχίαις, μάλιστα δὲ νομίζοντες εἶναι δεινὸν εἰ μήτε συγχωρήσαντος τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς μηδενὸς τὴν δίοδον μήτε καθάπαξ ἐπιβαλόμενοι παραιτεῖσθαι κατετόλμησαν ἐπιβῆναι στρατοπέδῳ τῆς Ἀχαΐας παρὰ τὰς συνθήκας, ἐπὶ πᾶσι τούτοις παροξυνθέντες ἐψηφίσαντο βοηθεῖν τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις καὶ συνάγειν τὸν στρατηγὸν τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις· ὃ δʼ ἂν τοῖς συνελθοῦσι βουλευομένοις δόξῃ, τοῦτʼ εἶναι κύριον. ὁ μὲν οὖν Τιμόξενος ὁ τότʼ ἔθʼ ὑπάρχων στρατηγός, ὅσον οὔπω ληγούσης τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἅμα δὲ τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἀπιστῶν διὰ τὸ ῥᾳθύμως αὐτοὺς ἐσχηκέναι κατὰ τὸ παρὸν περὶ τὴν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις γυμνασίαν, ἀνεδύετο τὴν ἔξοδον καὶ καθόλου τὴν συναγωγὴν τῶν ὄχλων. μετὰ γὰρ τὴν Κλεομένους τοῦ Σπαρτιατῶν βασιλέως ἔκπτωσιν, κάμνοντες μὲν τοῖς προγεγονόσι πολέμοις, πιστεύοντες δὲ τῇ παρούσῃ καταστάσει, πάντες ὠλιγώρησαν Πελοποννήσιοι τῆς περὶ τὰ πολεμικὰ παρασκευῆς. ὁ δʼ Ἄρατος, σχετλιάζων καὶ παροξυνόμενος ἐπὶ τῇ τόλμῃ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν, θυμικώτερον ἐχρῆτο τοῖς πράγμασιν, ἅτε καὶ προϋπαρχούσης αὐτοῖς ἀλλοτριότητος ἐκ τῶν ἐπάνω χρόνων. διὸ καὶ συνάγειν ἔσπευδε τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις καὶ συμβαλεῖν πρόθυμος ἦν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς. τέλος δὲ πένθʼ ἡμέραις πρότερον τοῦ καθήκοντος αὐτῷ χρόνου παραλαβὼν παρὰ τοῦ Τιμοξένου τὴν δημοσίαν σφραγῖδα, πρός τε τὰς πόλεις ἔγραφε καὶ συνῆγε τοὺς ἐν ταῖς ἡλικίαις μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων εἰς τὴν Μεγάλην πόλιν. ὑπὲρ οὗ δοκεῖ μοι πρέπον εἶναι βραχέα προειπεῖν διὰ τὴν ἰδιότητα τῆς φύσεως.
8. Aratus had many of the qualities of a great ruler. He could speak, and contrive, and conceal his purpose: no one surpassed him in the moderation which he showed in political contests, or in his power of attaching friends and gaining allies: in intrigue, stratagem, and laying plots against a foe, and in bringing them to a successful termination by personal endurance and courage, he was pre-eminent. Many clear instances of these qualities may be found; but none more convincing than the episodes of the capture of Sicyon and Mantinea, of the expulsion of the Aetolians from Pellene, and especially of the surprise of the Acrocorinthus. On the other hand whenever he attempted a campaign in the field, he was slow in conception and timid in execution, and without personal gallantry in the presence of danger. The result was that the Peloponnese was full of trophies which marked reverses sustained by him; and that in this particular department he was always easily defeated. So true is it that men’s minds, no less than their bodies, have many aspects. Not only is it the case that the same man has an aptitude for one class of activities and not for another; it often happens that in things closely analogous, the same man will be exceedingly acute and exceedingly dull, exceedingly courageous and exceedingly timid. Nor is this a paradox: it is a very ordinary fact, well known to all attentive observers. For instance you may find men who in hunting show the greatest daring in grappling with wild beasts, and yet are utter cowards in the presence of an armed enemy. Or again, in actual war some are active and skilful in single combats, who are yet quite ineffective in the ranks. For example, the Thessalian cavalry in squadron and column are irresistible, but when their order is once broken up, they have not the skill in skirmishing by which each man does whatever the time and place suggests: while, on the other hand, exactly the reverse of this is the case with the Aetolians. The Cretans, again, either by land or sea, in ambushes and piratical excursions, in deceiving the enemy, in making night attacks, and in fact in every service which involves craft and separate action, are irresistible; but for a regular front to front charge in line they have neither the courage nor firmness; and the reverse again is the case with the Achaeans and Macedonians. I have said thus much, that my readers may not refuse me credit if I have at times to make contradictory statements about the same men and in regard to analogous employments. To return to my narrative.
