108. With earnest words of exhortation, therefore, to Aemilius, putting before him the gravity in every point of view of the result of the battle, they despatched him with instructions to seek a favourable opportunity to fight a decisive battle with a courage worthy of Rome. Having arrived at the camp and united their forces, they made known the will of the Senate to the soldiers, and Aemilius exhorted them to do their duty in terms which evidently came from his heart. He addressed himself especially to explain and excuse the reverses which they had lately experienced; for it was on this point particularly that the soldiers were depressed and stood in need of encouragement. “The causes,” he argued, “of their defeats in former battles were many, and could not be reduced to one or two. But those causes were at an end; and no excuse existed now, if they only showed themselves to be men of courage, for not conquering their enemies. Up to that time both Consuls had never been engaged together, or employed thoroughly trained soldiers: the combatants on the contrary had been raw levies, entirely unexperienced in danger; and what was most important of all, they had been so entirely ignorant of their opponents, that they had been brought into the field, and engaged in a pitched battle with an enemy that they had never once set eyes on. Those who had been defeated on the Trebia were drawn up on the field at daybreak, on the very next morning after their arrival from Sicily; while those who had fought in Etruria, not only had never seen the enemy before, but did not do so even during the very battle itself, owing to the unfortunate state of the atmosphere.”
108. διὸ καὶ παρακαλέσαντες τοὺς περὶ τὸν Αἰμίλιον καὶ πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν θέντες τὸ μέγεθος τῶν εἰς ἑκάτερον τὸ μέρος ἀποβησομένων ἐκ τῆς μάχης ἐξαπέστειλαν, ἐντειλάμενοι σὺν καιρῷ κρίνειν τὰ ὅλα γενναίως καὶ τῆς πατρίδος ἀξίως. οἳ καὶ παραγενόμενοι πρὸς τὰς δυνάμεις καὶ συναθροίσαντες τὰ πλήθη τήν τε τῆς συγκλήτου γνώμην διεσάφησαν τοῖς πολλοῖς καὶ παρεκάλουν τὰ πρέποντα τοῖς παρεστῶσι καιροῖς, ἐξ αὐτοπαθείας τοῦ Λευκίου διατιθεμένου τοὺς λόγους. ἦν δὲ τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν λεγομένων πρὸς τοῦτον τείνοντα τὸν νοῦν, τὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν νεωστὶ γεγονότων συμπτωμάτων· ὧδε γὰρ καὶ τῇδέ που συνέβαινε διατετράφθαι καὶ προσδεῖσθαι παραινέσεως τοὺς πολλούς. διόπερ ἐπειρᾶτο συνιστάνειν ὅτι τῶν μὲν ἐν ταῖς προγεγενημέναις μάχαις ἐλαττωμάτων οὐχ ἓν οὐδὲ δεύτερον, καὶ πλείω δʼ ἂν εὕροι τις αἴτια, διʼ ἃ τοιοῦτον αὐτῶν ἐξέβη τὸ τέλος, ἐπὶ δὲ τῶν νῦν καιρῶν οὐδεμία λείπεται πρόφασις, ἐὰν ἄνδρες ὦσι, τοῦ μὴ νικᾶν τοὺς ἐχθρούς. τότε μὲν γὰρ οὔτε τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ἀμφοτέρους οὐδέποτε συνηγωνίσθαι τοῖς στρατοπέδοις οὔτε ταῖς δυνάμεσι κεχρῆσθαι γεγυμνασμέναις, ἀλλὰ νεοσυλλόγοις καὶ ἀοράτοις παντὸς δεινοῦ· τό τε μέγιστον, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἀγνοεῖσθαι παρʼ αὐτοῖς πρότερον τὰ κατὰ τοὺς ὑπεναντίους ὥστε σχεδὸν μηδʼ ἑωρακότας τοὺς ἀνταγωνιστὰς παρατάττεσθαι καὶ συγκαταβαίνειν εἰς τοὺς ὁλοσχερεῖς κινδύνους. ‘οἱ μὲν γὰρ περὶ τὸν Τρεβίαν ποταμὸν σφαλέντες, ἐκ Σικελίας τῇ προτεραίᾳ παραγενηθέντες, ἅμα τῷ φωτὶ τῇ κατὰ πόδας ἡμέρᾳ παρετάξαντο· τοῖς δὲ κατὰ Τυρρηνίαν ἀγωνισαμένοις οὐχ οἷον πρότερον, ἀλλʼ οὐδʼ ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ μάχῃ συνιδεῖν ἐξεγένετο τοὺς πολεμίους διὰ τὸ περὶ τὸν ἀέρα γενόμενον σύμπτωμα. νῦν γε μὴν πάντα τἀναντία τοῖς προειρημένοις ὑπάρχει.
109. “But now the conditions were quite different. For in the first place both Consuls were with the army: and were not only prepared to share the danger themselves, but had also induced the Consuls of the previous year to remain and take part in the struggle. While the men had not only seen the arms, order, and numbers of the enemy, but had been engaged in almost daily fights with them for the last two years. The conditions therefore under which the two former battles were fought being quite different, it was but natural that the result of the coming struggle should be different too. For it would be strange or rather impossible that those who in various skirmishes, where the numbers of either side were equal, had for the most part come off victorious, should, when drawn up all together, and nearly double of the enemy in number, be defeated.” “Wherefore, men of the army,” he continued, “seeing that we have every advantage on our side for securing a victory, there is only one thing necessary,—your determination, your zeal! And I do not think I need say more to you on that point. To men serving others for pay, or to those who fight as allies on behalf of others, who have no greater danger to expect than meets them on the field, and for whom the issues at stake are of little importance,—such men may need words of exhortation. But men who, like you, are fighting not for others, but themselves,—for country, wives, and children; and for whom the issue is of far more momentous consequence than the mere danger of the hour, need only to be reminded: require no exhortation. For who is there among you who would not wish if possible to be victorious; and next, if that may not be, to die with arms in his hands, rather than to live and see the outrage and death of those dear objects which I have named? Wherefore, men of the army, apart from any words of mine, place before your eyes the momentous difference to you between victory and defeat, and all their consequences. Enter upon this battle with the full conviction, that in it your country is not risking a certain number of legions, but her bare existence. For she has nothing to add to such an army as this, to give her victory, if the day now goes against us. All she has of confidence and strength rests on you; all her hopes of safety are in your hands. Do not frustrate those hopes: but pay back to your country the gratitude you owe her; and make it clear to all the world that the former reverses occurred, not because the Romans are worse men than the Carthaginians, but from the lack of experience on the part of those who were then fighting, and through a combination of adverse circumstances.” With such words Aemilius dismissed the troops.