8. Ἄρατος γὰρ ἦν τὰ μὲν ἄλλα τέλειος ἀνὴρ εἰς τὸν πραγματικὸν τρόπον· καὶ γὰρ εἰπεῖν καὶ διανοηθῆναι καὶ στέξαι τὸ κριθὲν δυνατός, καὶ μὴν ἐνεγκεῖν τὰς πολιτικὰς διαφορὰς πρᾴως καὶ φίλους ἐνδήσασθαι καὶ συμμάχους προσλαβεῖν οὐδενὸς δεύτερος, ἔτι δὲ πράξεις, ἀπάτας, ἐπιβουλὰς συστήσασθαι κατὰ τῶν πολεμίων, καὶ ταύτας ἐπὶ τέλος ἀγαγεῖν διὰ τῆς αὑτοῦ κακοπαθείας καὶ τόλμης, δεινότατος. ἐναργῆ δὲ τῶν τοιούτων μαρτύρια καὶ πλείω μέν, ἐκφανέστατα δὲ τοῖς ἱστορηκόσι κατὰ μέρος περί τε τῆς Σικυῶνος καὶ Μαντινείας καταλήψεως καὶ περὶ τῆς Αἰτωλῶν ἐκ τῆς Πελληνέων πόλεως ἐκβολῆς, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, περὶ τῆς κατὰ τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον πράξεως. ὁ δʼ αὐτὸς οὗτος, ὅτε τῶν ὑπαίθρων ἀντιποιήσασθαι βουληθείη, νωθρὸς μὲν ἐν ταῖς ἐπινοίαις, ἄτολμος δʼ ἐν ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς, ἐν ὄψει δʼ οὐ μένων τὸ δεινόν. διὸ καὶ τροπαίων ἐπʼ αὐτὸν βλεπόντων ἐπλήρωσε τὴν Πελοπόννησον, καὶ τῇδέ πῃ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀεί ποτʼ ἦν εὐχείρωτος. οὕτως αἱ τῶν ἀνθρώπων φύσεις οὐ μόνον τοῖς σώμασιν ἔχουσί τι πολυειδές, ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ταῖς ψυχαῖς, ὥστε τὸν αὐτὸν ἄνδρα μὴ μόνον ἐν τοῖς διαφέρουσι τῶν ἐνεργημάτων πρὸς ἃ μὲν εὐφυῶς ἔχειν, πρὸς ἃ δʼ ἐναντίως, ἀλλὰ καὶ περί τινα τῶν ὁμοειδῶν πολλάκις τὸν αὐτὸν καὶ συνετώτατον εἶναι καὶ βραδύτατον, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τολμηρότατον καὶ δειλότατον. οὐ παράδοξα ταῦτά γε, συνήθη δὲ καὶ γνώριμα τοῖς βουλομένοις συνεφιστάνειν. τινὲς μὲν γὰρ ἐν ταῖς κυνηγίαις εἰσὶ τολμηροὶ πρὸς τὰς τῶν θηρίων συγκαταστάσεις, οἱ δʼ αὐτοὶ πρὸς ὅπλα καὶ πολεμίους ἀγεννεῖς, καὶ τῆς γε πολεμικῆς χρείας τῆς κατʼ ἄνδρα μὲν καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν εὐχερεῖς καὶ πρακτικοί, κοινῇ δὲ καὶ μετὰ πολεμικῆς ἐπʼ ἴσον συντάξεως ἄπρακτοι. Θετταλῶν γοῦν ἱππεῖς κατʼ ἴλην μὲν καὶ φαλαγγηδὸν ἀνυπόστατοι, χωρὶς δὲ παρατάξεως πρὸς καιρὸν καὶ τόπον κατʼ ἄνδρα κινδυνεῦσαι δύσχρηστοι καὶ βραδεῖς· Αἰτωλοὶ δὲ τούτων τἀναντία. Κρῆτες δὲ καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν πρὸς μὲν ἐνέδρας καὶ λῃστείας καὶ κλοπὰς πολεμίων καὶ νυκτερινὰς ἐπιθέσεις καὶ πάσας τὰς μετὰ δόλου καὶ κατὰ μέρος χρείας ἀνυπόστατοι, πρὸς δὲ τὴν ἐξ ὁμολόγου καὶ κατὰ πρόσωπον φαλαγγηδὸν ἔφοδον ἀγεννεῖς καὶ πλάγιοι ταῖς ψυχαῖς· Ἀχαιοὶ δὲ καὶ Μακεδόνες τἀναντία τούτων. ταῦτα μὲν εἰρήσθω μοι χάριν τοῦ μὴ διαπιστεῖν τοὺς ἀναγινώσκοντας τοῖς λεγομένοις, ἐάν που περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐναντίας ἀποφάσεις ποιώμεθα περὶ τὰ παραπλήσια τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων.