109. πρῶτον γὰρ ἡμεῖς ἀμφότεροι πάρεσμεν, οὐ μόνον αὐτοὶ κοινωνήσοντες ὑμῖν τῶν κινδύνων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τοῦ πρότερον ἔτους ἄρχοντας ἑτοίμους παρεσκευάκαμεν πρὸς τὸ μένειν καὶ μετέχειν τῶν αὐτῶν ἀγώνων. ὑμεῖς γε μὴν οὐ μόνον ἑωράκατε τοὺς καθοπλισμούς, τὰς τάξεις, τὰ πλήθη τῶν πολεμίων, ἀλλὰ καὶ διαμαχόμενοι μόνον οὐ καθʼ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν δεύτερον ἐνιαυτὸν ἤδη διατελεῖτε. πάντων οὖν τῶν κατὰ μέρος ἐναντίως ἐχόντων ταῖς προγεγενημέναις μάχαις, εἰκὸς καὶ τὸ τέλος ἐναντίον ἐκβήσεσθαι τοῦ νῦν ἀγῶνος. καὶ γὰρ ἄτοπον, μᾶλλον δʼ ὡς εἰπεῖν ἀδύνατον, ἐν μὲν τοῖς κατὰ μέρος ἀκροβολισμοῖς ἴσους πρὸς ἴσους συμπίπτοντας τὸ πλεῖον ἐπικρατεῖν, ὁμοῦ δὲ πάντας παραταξαμένους πλείους ὄντας ἢ διπλασίους τῶν ὑπεναντίων ἐλαττωθῆναι. διόπερ, ὦ ἄνδρες, πάντων ὑμῖν παρεσκευασμένων πρὸς τὸ νικᾶν, ἑνὸς προσδεῖται τὰ πράγματα, τῆς ὑμετέρας βουλήσεως καὶ προθυμίας, ὑπὲρ ἧς οὐδὲ παρακαλεῖσθαι πλείω πρέπειν ὑμῖν ὑπολαμβάνω. τοῖς μέν γε μισθοῦ παρά τισι στρατευομένοις ἢ τοῖς κατὰ συμμαχίαν ὑπὲρ τῶν πέλας μέλλουσι κινδυνεύειν, οἷς κατʼ αὐτὸν τὸν ἀγῶνα καιρός ἐστι δεινότατος, τὰ δʼ ἐκ τῶν ἀποβαινόντων βραχεῖαν ἔχει διαφοράν, ἀναγκαῖος ὁ τῆς παρακλήσεως γίνεται τρόπος· οἷς δέ, καθάπερ ὑμῖν νῦν, οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἑτέρων ἀλλʼ ὑπὲρ σφῶν αὐτῶν καὶ πατρίδος καὶ γυναικῶν καὶ τέκνων ὁ κίνδυνος συνέστηκεν, καὶ πολλαπλασίαν τὰ μετὰ ταῦτα συμβαίνοντα τὴν διαφορὰν ἔχει τῶν ἐνεστώτων ἀεὶ κινδύνων, ὑπομνήσεως μόνον, παρακλήσεως δʼ οὐ προσδεῖ. τίς γὰρ οὐκ ἂν βούλοιτο μάλιστα μὲν νικᾶν ἀγωνιζόμενος, εἰ δὲ μὴ τοῦτʼ εἴη δυνατόν, τεθνάναι πρόσθεν μαχόμενος ἢ ζῶν ἐπιδεῖν τὴν τῶν προειρημένων ὕβριν καὶ καταφθοράν; διόπερ, ὦ ἄνδρες, χωρὶς τῶν ὑπʼ ἐμοῦ λεγομένων, αὐτοὶ λαμβάνοντες πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν τὴν ἐκ τοῦ λείπεσθαι καὶ τοῦ νικᾶν διαφορὰν καὶ τὰ συνεξακολουθοῦντα τούτοις, οὕτως ἑαυτοὺς παραστήσεσθε πρὸς τὴν μάχην ὡς τῆς πατρίδος οὐ κινδυνευούσης νῦν αὐτοῖς τοῖς στρατοπέδοις, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ὅλοις. τί γὰρ ἔτι προσθεῖσα τοῖς ὑποκειμένοις, ἐὰν ἄλλως πως τὰ παρόντα κριθῇ, περιγενήσεται τῶν ἐχθρῶν, οὐκ ἔχει. πᾶσαν γὰρ τὴν αὑτῆς προθυμίαν καὶ δύναμιν εἰς ὑμᾶς ἀπήρεισται, καὶ πάσας τὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχει τῆς σωτηρίας ἐν ὑμῖν. ὧν ὑμεῖς αὐτὴν μὴ διαψεύσητε νῦν, ἀλλʼ ἀπόδοτε μὲν τῇ πατρίδι τὰς ἁρμοζούσας χάριτας, φανερὸν δὲ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ποιήσατε διότι καὶ τὰ πρότερον ἐλαττώματα γέγονεν οὐ διὰ τὸ Ῥωμαίους χείρους ἄνδρας εἶναι Καρχηδονίων, ἀλλὰ διʼ ἀπειρίαν τῶν τότε μαχομένων καὶ διὰ τὰς ἐκ τῶν καιρῶν περιστάσεις. ’ τότε μὲν οὖν ταῦτα καὶ τοιαῦτα παρακαλέσας ὁ Λεύκιος διαφῆκε τοὺς πολλούς.
110. Next morning the two Consuls broke up their camp, and advanced to where they heard that the enemy were entrenched. On the second day they arrived within sight of them, and pitched their camp at about fifty stades’ distance. But when Aemilius observed that the ground was flat and bare for some distance round, he said that they must not engage there with an enemy superior to them in cavalry; but that they must rather try to draw him off, and lead him to ground on which the battle would be more in the hands of the infantry. But Gaius Terentius being, from inexperience, of a contrary opinion, there was a dispute and misunderstanding between the leaders, which of all things is the most dangerous. It is the custom, when the two Consuls are present, that they should take the chief command on alternate days; and the next day happening to be the turn of Terentius, he ordered an advance with a view of approaching the enemy, in spite of the protests and active opposition of his colleague. Hannibal set his light-armed troops and cavalry in motion to meet him, and charging the Romans while they were still marching, took them by surprise and caused a great confusion in their ranks. The Romans repulsed the first charge by putting some of their heavy-armed in front; and then sending forward their light-armed and cavalry, began to get the best of the fight all along the line: the Carthaginians having no reserves of any importance, while certain companies of the legionaries were mixed with the Roman light-armed, and helped to sustain the battle. Nightfall for the present put an end to a struggle which had not at all answered to the hopes of the Carthaginians. But next day Aemilius, not thinking it right to engage, and yet being unable any longer to lead off his army, encamped with twothirds of it on the banks of the Aufidus, the only river which flows right through the Apennines,—that chain of mountains which forms the watershed of all the Italian rivers, which flow either west to the Tuscan sea, or east to the Hadriatic. This chain is, I say, pierced by the Aufidus, which rises on the side of Italy nearest the Tuscan Sea, and is discharged into the Hadriatic. For the other third of his army he caused a camp to be made across the river, to the east of the ford, about ten stades from his own lines, and a little more from those of the enemy; that these men, being on the other side of the river, might protect his own foraging parties, and threaten those of the enemy.