9. The men of military age having assembled in arms at Megalopolis, in accordance with the decree of the federal assembly, the Messenian envoys once more came forward, and entreated the people not to disregard the flagrant breach of treaty from which they were suffering; and expressed their willingness to become allies of the league, and their anxiety to be enrolled among its members. The Achaean magistrates declined the offered alliance, on the ground that it was impossible to admit a new member without the concurrence of Philip and the other allies,—for the sworn alliance negotiated by Antigonus during the Cleomenic war was still in force, and included Achaia, Epirus, Phocis, Macedonia, Boeotia, Acarnania, and Thessaly;—but they said that they would march out to their relief, if the envoys there present would place their sons in Sparta, as hostages for their promise not to make terms with the Aetolians without the consent of the Achaeans. The Spartans among the rest were encamped on the frontier of Megalopolis, having marched out in accordance with the terms of their alliance; but they were acting rather as reserves and spectators than as active allies. Having thus settled the terms of the arrangement with the Messenians, Aratus sent a messenger to the Aetolians to inform them of the decree of the Achaean federation, and to order them to quit the territory of Messenia without entering that of Achaia, on pain of being treated as enemies if they set foot in it. When they heard the message and knew that the Achaeans were mustered in force, Scopas and Dorimachus thought it best for the present to obey. They therefore at once sent despatches to Cyllene and to the Aetolian Strategus, Ariston, begging that the transports should be sent to a place on the coast of Elis called the island of Pheia; and they themselves two days later struck camp, and laden with booty marched towards Elis. For the Aetolians always maintained a friendship with the Eleans that they might have through them an entrance for their plundering and piratical expeditions into the Peloponnese.
9. ἁθροισθέντων δὲ τῶν ἐν ταῖς ἡλικίαις μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων εἰς τὴν Μεγάλην πόλιν κατὰ δόγμα τῶν Ἀχαιῶν — ἀπὸ γὰρ τούτων παρεξέβημεν — καὶ τῶν Μεσσηνίων αὖθις ἐπιπορευθέντων ἐπὶ τὸ πλῆθος καὶ δεομένων μὴ περιιδεῖν σφᾶς οὕτω προφανῶς παρασπονδουμένους, βουλομένων δὲ καὶ τῆς κοινῆς συμμαχίας μετασχεῖν καὶ σπευδόντων ὁμοῦ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐπιγραφῆναι, περὶ μὲν τῆς συμμαχίας οἱ προεστῶτες τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἀπέλεγον, οὐ φάσκοντες δυνατὸν εἶναι χωρὶς Φιλίππου καὶ τῶν συμμάχων οὐδένα προσλαβεῖν· ἔτι γὰρ ἔνορκος ἔμενε πᾶσιν ἡ γεγενημένη συμμαχία διʼ Ἀντιγόνου κατὰ τοὺς Κλεομενικοὺς καιροὺς Ἀχαιοῖς, Ἠπειρώταις, Φωκεῦσι, Μακεδόσι, Βοιωτοῖς, Ἀκαρνᾶσι, Θετταλοῖς. ἐξελεύσεσθαι δὲ καὶ βοηθήσειν αὐτοῖς ἔφασαν, ἐὰν ὅμηρα δῶσιν οἱ παραγεγονότες τοὺς ἑαυτῶν υἱεῖς εἰς τὴν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων πόλιν χάριν τοῦ μὴ διαλυθήσεσθαι πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς χωρὶς τῆς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν βουλήσεως. ἐστρατοπέδευον δὲ καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, κατὰ τὴν συμμαχίαν ἐξεληλυθότες, ἐπὶ τοῖς τῶν Μεγαλοπολιτῶν ὅροις, ἐφέδρων καὶ θεωρῶν μᾶλλον ἢ συμμάχων ἔχοντες τάξιν. Ἄρατος δὲ τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον τὰ πρὸς Μεσσηνίους διαπράξας, ἔπεμπε πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλούς, διασαφῶν τὰ δεδογμένα καὶ παρακελευόμενος ἐπανάγειν ἐκ τῆς τῶν Μεσσηνίων χώρας καὶ τῆς Ἀχαΐας μὴ ψαύειν· εἰ δὲ μή, διότι χρήσεται τοῖς ἐπιβαίνουσιν ὡς πολεμίοις. Σκόπας δὲ καὶ Δωρίμαχος ἀκούσαντες τὰ λεγόμενα καὶ γνόντες ἡθροισμένους τοὺς Ἀχαιούς, ἡγοῦντο συμφέρειν σφίσι τότε τίθεσθαι τοῖς παραγγελλομένοις. παραυτίκα μὲν οὖν ἐξαπέστελλον γραμματοφόρους εἴς τε Κυλλήνην καὶ πρὸς Ἀρίστωνα τὸν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν στρατηγόν, ἀξιοῦντες κατὰ σπουδὴν αὑτοῖς ἀποστέλλειν τὰ πορθμεῖα τῆς Ἠλείας εἰς τὴν Φειάδα καλουμένην νῆσον. αὐτοὶ δὲ μετὰ δύʼ ἡμέρας ἀνέζευξαν γέμοντες τῆς λείας, καὶ προῆγον ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν Ἠλείαν. ἀεὶ γάρ ποτε τῆς τῶν Ἠλείων ἀντείχοντο φιλίας Αἰτωλοὶ χάριν τοῦ διὰ τούτων ἐπιπλοκὰς λαμβάνειν πρὸς τὰς ἁρπαγὰς τὰς ἐκ Πελοποννήσου καὶ λῃστείας.
10. Aratus waited two days: and then, foolishly — believing that the Aetolians would return by the route they had indicated, he dismissed all the Achaeans and Lacedaemonians to their homes, except three thousand foot and three hundred horse and the division under Taurion, which he led to Patrae, with the view of keeping on the flank of the Aetolians. But when Dorimachus learnt that Aratus was thus watching his march, and was still under arms; partly from fear of being attacked when his forces were engaged on the embarkation, and partly with a view to confuse the enemy, he sent his booty on to the transports with a sufficient number of men to secure their passage, under orders to meet him at Rhium where he intended to embark; while he himself, after remaining for a time to superintend and protect the shipment of the booty, changed the direction of his march and advanced towards Olympia. But hearing that Taurion, with the rest of the army, was near Cleitoria; and feeling sure that in these circumstances he would not be able to effect the crossing from Rhium without danger and a struggle with the enemy; he made up his mind that it would be best for his interests to bring on an engagement with the army of Aratus as soon as possible, since it was weak in numbers and wholly unprepared for the attack. He calculated that if he could defeat this force, he could then plunder the country, and effect his crossing from Rhium in safety, while Aratus was waiting and deliberating about again convoking the Achaean levy; but if on the other hand Aratus were terrified and declined the engagement, he would then effect his departure unmolested, whenever he thought it advisable. With these views, therefore, he advanced, and pitched his camp at Methydrium in the territory of Megalopolis.