110. τῇ δʼ ἐπαύριον ἀναζεύξαντες ἦγον τὴν δύναμιν οὗ τοὺς πολεμίους ἤκουον στρατοπεδεύειν. δευτεραῖοι δʼ ἐπιβαλόντες παρενέβαλον, περὶ πεντήκοντα σταδίους ἀποσχόντες τῶν πολεμίων. ὁ μὲν οὖν Λεύκιος συνθεασάμενος ἐπιπέδους καὶ ψιλοὺς ὄντας τοὺς πέριξ τόπους οὐκ ἔφη δεῖν συμβάλλειν ἱπποκρατούντων τῶν πολεμίων, ἀλλʼ ἐπισπᾶσθαι καὶ προάγειν μᾶλλον εἰς τόπους τοιούτους ἐν οἷς τὸ πλέον ἔσται διὰ τῶν πεζικῶν στρατοπέδων ἡ μάχη. τοῦ δὲ Γαΐου διὰ τὴν ἀπειρίαν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐναντίας ὑπάρχοντος γνώμης, ἦν ἀμφισβήτησις καὶ δυσχρηστία περὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας, ὃ πάντων ἐστὶ σφαλερώτατον. τῆς δʼ ἡγεμονίας τῷ Γαΐῳ καθηκούσης εἰς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἡμέραν διὰ τὸ παρὰ μίαν ἐκ τῶν ἐθισμῶν μεταλαμβάνειν τὴν ἀρχὴν τοὺς ὑπάτους, ἀναστρατοπεδεύσας προῆγε, βουλόμενος ἐγγίσαι τοῖς πολεμίοις, πολλὰ διαμαρτυρομένου καὶ κωλύοντος τοῦ Λευκίου. ὁ δʼ Ἀννίβας ἀναλαβὼν τοὺς εὐζώνους καὶ τοὺς ἱππεῖς ἀπήντα καὶ προσπεσὼν ἔτι κατὰ πορείαν οὖσι παραδόξως συνεπλέκετο καὶ πολὺν ἐν αὐτοῖς ἐποιεῖτο θόρυβον. οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν μὲν πρώτην ἐπιφορὰν ἐδέξαντο, προθέμενοί τινας τῶν ἐν τοῖς βαρέσι καθοπλισμοῖς· μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τοὺς ἀκοντιστὰς καὶ τοὺς ἱππεῖς ἐπαφέντες ἐπροτέρουν κατὰ τὴν ὅλην συμπλοκὴν διὰ τὸ τοῖς μὲν Καρχηδονίοις μηδὲν ἐφεδρεύειν ἀξιόλογον, τοῖς δὲ Ῥωμαίοις ἀναμεμιγμένας τοῖς εὐζώνοις ὁμόσε κινδυνεύειν τινὰς σπείρας. τότε μὲν οὖν ἐπιγενομένης νυκτὸς ἐχωρίσθησαν ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων, οὐ κατὰ τὴν ἐλπίδα τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις ἐκβάσης τῆς ἐπιθέσεως· εἰς δὲ τὴν ἐπαύριον ὁ Λεύκιος οὔτε μάχεσθαι κρίνων οὔτε μὴν ἀπάγειν ἀσφαλῶς τὴν στρατιὰν ἔτι δυνάμενος τοῖς μὲν δυσὶ μέρεσι κατεστρατοπέδευσε παρὰ τὸν Αὔφιδον καλούμενον ποταμόν, ὃς μόνος διαρρεῖ τὸν Ἀπεννῖνον — τοῦτο δʼ ἔστιν ὄρος συνεχές, ὃ διείργει πάσας τὰς κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ῥύσεις, τὰς μὲν εἰς τὸ Τυρρηνικὸν πέλαγος, τὰς δʼ εἰς τὸν Ἀδρίαν· διʼ οὗ ῥέοντα συμβαίνει τὸν Αὔφιδον τὰς μὲν πηγὰς ἔχειν ἐν τοῖς πρὸς τὸ Τυρρηνικὸν κλίμασι τῆς Ἰταλίας, ποιεῖσθαι δὲ τὴν ἐκβολὴν εἰς τὸν Ἀδρίαν — τῷ δὲ τρίτῳ πέραν, ἀπὸ διαβάσεως πρὸς τὰς ἀνατολάς, ἐβάλετο χάρακα, τῆς μὲν ἰδίας παρεμβολῆς περὶ δέκα σταδίους ἀποσχών, τῆς δὲ τῶν ὑπεναντίων μικρῷ πλεῖον, βουλόμενος διὰ τούτων προκαθῆσθαι μὲν τῶν ἐκ τῆς πέραν παρεμβολῆς προνομευόντων, ἐπικεῖσθαι δὲ τοῖς παρὰ τῶν Καρχηδονίων.
111. Then Hannibal, seeing that his circumstances called for a battle with the enemy, being anxious lest his troops should be depressed by their previous reverse, and believing that it was an occasion which required some encouraging words, summoned a general meeting of his soldiers. When they were assembled, he bid them all look round upon the country, and asked them, “What better fortune they could have asked from the gods, if they had had the choice, than to fight in such ground as they saw there, with the vast superiority of cavalry on their side?” And when all signified their acquiescence in such an evident truth, he added: “First, then, give thanks to the gods: for they have brought the enemy into this country, because they designed the victory for us. And, next to me, for having compelled the enemy to fight,—for they cannot avoid it any longer,—and to fight in a place so full of advantages for us. But I do not think it becoming in me now to use many words in exhorting you to be brave and forward in this battle. When you had had no experience of fighting the Romans this was necessary, and I did then suggest many arguments and examples to you. But now seeing that you have undeniably beaten the Romans in three successive battles of such magnitude, what arguments could have greater influence with you in confirming your courage than the actual facts? Now, by your previous battles you have got possession of the country and all its wealth, in accordance with my promises: for I have been absolutely true in everything I have ever said to you. But the present contest is for the cities and the wealth in them: and if you win it, all Italy will at once be in your power; and freed from your present hard toils, and masters of the wealth of Rome, you will by this battle become the leaders and lords of the world. This, then, is a time for deeds, not words: for by God’s blessing I am persuaded that I shall carry out my promises to you forthwith.” His words were received with approving shouts, which he acknowledged with gratitude for their zeal; and having dismissed the assembly, he at once formed a camp on the same bank of the river as that on which was the larger camp of the Romans.
111. Ἀννίβας δὲ κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν θεωρῶν ὅτι καλεῖ τὰ πράγματα μάχεσθαι καὶ συμβάλλειν τοῖς πολεμίοις, εὐλαβούμενος δὲ μὴ διατέτραπται τὸ πλῆθος ἐκ τοῦ προγεγονότος ἐλαττώματος, κρίνας προσδεῖσθαι παρακλήσεως τὸν καιρὸν συνῆγε τοὺς πολλούς. ἁθροισθέντων δέ, περιβλέψαι κελεύσας πάντας εἰς τοὺς πέριξ τόπους, ἤρετο τί μεῖζον εὔξασθαι τοῖς θεοῖς κατὰ τοὺς παρόντας ἐδύναντο καιρούς, δοθείσης αὐτοῖς ἐξουσίας, τοῦ παρὰ πολὺ τῶν πολεμίων ἱπποκρατοῦντας ἐν τοιούτοις τόποις διακριθῆναι περὶ τῶν ὅλων. πάντων δὲ τὸ ῥηθὲν ἐπισημηναμένων διὰ τὴν ἐνάργειαν ‘τούτου τοιγαροῦν’ ἔφη ‘πρῶτον μὲν τοῖς θεοῖς ἔχετε χάριν· ἐκεῖνοι γὰρ ἡμῖν συγκατασκευάζοντες τὴν νίκην εἰς τοιούτους τόπους ἤχασι τοὺς ἐχθρούς· δεύτερον δʼ ἡμῖν, ὅτι καὶ μάχεσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους συνηναγκάσαμεν· οὐ γὰρ ἔτι δύνανται τοῦτο διαφυγεῖν· καὶ μάχεσθαι προφανῶς ἐν τοῖς ἡμετέροις προτερήμασι. τὸ δὲ παρακαλεῖν ὑμᾶς νῦν διὰ πλειόνων εὐθαρσεῖς καὶ προθύμους εἶναι πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον οὐδαμῶς μοι δοκεῖ καθήκειν. ὅτε μὲν γὰρ ἀπείρως διέκεισθε τῆς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους μάχης, ἔδει τοῦτο ποιεῖν, καὶ μεθʼ ὑποδειγμάτων ἐγὼ πρὸς ὑμᾶς πολλοὺς διεθέμην λόγους· ὅτε δὲ κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς τρισὶ μάχαις τηλικαύταις ἐξ ὁμολογουμένου νενικήκατε Ῥωμαίους, ποῖος ἂν ἔτι λόγος ὑμῖν ἰσχυρότερον παραστήσαι θάρσος αὐτῶν τῶν ἔργων; διὰ μὲν οὖν τῶν πρὸ τοῦ κινδύνων κεκρατήκατε τῆς χώρας καὶ τῶν ἐκ ταύτης ἀγαθῶν κατὰ τὰς ἡμετέρας ἐπαγγελίας, ἀψευστούντων ἡμῶν ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς πρὸς ὑμᾶς εἰρημένοις· ὁ δὲ νῦν ἀγὼν ἐνέστηκεν περὶ τῶν πόλεων καὶ τῶν ἐν αὐταῖς ἀγαθῶν. οὗ κρατήσαντες κύριοι μὲν ἔσεσθε παραχρῆμα πάσης Ἰταλίας, ἀπαλλαγέντες δὲ τῶν νῦν πόνων, γενόμενοι συμπάσης ἐγκρατεῖς τῆς Ῥωμαίων εὐδαιμονίας, ἡγεμόνες ἅμα καὶ δεσπόται πάντων γενήσεσθε διὰ ταύτης τῆς μάχης. διόπερ οὐκέτι λόγων ἀλλʼ ἔργων ἐστὶν ἡ χρεία· θεῶν γὰρ βουλομένων ὅσον οὔπω βεβαιώσειν ὑμῖν πέπεισμαι τὰς ἐπαγγελίας. ’ ταῦτα δὲ καὶ τούτοις παραπλήσια διαλεχθείς, προθύμως αὐτὸν ἐπισημαινομένου τοῦ πλήθους, ἐπαινέσας καὶ δεξάμενος αὐτῶν τὴν ὁρμὴν ἀφῆκε καὶ παραχρῆμα κατεστρατοπέδευσε, ποιούμενος τὸν χάρακα παρὰ τὴν αὐτὴν πλευρὰν τοῦ ποταμοῦ τῇ μείζονι στρατοπεδείᾳ τῶν ὑπεναντίων.