10. ὁ δʼ Ἄρατος ἐπιμείνας δύʼ ἡμέρας, καὶ πιστεύσας εὐήθως ὅτι ποιήσονται τὴν ἐπάνοδον, καθάπερ ὑπεδείκνυσαν, τοὺς μὲν λοιποὺς Ἀχαιοὺς καὶ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους διαφῆκε πάντας εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, τρισχιλίους δʼ ἔχων πεζοὺς καὶ τριακοσίους ἱππεῖς καὶ τοὺς ἅμα τῷ Ταυρίωνι στρατιώτας, προῆγε τὴν ἐπὶ Πάτρας, ἀντιπαράγειν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς προαιρούμενος. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Δωρίμαχον, πυνθανόμενοι τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον ἀντιπαράγειν αὐτοῖς καὶ συμμένειν, τὰ μὲν διαγωνιάσαντες μὴ κατὰ τὴν εἰς τὰς ναῦς ἔμβασιν ἐπίθωνται σφίσι περισπωμένοις, τὰ δὲ σπουδάζοντες συγχέαι τὸν πόλεμον, τὴν μὲν λείαν ἀπέστειλαν ἐπὶ τὰ πλοῖα, συστήσαντες τοὺς ἱκανοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους πρὸς τὴν διακομιδήν, προσεντειλάμενοι τοῖς ἐκπεμπομένοις ταῦτα πρὸς τὸ Ῥίον ἀπαντᾶν, ὡς ἐντεῦθεν ποιησόμενοι τὴν ἔμβασιν, αὐτοὶ δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐφήδρευον τῇ τῆς λείας ἐξαποστολῇ περιέποντες, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα προῆγον ἐκ μεταβολῆς ὡς ἐπʼ Ὀλυμπίας. ἀκούοντες δὲ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ταυρίωνα μετὰ τοῦ προειρημένου πλήθους περὶ τὴν Κλειτορίαν εἶναι, καὶ νομίζοντες οὐδʼ ὣς δυνήσεσθαι τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ Ῥίου διάβασιν ἄνευ κινδύνου ποιήσασθαι καὶ συμπλοκῆς, ἔκριναν συμφέρειν τοῖς σφετέροις πράγμασιν ὡς τάχιστα συμμῖξαι τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον, ἀκμὴν ὀλίγοις οὖσι καὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος ἀνυπονοήτοις, ὑπολαβόντες, ἂν μὲν τρέψωνται τούτους, προκατασύραντες τὴν χώραν ἀσφαλῆ ποιήσεσθαι τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ Ῥίου διάβασιν, ἐν ᾧ μέλλει καὶ βουλεύεται συναθροίζεσθαι πάλιν τὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πλῆθος, ἂν δὲ καταπλαγέντες φυγομαχῶσι καὶ μὴ βούλωνται συμβάλλειν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον, ἄνευ κινδύνου ποιήσεσθαι τὴν ἀπόλυσιν, ὁπόταν αὐτοῖς δοκῇ συμφέρειν. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν τοιούτοις χρησάμενοι λογισμοῖς προῆγον, καὶ κατεστρατοπέδευσαν περὶ Μεθύδριον τῆς Μεγαλοπολίτιδος·
11. But the leaders of the Achaeans, on learning the arrival of the Aetolians, adopted a course of proceeding quite unsurpassable for folly. They left the territory of Cleitor and encamped at Caphyae; but the Aetolians marching from Methydrium past the city of Orchomenus, they led the Achaean troops into the plain of Caphyae, and there drew them up for battle, with the river which flows through that plain protecting their front. The difficulty of the ground between them and their enemy, for there were besides the river a number of ditches not easily crossed, and the show of readiness on the part of the Achaeans for the engagement, caused the Aetolians to shrink from attacking according to their original purpose; but they retreated in good order to the high ground of Oligyrtus, content if only they were not attacked and forced to give battle. But Aratus, when the van of the Aetolians was already making the ascent, while the cavalry were bringing up the rear along the plain, and were approaching a place called Propus at the foot of the hills, sent out his cavalry and light-armed troops, under the command of Epistratus of Acarnania, with orders to attack and harass the enemy’s rear. Now if an engagement was necessary at all, they ought not to have attempted it with the enemy’s rear, when they had already accomplished the march through the plain, but with his van directly it had debouched upon the plain: for in this way the battle would have been wholly confined to the plain and level ground, where the peculiar nature of the Aetolian arms and general tactics would have been least effective; while the Achaeans, from precisely opposite reasons, would have been most effective and able to act. As it was, they surrendered the advantages of time and place which were in their favour, and deliberately accepted the conditions which were in favour of the enemy.
11. οἱ δὲ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἡγεμόνες, συνέντες τὴν παρουσίαν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν, οὕτως κακῶς ἐχρήσαντο τοῖς πράγμασιν ὥσθʼ ὑπερβολὴν ἀνοίας μὴ καταλιπεῖν. ἀναστρέψαντες γὰρ ἐκ τῆς Κλειτορίας κατεστρατοπέδευσαν περὶ Καφύας. τῶν δʼ Αἰτωλῶν ποιουμένων τὴν πορείαν ἀπὸ Μεθυδρίου παρὰ τὴν τῶν Ὀρχομενίων πόλιν, ἐξάγοντες τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἐν τῷ τῶν Καφυέων πεδίῳ παρενέβαλον, πρόβλημα ποιούμενοι τὸν διʼ αὐτοῦ ῥέοντα ποταμόν. οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοὶ καὶ διὰ τὰς μεταξὺ δυσχωρίας — ἦσαν γὰρ ἔτι πρὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τάφροι καὶ πλείους δύσβατοι — καὶ διὰ τὴν ἐπίφασιν τῆς ἑτοιμότητος τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον τοῦ μὲν ἐγχειρεῖν τοῖς ὑπεναντίοις κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πρόθεσιν ἀπεδειλίασαν, μετὰ δὲ πολλῆς εὐταξίας ἐποιοῦντο τὴν πορείαν ὡς ἐπὶ τὰς ὑπερβολὰς ἐπὶ τὸν Ὀλύγυρτον, ἀσμενίζοντες, εἰ μή τις αὐτοῖς ἐγχειροίη καὶ βιάζοιτο κινδυνεύειν. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον, τῆς μὲν πρωτοπορείας τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἤδη προσβαινούσης πρὸς τὰς ὑπερβολάς, τῶν δʼ ἱππέων οὐραγούντων διὰ τοῦ πεδίου καὶ συνεγγιζόντων τῷ προσαγορευομένῳ Πρόποδι τῆς παρωρείας, ἐξαποστέλλουσι τοὺς ἱππεῖς καὶ τοὺς εὐζώνους, Ἐπίστρατον ἐπιστήσαντες τὸν Ἀκαρνᾶνα, καὶ συντάξαντες ἐξάπτεσθαι τῆς οὐραγίας καὶ καταπειράζειν τῶν πολεμίων. καίτοι γʼ εἰ μὲν ἦν κινδυνευτέον, οὐ πρὸς τὴν οὐραγίαν ἐχρῆν συμπλέκεσθαι, διηνυκότων ἤδη τῶν πολεμίων τοὺς ὁμαλοὺς τόπους, πρὸς δὲ τὴν πρωτοπορείαν, εὐθέως ἐμβαλόντων εἰς τὸ πεδίον. οὕτως γὰρ ἂν τὸν ἀγῶνα συνέβη γενέσθαι τὸν ὅλον ἐν τοῖς ἐπιπέδοις καὶ πεδινοῖς τόποις, οὗ τοὺς μὲν Αἰτωλοὺς δυσχρηστοτάτους εἶναι συνέβαινε διά τε τὸν καθοπλισμὸν καὶ τὴν ὅλην σύνταξιν, τοὺς δʼ Ἀχαιοὺς εὐχρηστοτάτους καὶ δυναμικωτάτους διὰ τἀναντία τῶν προειρημένων. νῦν δʼ ἀφέμενοι τῶν οἰκείων τόπων καὶ καιρῶν εἰς τὰ τῶν πολεμίων προτερήματα συγκατέβησαν. τοιγαροῦν ἀκόλουθον τὸ τέλος ἐξέβη τοῦ κινδύνου ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς.