112. Next day he gave orders that all should employ themselves in making preparations and getting themselves into a fit state of body. On the day after that he drew out his men along the bank of the river, and showed that he was eager to give the enemy battle. But Aemilius, dissatisfied with his position, and seeing that the Carthaginians would soon be obliged to shift their quarters for the sake of supplies, kept quiet in his camps, strengthening both with extra guards. After waiting a considerable time, when no one came out to attack him, Hannibal put the rest of the army into camp again, but sent out his Numidian horse to attack the enemy’s water parties from the lesser camp. These horsemen riding right up to the lines and preventing the watering, Gaius Terentius became more than ever inflamed with the desire of fighting, and the soldiers were eager for a battle, and chafed at the delay. For there is nothing more intolerable to mankind than suspense; when a thing is once decided, men can but endure whatever out of the catalogue of evils it is their misfortune to undergo. But when the news arrived at Rome that the two armies were face to face, and that skirmishes between advanced parties of both sides were daily taking place, the city was in a state of high excitement and uneasiness; the people dreading the result, owing to the disasters which had now befallen them on more than one occasion; and foreseeing and anticipating in their imaginations what would happen if they were utterly defeated. All the oracles preserved at Rome were in everybody’s mouth; and every temple and house was full of prodigies and miracles: in consequence of which the city was one scene of vows, sacrifices, supplicatory processions, and prayers. For the Romans in times of danger take extraordinary pains to appease gods and men, and look upon no ceremony of that kind in such times as unbecoming or beneath their dignity.
112. τῇ δʼ ἐχομένῃ περὶ παρασκευὴν καὶ θεραπείαν παρήγγειλε γίνεσθαι πᾶσι. τῇ δʼ ἑξῆς παρὰ τὸν ποταμὸν ἐξέταττε τὰ στρατόπεδα καὶ δῆλος ἦν μάχεσθαι σπεύδων τοῖς ὑπεναντίοις. ὁ δὲ Λεύκιος δυσαρεστούμενος μὲν τοῖς τόποις, ὁρῶν δʼ ὅτι ταχέως ἀναγκασθήσονται μεταστρατοπεδεύειν οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι διὰ τὸν πορισμὸν τῶν ἐπιτηδείων, εἶχε τὴν ἡσυχίαν, ἀσφαλισάμενος ταῖς ἐφεδρείαις τὰς παρεμβολάς. Ἀννίβας δὲ χρόνον ἱκανὸν μείνας, οὐδενὸς ἀντεξιόντος, τὴν μὲν λοιπὴν δύναμιν αὖθις εἰς χάρακα κατέστησεν, τοὺς δὲ Νομάδας ἐπαφῆκε τοῖς ὑδρευομένοις ἀπὸ τῆς ἐλάττονος παρεμβολῆς. τῶν δὲ Νομάδων ἕως πρὸς αὐτὸν τὸν χάρακα προσπιπτόντων καὶ διακωλυόντων τὴν ὑδρείαν, ὅ τε Γάιος ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐπὶ τούτοις παρωξύνετο, τά τε πλήθη πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον ὁρμὴν εἶχεν καὶ δυσχερῶς ἔφερε τὰς ὑπερθέσεις. βαρύτατος γὰρ δὴ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ὁ τοῦ μέλλειν γίνεται χρόνος· ὅταν δʼ ἅπαξ κριθῇ, ὅ,τι ἂν ᾖ πάσχειν πάντων τῶν δοκούντων εἶναι δεινῶν ὑπομενετέον. εἰς δὲ τὴν Ῥώμην προσπεπτωκότος ὅτι παραστρατοπεδεύουσιν ἀλλήλοις καὶ συμπλοκαὶ γίνονται τῶν προκινδυνευόντων ἀνʼ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν, ὀρθὴ καὶ περίφοβος ἦν ἡ πόλις, δεδιότων μὲν τῶν πολλῶν τὸ μέλλον διὰ τὸ πολλάκις ἤδη προηττῆσθαι, προορωμένων δὲ καὶ προλαμβανόντων τὰ συμβησόμενα ταῖς ἐννοίαις, ἐὰν σφάλλωνται τοῖς ὅλοις. πάντα δʼ ἦν τὰ παρʼ αὐτοῖς λόγια πᾶσι τότε διὰ στόματος, σημείων δὲ καὶ τεράτων πᾶν μὲν ἱερόν, πᾶσα δʼ ἦν οἰκία πλήρης, ἐξ ὧν εὐχαὶ καὶ θυσίαι καὶ θεῶν ἱκετηρίαι καὶ δεήσεις ἐπεῖχον τὴν πόλιν. δεινοὶ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς περιστάσεσι Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ θεοὺς ἐξιλάσασθαι καὶ ἀνθρώπους καὶ μηδὲν ἀπρεπὲς μηδʼ ἀγεννὲς ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις καιροῖς ἡγεῖσθαι τῶν περὶ ταῦτα συντελουμένων.
113. When he took over the command on the following day, as soon as the sun was above the horizon, Gaius Terentius got the army in motion from both the camps. Those from the larger camp he drew up in order of battle, as soon as he had got them across the river, and bringing up those of the smaller camp he placed them all in the same line, selecting the south as the aspect of the whole. The Roman horse he stationed on the right wing along the river, and their foot next them in the same line, placing the maniples, however, closer together than usual, and making the depth of each maniple several times greater than its front. The cavalry of the allies he stationed on the left wing, and the light-armed troops he placed slightly in advance of the whole army, which amounted with its allies to eighty thousand infantry and a little more than six thousand horse. At the same time Hannibal brought his Balearic slingers and spearmen across the river, and stationed them in advance of his main body; which he led out of their camp, and, getting them across the river at two spots, drew them up opposite the enemy. On his left wing, close to the river, he stationed the Iberian and Celtic horse opposite the Roman cavalry; and next to them half the Libyan heavy-armed foot; and next to them the Iberian and Celtic foot; next, the other half of the Libyans, and, on the right wing, the Numidian horse. Having now got them all into line he advanced with the central companies of the Iberians and Celts; and so arranged the other companies next these in regular gradations, that the whole line became crescent-shaped, diminishing in depth towards its extremities: his object being to have his Libyans as a reserve in the battle, and to commence the action with his Iberians and Celts.