12. Naturally the result of the engagement was in harmony with such a beginning. For when the lightarmed troops approached, the Aetolian cavalry retired in good order up the hill, being anxious to effect a junction with their own infantry. But Aratus, having an imperfect view of what was going on, and making a bad conjecture of what would happen next, no sooner saw the cavalry retiring, than, hoping that they were in absolute flight, he sent forward the heavy-armed troops of his two wings, with orders to join and support the advanced guard of their light-armed troops; while he himself, with his remaining forces, executed a flank movement, and led his men on at the double. But the Aetolian cavalry had now cleared the plain, and, having effected the junction with their infantry, drew up under cover of the hill; massed the infantry on their flanks; and called to them to stand by them: the infantry themselves showing great promptness in answering to their shouts, and in coming to their relief, as the several companies arrived. Thinking themselves now sufficiently strong in numbers, they closed their ranks, and charged the advanced guard of Achaean cavalry and light-armed troops; and being superior in number, and having the advantage of charging from higher ground, after a long struggle, they finally turned their opponents to flight: whose flight involved that of the heavy-armed troops also which were coming to their relief. For the latter were advancing in separate detachments in loose order, and, either in dismay at what was happening, or upon meeting their flying comrades on their retreat, were compelled to follow their example: the result being that, whereas the number of those actually defeated on the field was less than five hundred, the number that fled was more than two thousand. Taught by experience what to do, the Aetolians followed behind them with round after round of loud and boisterous shouts. The Achaeans at first retreated in good order and without danger, because they were retiring upon their heavy-armed troops, whom they imagined to be in a place of safety on their original ground; but when they saw that these too had abandoned their position of safety, and were marching in a long straggling line, some of them immediately broke off from the main body and sought refuge in various towns in the neighbourhood; while others, meeting the phalanx as it was coming up to their relief, proved to be quite sufficient, without the presence of an enemy, to strike fear into it and force it into headlong flight. They directed their flight, as I said, to the towns of the neighbourhood. Orchomenus and Caphyae, which were close by, saved large numbers of them: and if this had not been the case, they would in all probability have been annihilated by this unlooked-for catastrophe. Such was the result of the engagement at Caphyae.