113. ὁ δὲ Γάιος ἅμα τῷ παραλαβεῖν τῇ κατὰ πόδας ἡμέρᾳ τὴν ἀρχήν, ἄρτι τῆς κατὰ τὸν ἥλιον ἀνατολῆς ἐπιφαινομένης, ἐκίνει τὴν δύναμιν ἐξ ἑκατέρας ἅμα τῆς παρεμβολῆς καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐκ τοῦ μείζονος χάρακος διαβιβάζων τὸν ποταμὸν εὐθέως παρενέβαλε, τοὺς δʼ ἐκ θατέρου συνάπτων τούτοις ἐπὶ τὴν αὐτὴν εὐθεῖαν ἐξέταττε, λαμβάνων πᾶσι τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν τὴν πρὸς μεσημβρίαν. τοὺς μὲν οὖν τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἱππεῖς παρʼ αὐτὸν τὸν ποταμὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ δεξιοῦ κέρατος κατέστησε, τοὺς δὲ πεζοὺς συνεχεῖς τούτοις ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς εὐθείας ἐξέτεινε, πυκνοτέρας ἢ πρόσθεν τὰς σημείας καθιστάνων, καὶ ποιῶν πολλαπλάσιον τὸ βάθος ἐν ταῖς σπείραις τοῦ μετώπου· τοὺς δὲ τῶν συμμάχων ἱππεῖς εἰς τὸ λαιὸν κέρας παρενέβαλε· πάσης δὲ τῆς δυνάμεως προέστησε τοὺς εὐζώνους ἐν ἀποστάσει. ἦσαν δὲ σὺν τοῖς συμμάχοις πεζῶν μὲν εἰς ὀκτὼ μυριάδας, ἱππεῖς δὲ μικρῷ πλείους τῶν ἑξακισχιλίων. Ἀννίβας δὲ κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν τοὺς μὲν Βαλιαρεῖς καὶ λογχοφόρους διαβιβάσας τὸν ποταμὸν προεβάλετο τῆς δυνάμεως, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἐξαγαγὼν ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος καὶ περαιώσας κατὰ διττοὺς τόπους τὸ ῥεῖθρον ἀντετάττετο τοῖς πολεμίοις. ἐτίθει δʼ ἐπʼ αὐτὸν μὲν τὸν ποταμόν, ἐπὶ τῶν εὐωνύμων, τοὺς Ἴβηρας καὶ Κελτοὺς ἱππεῖς ἀντίους τοῖς τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἱππεῦσι, συνεχεῖς δὲ τούτοις πεζοὺς τοὺς ἡμίσεις τῶν ἐν τοῖς βαρέσι καθοπλισμοῖς Λιβύων, ἑξῆς δὲ τοῖς εἰρημένοις Ἴβηρας καὶ Κελτούς. παρὰ δὲ τούτοις τὸ λοιπὸν μέρος ἔθηκε τῶν Λιβύων, ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ δεξιοῦ κέρως ἐπέταξε τοὺς Νομαδικοὺς ἱππεῖς. ἐπεὶ δὲ πάντʼ ἐπὶ μίαν εὐθεῖαν ἐξέτεινε, μετὰ ταῦτα λαβὼν τὰ μέσα τῶν Ἰβήρων καὶ Κελτῶν τάγματα προῆγε καὶ τἄλλα τούτοις ἐκ τοῦ κατὰ λόγον παρίστανε ζυγοῦντα, μηνοειδὲς ποιῶν τὸ κύρτωμα καὶ λεπτύνων τὸ τούτων αὐτῶν σχῆμα, βουλόμενος ἐφεδρείας μὲν τάξιν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ τοὺς Λίβυας αὐτῶν ἔχειν, προκινδυνεῦσαι δὲ τοῖς Ἴβηρσι καὶ Κελτοῖς.
114. The armour of the Libyans was Roman, for Hannibal had armed them with a selection of the spoils taken in previous battles. The shield of the Iberians and Celts was about the same size, but their swords were quite different. For that of the Roman can thrust with as deadly effects as it can cut, while the Gallic sword can only cut, and that requires some room. And the companies coming alternately,—the naked Celts, and the Iberians with their short linen tunics bordered with purple stripes, the whole appearance of the line was strange and terrifying. The whole strength of the Carthaginian cavalry was ten thousand, but that of their foot was not more than forty thousand, including the Celts. Aemilius commanded on the Roman right, Gaius Terentius on the left, Marcus Atilius and Gnaeus Servilius, the Consuls of the previous year, on the centre. The left of the Carthaginians was commanded by Hasdrubal, the right by Hanno, the centre by Hannibal in person, attended by his brother Mago. And as the Roman line faced the south, as I said before, and the Carthaginian the north, the rays of the rising sun did not inconvenience either of them.
114. ἦν δʼ ὁ καθοπλισμὸς τῶν μὲν Λιβύων Ῥωμαϊκός, οὓς πάντας Ἀννίβας τοῖς ἐκ τῆς προγεγενημένης μάχης σκύλοις ἐκλέξας κατακεκοσμήκει· τῶν δʼ Ἰβήρων καὶ Κελτῶν ὁ μὲν θυρεὸς ἦν παραπλήσιος, τὰ δὲ ξίφη τὴν ἐναντίαν εἶχε διάθεσιν· τῆς μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἔλαττον τὸ κέντημα τῆς καταφορᾶς ἴσχυε πρὸς τὸ βλάπτειν, ἡ δὲ Γαλατικὴ μάχαιρα μίαν εἶχε χρείαν τὴν ἐκ καταφορᾶς, καὶ ταύτην ἐξ ἀποστάσεως. ἐναλλὰξ δὲ ταῖς σπείραις αὐτῶν παρατεταγμένων, καὶ τῶν μὲν Κελτῶν γυμνῶν, τῶν δʼ Ἰβήρων λινοῖς περιπορφύροις χιτωνίσκοις κεκοσμημένων κατὰ τὰ πάτρια, ξενίζουσαν ἅμα καὶ καταπληκτικὴν συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι τὴν πρόσοψιν. ἦν δὲ τὸ μὲν τῶν ἱππικῶν πλῆθος τὸ σύμπαν τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις εἰς μυρίους, τὸ δὲ τῶν πεζῶν οὐ πολὺ πλείους τετρακισμυρίων σὺν τοῖς Κελτοῖς. εἶχε δὲ τὸ μὲν δεξιὸν τῶν Ῥωμαίων Αἰμίλιος, τὸ δʼ εὐώνυμον Γάιος, τὰ δὲ μέσα Μάρκος καὶ Γνάιος οἱ τῷ πρότερον ἔτει στρατηγοῦντες. τῶν δὲ Καρχηδονίων τὸ μὲν εὐώνυμον Ἀσδρούβας εἶχε, τὸ δὲ δεξιὸν Ἄννων· ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖς μέσοις αὐτὸς ἦν Ἀννίβας, ἔχων μεθʼ ἑαυτοῦ Μάγωνα τὸν ἀδελφόν. βλεπούσης δὲ τῆς μὲν τῶν Ῥωμαίων τάξεως πρὸς μεσημβρίαν, ὡς ἐπάνω προεῖπα, τῆς δὲ τῶν Καρχηδονίων πρὸς τὰς ἄρκτους, ἑκατέροις ἀβλαβῆ συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι τὴν κατὰ τὸν ἥλιον ἀνατολήν.
115. The battle was begun by an engagement between the advanced guard of the two armies; and at first the affair between these light-armed troops was indecisive. But as soon as the Iberian and Celtic cavalry got at the Romans, the battle began in earnest, and in the true barbaric fashion: for there was none of the usual formal advance and retreat; but when they once got to close quarters, they grappled man to man, and, dismounting from their horses, fought on foot. But when the Carthaginians had got the upper hand in this encounter and killed most of their opponents on the ground,— because the Romans all maintained the fight with spirit and determination,—and began chasing the remainder along the river, slaying as they went and giving no quarter; then the legionaries took the place of the light-armed and closed with the enemy. For a short time the Iberian and Celtic lines stood their ground and fought gallantly; but; presently overpowered by the weight of the heavy-armed lines, they gave way and retired to the rear, thus breaking up the crescent. The Roman maniples followed with spirit, and easily cut their way through the enemy’s line; since the Celts had been drawn up in a thin line, while the Romans had closed up from the wings towards the centre and the point of danger. For the two wings did not come into action at the same time as the centre: but the centre was first engaged, because the Gauls, having been stationed on the arc of the crescent, had come into contact with the enemy long before the wings, the convex of the crescent being towards the enemy. The Romans, however, going in pursuit of these troops, and hastily closing in towards the centre and the part of the enemy which was giving ground, advanced so far, that the Libyan heavy-armed troops on either wing got on their flanks. Those on the right, facing to the left, charged from the right upon the Roman flank; while those who were on the left wing faced to the right, and, dressing by the left, charged their right flank, the exigency of the moment suggesting to them what they ought to do. Thus it came about, as Hannibal had planned, that the Romans were caught between two hostile lines of Libyans—thanks to their impetuous pursuit of the Celts. Still they fought, though no longer in line, yet singly, or in maniples, which faced about to meet those who charged them on the flanks.
115. γενομένης δὲ τῆς συμπλοκῆς τῆς πρώτης ἐκ τῶν προτεταγμένων, τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς αὐτῶν τῶν εὐζώνων ἔπισος ἦν ὁ κίνδυνος, ἅμα δὲ τῷ τοὺς Ἴβηρας καὶ Κελτοὺς ἱππεῖς ἀπὸ τῶν εὐωνύμων πελάσαι τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἐποίουν οὗτοι μάχην ἀληθινὴν καὶ βαρβαρικήν· οὐ γὰρ ἦν κατὰ νόμους ἐξ ἀναστροφῆς καὶ μεταβολῆς ὁ κίνδυνος, ἀλλʼ εἰσάπαξ συμπεσόντες ἐμάχοντο συμπλεκόμενοι κατʼ ἄνδρα, παρακαταβαίνοντες ἀπὸ τῶν ἵππων. ἐπειδὴ δʼ ἐκράτησαν οἱ παρὰ τῶν Καρχηδονίων καὶ τοὺς μὲν πλείστους ἀπέκτειναν ἐν τῇ συμπλοκῇ, πάντων ἐκθύμως καὶ γενναίως διαγωνιζομένων τῶν Ῥωμαίων, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἤλαυνον παρὰ τὸν ποταμὸν φονεύοντες καὶ προσφέροντες τὰς χεῖρας ἀπαραιτήτως, τότε δὴ τὰ πεζικὰ στρατόπεδα διαδεξάμενα τοὺς εὐζώνους συνέπεσεν ἀλλήλοις. ἐπὶ βραχὺ μὲν οὖν τῶν Ἰβήρων καὶ τῶν Κελτῶν ἔμενον αἱ τάξεις καὶ διεμάχοντο τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις γενναίως· μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τῷ βάρει θλιβόμενοι κλίνοντες ὑπεχώρουν εἰς τοὐπίσω, λύσαντες τὸν μηνίσκον. αἱ δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων σπεῖραι κατὰ τὴν ἐκθυμίαν ἑπόμεναι τούτοις διέκοψαν ῥᾳδίως τὴν τῶν ὑπεναντίων τάξιν, ἅτε δὴ τῶν μὲν Κελτῶν ἐπὶ λεπτὸν ἐκτεταγμένων, αὐτοὶ δὲ πεπυκνωκότες ἀπὸ τῶν κεράτων ἐπὶ τὰ μέσα καὶ τὸν κινδυνεύοντα τόπον· οὐ γὰρ ἅμα συνέβαινε τὰ κέρατα καὶ τὰ μέσα συμπίπτειν, ἀλλὰ πρῶτα τὰ μέσα διὰ τὸ τοὺς Κελτοὺς ἐν μηνοειδεῖ σχήματι τεταγμένους πολὺ προπεπτωκέναι τῶν κεράτων, ἅτε τοῦ μηνίσκου τὸ κύρτωμα πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ἔχοντος. πλὴν ἑπόμενοί γε τούτοις οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ συντρέχοντες ἐπὶ τὰ μέσα καὶ τὸν εἴκοντα τόπον τῶν πολεμίων οὕτως ἐπὶ πολὺ προέπεσον ὥστʼ ἐξ ἑκατέρου τοῦ μέρους κατὰ τὰς ἐκ τῶν πλαγίων ἐπιφανείας τοὺς Λίβυας αὐτῶν γενέσθαι τοὺς ἐν τοῖς βαρέσι καθοπλισμοῖς· ὧν οἱ μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ δεξιοῦ κέρατος κλίναντες ἐπʼ ἀσπίδα καὶ τὴν ἐμβολὴν ἐκ δόρατος ποιούμενοι παρίσταντο παρὰ πλευρὰν τοῖς πολεμίοις, οἱ δʼ ἀπὸ τῶν εὐωνύμων ἐπὶ δόρυ ποιούμενοι τὴν κλίσιν ἐξ ἀσπίδος ἐπιπαρενέβαλλον, αὐτοῦ τοῦ πράγματος ὃ δέον ἦν ποιεῖν ὑποδεικνύντος. ἐξ οὗ συνέβη κατὰ τὴν Ἀννίβου πρόνοιαν μέσους ἀποληφθῆναι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ὑπὸ τῶν Λιβύων κατὰ τὴν ἐπὶ τοὺς Κελτοὺς παράπτωσιν. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν οὐκέτι φαλαγγηδόν, ἀλλὰ κατʼ ἄνδρα καὶ κατὰ σπείρας στρεφόμενοι πρὸς τοὺς ἐκ τῶν πλαγίων προς πεπτωκότας ἐποιοῦντο τὴν μάχην·
116. Though he had been from the first on the right wing, and had taken part in the cavalry engagement, Lucius Aemilius still survived. Determined to act up to his own exhortatory speech, and seeing that the decision of the battle rested mainly on the legionaries, riding up to the centre of the line he led the charge himself, and personally grappled with the enemy, at the same time cheering on and exhorting his soldiers to the charge. Hannibal, on the other side, did the same, for he too had taken his place on the centre from the commencement. The Numidian horse on the Carthaginian right were meanwhile charging the cavalry on the Roman left; and though, from the peculiar nature of their mode of fighting, they neither inflicted nor received much harm, they yet rendered the enemy’s horse useless by keeping them occupied, and charging them first on one side and then on another. But when Hasdrubal, after all but annihilating the cavalry by the river, came from the left to the support of the Numidians, the Roman allied cavalry, seeing his charge approaching, broke and fled. At that point Hasdrubal appears to have acted with great skill and discretion. Seeing the Numidians to be strong in numbers, and more effective and formidable to troops that had once been forced from their ground, he left the pursuit to them; while he himself hastened to the part of the field where the infantry were engaged, and brought his men up to support the Libyans. Then, by charging the Roman legions on the rear, and harassing them by hurling squadron after squadron upon them at many points at once, he raised the spirits of the Libyans, and dismayed and depressed those of the Romans. It was at this point that Lucius Aemilius fell, in the thick of the fight, covered with wounds: a man who did his duty to his country at that last hour of his life, as he had throughout its previous years, if any man ever did. As long as the Romans could keep an unbroken front, to turn first in one direction and then in another to meet the assaults of the enemy, they held out; but the outer files of the circle continually falling, and the circle becoming more and more contracted, they at last were all killed on the field; and among them Marcus Atilius and Gnaeus Servilius, the Consuls of the previous year, who had shown themselves brave men and worthy of Rome in the battle. While this struggle and carnage were going on, the Numidian horse were pursuing the fugitives, most of whom they cut down or hurled from their horses; but some few escaped into Venusia, among whom was Gaius Terentius, the Consul, who thus sought a flight, as disgraceful to himself, as his conduct in office had been disastrous to his country.