12. ἐξαπτομένων γὰρ τῶν εὐζώνων τηροῦντες οἱ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἱππεῖς τὴν τάξιν ἀπεχώρουν εἰς τὴν παρώρειαν, σπεύδοντες συνάψαι τοῖς παρʼ αὑτῶν πεζοῖς. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον, οὔτε κατιδόντες καλῶς τὸ γινόμενον οὔτʼ ἐκλογισάμενοι δεόντως τὸ μετὰ ταῦτα συμβησόμενον, ἅμα τῷ τοὺς ἱππεῖς ἰδεῖν ὑποχωροῦντας ἐλπίσαντες αὐτοὺς φεύγειν, τοὺς μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν κεράτων θωρακίτας ἐξαπέστειλαν, παραγγείλαντες βοηθεῖν καὶ συνάπτειν τοῖς παρʼ αὑτῶν εὐζώνοις, αὐτοὶ δʼ ἐπὶ κέρας κλίναντες τὴν δύναμιν ἦγον μετὰ δρόμου καὶ σπουδῆς. οἱ δὲ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἱππεῖς, διανύσαντες τὸ πεδίον, ἅμα τῷ συνάψαι τοῖς πεζοῖς αὐτοὶ μὲν ὑπὸ τὴν παρώρειαν ὑποστείλαντες ἔμενον, τοὺς δὲ πεζοὺς ἥθροιζον πρὸς τὰ πλάγια καὶ παρεκάλουν, ἑτοίμως πρὸς τὴν κραυγὴν ἀνατρεχόντων καὶ παραβοηθούντων ἀεὶ τῶν ἐκ τῆς πορείας. ἐπεὶ δʼ ἀξιομάχους ὑπέλαβον εἶναι σφᾶς αὐτοὺς κατὰ τὸ πλῆθος, συστραφέντες ἐνέβαλον τοῖς προμαχομένοις τῶν Ἀχαϊκῶν ἱππέων καὶ ψιλῶν. ὄντες δὲ πλείους, καὶ ποιούμενοι τὴν ἔφοδον ἐξ ὑπερδεξίου, πολὺν μὲν χρόνον ἐκινδύνευσαν, τέλος δʼ ἐτρέψαντο τοὺς συγκαθεστῶτας. ἐν δὲ τῷ τούτους ἐγκλίναντας φεύγειν οἱ προσβοηθοῦντες θωρακῖται κατὰ πορείαν ἀτάκτως ἐπιπαραγενόμενοι καὶ σποράδην, οἱ μὲν ἀποροῦντες ἐπὶ τοῖς γινομένοις, οἱ δὲ συμπίπτοντες ἀντίοις τοῖς φεύγουσι κατὰ τὴν ἀποχώρησιν, ἀναστρέφειν ἠναγκάζοντο καὶ τὸ παραπλήσιον ποιεῖν. ἐξ οὗ συνέβαινε τοὺς μὲν ἐκ τῆς συγκαταστάσεως ἡττηθέντας μὴ πλείους εἶναι πεντακοσίων, τοὺς δὲ φεύγοντας πλείους δισχιλίων. τοῦ δὲ πράγματος αὐτοῦ διδάσκοντος τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ὃ δεῖ ποιεῖν, εἵποντο κατόπιν, ἐπιπολαστικῶς καὶ κατακόρως χρώμενοι τῇ κραυγῇ. ποιουμένων δὲ τῶν Ἀχαϊκῶν τὴν ἀποχώρησιν πρὸς τὰ βαρέα τῶν ὅπλων, ὡς μενόντων ὑπὸ ταῖς ἀσφαλείαις ἐπὶ τῆς ἐξ ἀρχῆς τάξεως, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον εὐσχήμων ἐγένεθʼ ἡ φυγὴ καὶ σωτήριος· συνθεασάμενοι δὲ καὶ τούτους λελοιπότας τὰς τῶν τόπων ἀσφαλείας καὶ μακροὺς ὄντας ἐν πορείᾳ καὶ διαλελυμένους, οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν εὐθέως διαρρέοντες ἀτάκτως ἐποιήσαντο τὴν ἀποχώρησιν ἐπὶ τὰς παρακειμένας πόλεις, οἱ δὲ συμπίπτοντες ἀντίοις τοῖς ἐπιφερομένοις φαλαγγίταις οὐ προσεδέοντο τῶν πολεμίων, αὐτοὶ δὲ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐκπλήττοντες ἠνάγκαζον φεύγειν προτροπάδην. ἐχρῶντο δὲ τῇ φυγῇ κατὰ τὴν ἀποχώρησιν, ὡς προείπομεν, ἐπὶ τὰς πόλεις· ὅ τε γὰρ Ὀρχομενὸς αἵ τε Καφύαι σύνεγγυς οὖσαι πολλοὺς ὤνησαν. μὴ γὰρ τούτου συμβάντος ἅπαντες ἂν ἐκινδύνευσαν διαφθαρῆναι παραλόγως. ὁ μὲν οὖν περὶ Καφύας γενόμενος κίνδυνος τοῦ τον ἀπέβη τὸν τρόπον.