116. Λεύκιος δὲ καίπερ ὢν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπὶ τοῦ δεξιοῦ κέρατος καὶ μετασχὼν ἐπί τι τοῦ τῶν ἱππέων ἀγῶνος ὅμως ἔτι τότε διεσῴζετο. βουλόμενος δὲ τοῖς κατὰ τὴν παράκλησιν λόγοις ἀκολούθως ἐπʼ αὐτῶν γίνεσθαι τῶν ἔργων καὶ θεωρῶν τὸ συνέχον τῆς κατὰ τὸν ἀγῶνα κρίσεως ἐν τοῖς πεζικοῖς στρατοπέδοις κείμενον, παριππεύων ἐπὶ τὰ μέσα τῆς ὅλης παρατάξεως ἅμα μὲν αὐτὸς συνεπλέκετο καὶ προσέφερε τὰς χεῖρας τοῖς ὑπεναντίοις, ἅμα δὲ παρεκάλει καὶ παρώξυνε τοὺς παρʼ αὑτοῦ στρατιώτας. τὸ δὲ παραπλήσιον Ἀννίβας ἐποίει· καὶ γὰρ οὗτος ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπὶ τούτοις τοῖς μέρεσιν ἐπέστη τῆς δυνάμεως. οἱ δὲ Νομάδες ἀπὸ τοῦ δεξιοῦ κέρατος προσπίπτοντες τοῖς ὑπεναντίοις ἱππεῦσι τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν εὐωνύμων τεταγμένοις μέγα μὲν οὔτʼ ἐποίουν οὐδὲν οὔτʼ ἔπασχον διὰ τὴν ἰδιότητα τῆς μάχης, ἀπράκτους γε μὴν τοὺς πολεμίους παρεσκεύαζον, περισπῶντες καὶ πανταχόθεν προσπίπτοντες. ἐπεὶ δʼ οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀσδρούβαν ἀποκτείναντες τοὺς περὶ τὸν ποταμὸν ἱππεῖς πλὴν παντελῶς ὀλίγων παρεβοήθησαν ἀπὸ τῶν εὐωνύμων τοῖς Νομάσιν, τότε προϊδόμενοι τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτῶν οἱ σύμμαχοι τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἱππεῖς ἐκκλίναντες ἀπεχώρουν. ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ πραγματικὸν δοκεῖ ποιῆσαι καὶ φρόνιμον ἔργον Ἀσδρούβας· θεωρῶν γὰρ τοὺς Νομάδας τῷ τε πλήθει πολλοὺς ὄντας καὶ πρακτικωτάτους καὶ φοβερωτάτους τοῖς ἅπαξ ἐγκλίνασιν, τοὺς μὲν φεύγοντας παρέδωκε τοῖς Νομάσιν, πρὸς δὲ τὴν τῶν πεζῶν μάχην ἡγεῖτο, σπεύδων παραβοηθῆσαι τοῖς Λίβυσι. προσπεσὼν δὲ τοῖς Ῥωμαϊκοῖς στρατοπέδοις κατὰ νώτου καὶ ποιούμενος ἐκ διαδοχῆς ταῖς ἴλαις ἐμβολὰς ἅμα κατὰ πολλοὺς τόπους ἐπέρρωσε μὲν τοὺς Λίβυας, ἐταπείνωσε δὲ καὶ κατέπληξε ταῖς ψυχαῖς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους. ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ καὶ Λεύκιος Αἰμίλιος περιπεσὼν βιαίοις πληγαῖς ἐν χειρῶν νόμῳ μετήλλαξε τὸν βίον, ἀνὴρ πάντα τὰ δίκαια τῇ πατρίδι κατὰ τὸν λοιπὸν βίον καὶ κατὰ τὸν ἔσχατον καιρόν, εἰ καί τις ἕτερος, ποιήσας. οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι μέχρι μὲν ἐμάχοντο κατὰ τὰς ἐπιφανείας στρεφόμενοι πρὸς τοὺς κεκυκλωκότας, ἀντεῖχον· ἀεὶ δὲ τῶν πέριξ ἀπολλυμένων, καὶ κατὰ βραχὺ συγκλειόμενοι, τέλος αὐτοῦ πάντες, ἐν οἷς καὶ Μάρκος καὶ Γνάιος, ἔπεσον, οἱ τὸ πρότερον ἔτος ὕπατοι γεγονότες, ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ καὶ τῆς Ῥώμης ἄξιοι γενόμενοι κατὰ τὸν κίνδυνον. κατὰ δὲ τὸν τούτων φόνον καὶ τὴν συμπλοκὴν οἱ Νομάδες ἑπόμενοι τοῖς φεύγουσι τῶν ἱππέων τοὺς μὲν πλείστους ἀπέκτειναν, τοὺς δὲ κατεκρήμνισαν ἀπὸ τῶν ἵππων. ὀλίγοι δέ τινες εἰς Οὐενουσίαν διέφυγον, ἐν οἷς ἦν καὶ Γάιος Τερέντιος ὁ τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγός, ἀνὴρ αἰσχρὰν μὲν τὴν ψυχὴν ἀλυσιτελῆ δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν αὑτοῦ τῇ πατρίδι πεποιημένος.
117. Such was the end of the battle of Cannae, in which both sides fought with the most conspicuous gallantry, the conquered no less than the conquerors. This is proved by the fact that, out of six thousand horse, only seventy escaped with Gaius Terentius to Venusia, and about three hundred of the allied cavalry to various towns in the neighbourhood. Of the infantry ten thousand were taken prisoners in fair fight, but were not actually engaged in the battle: of those who were actually engaged only about three thousand perhaps escaped to the towns of the surrounding district; all the rest died nobly, to the number of seventy thousand, the Carthaginians being on this occasion, as on previous ones, mainly indebted for their victory to their superiority in cavalry: a lesson to posterity that in actual war it is better to have half the number of infantry, and the superiority in cavalry, than to engage your enemy with an equality in both. On the side of Hannibal there fell four thousand Celts, fifteen hundred Iberians and Libyans, and about two hundred horse. The ten thousand Romans who were captured had not, as I said, been engaged in the actual battle; and the reason was this. Lucius Aemilius left ten thousand infantry in his camp that, in case Hannibal should disregard the safety of his own camp, and take his whole army on to the field, they might seize the opportunity, while the battle was going on, of forcing their way in and capturing the enemy’s baggage; or if, on the other hand, Hannibal should, in view of this contingency, leave a guard in his camp, the number of the enemy in the field might thereby be diminished. These men were captured in the following circumstances. Hannibal, as a matter of fact, did leave a sufficient guard in his camp; and as soon as the battle began, the Romans, according to their instructions, assaulted and tried to take those thus left by Hannibal. At first they held their own: but just as they were beginning to waver, Hannibal, who was by this time gaining a victory all along the line, came to their relief, and routing the Romans, shut them up in their own camp; killed two thousand of them; and took all the rest prisoners. In like manner the Numidian horse brought in all those who had taken refuge in the various strongholds about the district, amounting to two thousand of the routed cavalry.
117. ἡ μὲν οὖν περὶ Κάνναν γενομένη μάχη Ῥωμαίων καὶ Καρχηδονίων ἐπετελέσθη τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον, μάχη γενναιοτάτους ἄνδρας ἔχουσα καὶ τοὺς νικήσαντας καὶ τοὺς ἡττηθέντας. δῆλον δὲ τοῦτʼ ἐγένετʼ ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν πραγμάτων. τῶν μὲν γὰρ ἑξακισχιλίων ἱππέων ἑβδομήκοντα μὲν εἰς Οὐενουσίαν μετὰ Γαΐου διέφυγον, περὶ τριακοσίους δὲ τῶν συμμάχων σποράδες εἰς τὰς πόλεις ἐσώθησαν· ἐκ δὲ τῶν πεζῶν μαχόμενοι μὲν ἑάλωσαν εἰς μυρίους — οἱ δʼ ἐκτὸς ὄντες τῆς μάχης — ἐξ αὐτοῦ δὲ τοῦ κινδύνου τρισχίλιοι μόνον ἴσως εἰς τὰς παρακειμένας πόλεις διέφυγον. οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ πάντες, ὄντες εἰς ἑπτὰ μυριάδας, ἀπέθανον εὐγενῶς, τὴν μεγίστην χρείαν παρεσχημένου τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις εἰς τὸ νικᾶν καὶ τότε καὶ πρὸ τοῦ τοῦ τῶν ἱππέων ὄχλου. καὶ δῆλον ἐγένετο τοῖς ἐπιγενομένοις ὅτι κρεῖττόν ἐστι πρὸς τοὺς τῶν πολέμων καιροὺς ἡμίσεις ἔχειν πεζούς, ἱπποκρατεῖν δὲ τοῖς ὅλοις, μᾶλλον ἢ πάντα πάρισα τοῖς πολεμίοις ἔχοντα διακινδυνεύειν. τῶν δὲ μετʼ Ἀννίβου Κελτοὶ μὲν ἔπεσον εἰς τετρακισχιλίους, Ἴβηρες δὲ καὶ Λίβυες εἰς χιλίους καὶ πεντακοσίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ περὶ διακοσίους. οἱ δὲ ζωγρηθέντες τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐκτὸς ἐγένοντο τοῦ κινδύνου, καὶ διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν. Λεύκιος ἀπέλιπε μυρίους πεζοὺς ἐπὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ παρεμβολῆς, ἵνʼ ἐὰν μὲν Ἀννίβας ὀλιγωρήσας τοῦ χάρακος ἐκτάξῃ πᾶσι, παραπεσόντες οὗτοι κατὰ τὸν τῆς μάχης καιρὸν ἐγκρατεῖς γένωνται τῆς τῶν πολεμίων ἀποσκευῆς, ἐὰν δὲ προϊδόμενος τὸ μέλλον ἀπολίπῃ φυλακὴν ἀξιόχρεων, πρὸς ἐλάττους αὐτοῖς ὁ περὶ τῶν ὅλων γένηται κίνδυνος. ἑάλωσαν δὲ τοιούτῳ τινὶ τρόπῳ. καταλιπόντος Ἀννίβου φυλακὴν ἀρκοῦσαν ἐπὶ τοῦ χάρακος, ἅμα τῷ κατάρξασθαι τὴν μάχην κατὰ τὸ συνταχθὲν ἐπολιόρκουν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι, προσβάλλοντες τοὺς ἀπολελειμμένους ἐν τῷ τῶν Καρχηδονίων χάρακι. τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον ἀντεῖχον· ἤδη δʼ αὐτῶν πιεζομένων, ἐπειδὴ κατὰ πάντα τὰ μέρη τὴν μάχην Ἀννίβας ἔκρινε, καὶ τότε παραβοηθήσας καὶ τρεψάμενος συνέκλεισε τοὺς Ῥωμαίους εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν παρεμβολὴν καὶ δισχιλίους μὲν αὐτῶν ἀπέκτεινε, τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν ἐγκρατὴς ἐγένετο ζωγρίᾳ πάντων. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν χώραν ἐρύματα συμπεφευγότας ἐκπολιορκήσαντες οἱ Νομάδες ἐπανῆγον, ὄντας εἰς δισχιλίους τῶν εἰς φυγὴν τραπέντων ἱππέων.
118. The result of this battle, such as I have described it, had the consequences which both sides expected. For the Carthaginians by their victory were thenceforth masters of nearly the whole of the Italian coast which is called Magna Graecia. Thus the Tarentines immediately submitted; and the Arpani and some of the Campanian states invited Hannibal to come to them; and the rest were with one consent turning their eyes to the Carthaginians: who, accordingly, began now to have high hopes of being able to carry even Rome itself by assault. On their side the Romans, after this disaster, despaired of retaining their supremacy over the Italians, and were in the greatest alarm, believing their own lives and the existence of their city to be in danger, and every moment expecting that Hannibal would be upon them. For, as though Fortune were in league with the disasters that had already befallen them to fill up the measure of their ruin, it happened that only a few days afterwards, while the city was still in this panic, the Praetor who had been sent to Gaul fell unexpectedly into an ambush and perished, and his army was utterly annihilated by the Celts. In spite of all, however, the Senate left no means untried to save the State. It exhorted the people to fresh exertions, strengthened the city with guards, and deliberated on the crisis in a brave and manly spirit. And subsequent events made this manifest. For though the Romans were on that occasion indisputably beaten in the field, and had lost reputation for military prowess; by the peculiar excellence of their political constitution, and the prudence of their counsels, they not only recovered their supremacy over Italy, by eventually conquering the Carthaginians, but before very long became masters of the whole world. I shall, therefore, end this book at this point, having now recounted the events in Iberia and Italy, embraced by the 140th Olympiad. When I have arrived at the same period in my history of Greece during this Olympiad, I shall then fulfil my promise of devoting a book to a formal account of the Roman constitution itself; for I think that a description of it will not only be germane to the matter of my history, but will also be of great help to practical statesmen, as well as students, either in reforming or establishing other constitutions.
118. Βραβευθείσης δὲ τῆς μάχης τὸν προειρημένον τρόπον, ἀκόλουθον εἰλήφει τὰ ὅλα κρίσιν τοῖς ὑπʼ ἀμφοτέρων προσδοκωμένοις. Καρχηδόνιοι μὲν γὰρ διὰ τῆς πράξεως ταύτης παραχρῆμα τῆς μὲν λοιπῆς παραλίας σχεδὸν πάσης ἦσαν ἐγκρατεῖς· Ταραντῖνοί τε γὰρ εὐθέως ἐνεχείριζον αὑτούς, Ἀργυριππανοὶ δὲ καὶ Καπυανῶν τινες ἐκάλουν τὸν Ἀννίβαν, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ πάντες ἀπέβλεπον ἤδη τότε πρὸς Καρχηδονίους· μεγάλας δʼ εἶχον ἐλπίδας ἐξ ἐφόδου καὶ τῆς Ῥώμης αὐτῆς ἔσεσθαι κύριοι· Ῥωμαῖοί γε μὴν τὴν Ἰταλιωτῶν δυναστείαν παραχρῆμα διὰ τὴν ἧτταν ἀπεγνώκεισαν, ἐν μεγάλοις δὲ φόβοις καὶ κινδύνοις ἦσαν περί τε σφῶν αὐτῶν καὶ περὶ τοῦ τῆς πατρίδος ἐδάφους, ὅσον οὔπω προσδοκῶντες ἥξειν αὐτὸν τὸν Ἀννίβαν. καὶ γὰρ ὥσπερ ἐπιμετρούσης καὶ συνεπαγωνιζομένης τοῖς γεγονόσι τῆς τύχης, συνέβη μετʼ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας, τοῦ φόβου κατέχοντος τὴν πόλιν, καὶ τὸν εἰς τὴν Γαλατίαν στρατηγὸν ἀποσταλέντʼ εἰς ἐνέδραν ἐμπεσόντα παραδόξως ἄρδην ὑπὸ τῶν Κελτῶν διαφθαρῆναι μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως. οὐ μὴν ἥ γε σύγκλητος οὐδὲν ἀπέλειπε τῶν ἐνδεχομένων, ἀλλὰ παρεκάλει μὲν τοὺς πολλούς, ἠσφαλίζετο δὲ τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν, ἐβουλεύετο δὲ περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων ἀνδρωδῶς. τοῦτο δʼ ἐγένετο φανερὸν ἐκ τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα συμβάντων· ὁμολογουμένως γὰρ Ῥωμαίων ἡττηθέντων τότε καὶ παραχωρησάντων τῆς ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἀρετῆς, τῇ τοῦ πολιτεύματος ἰδιότητι καὶ τῷ βουλεύεσθαι καλῶς οὐ μόνον ἀνεκτήσαντο τὴν τῆς Ἰταλίας δυναστείαν, νικήσαντες μετὰ ταῦτα Καρχηδονίους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς οἰκουμένης ἁπάσης ἐγκρατεῖς ἐγένοντο μετʼ ὀλίγους χρόνους. διόπερ ἡμεῖς ταύτην μὲν τὴν βύβλον ἐπὶ τούτων τῶν ἔργων καταστρέψομεν, ἃ περιέλαβεν Ἰβηρικῶν καὶ τῶν Ἰταλικῶν ἡ τετταρακοστὴ πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατὸν ὀλυμπιάσι δηλώσαντες· ὅταν δὲ τὰς Ἑλληνικὰς πράξεις τὰς κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν ὀλυμπιάδα γενομένας διεξιόντες ἐπιστῶμεν τοῖς καιροῖς τούτοις, τότʼ ἤδη προθέμενοι ψιλῶς τὸν ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς τῆς Ῥωμαίων πολιτείας ποιησόμεθα λόγον, νομίζοντες οὐ μόνον πρὸς τὴν τῆς ἱστορίας σύνταξιν οἰκείαν εἶναι τὴν περὶ αὐτῆς ἐξήγησιν. ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὰς τῶν πολιτευμάτων διορθώσεις καὶ κατασκευὰς μεγάλα συμβάλλεσθαι τοῖς φιλομαθοῦσι καὶ πραγματικοῖς τῶν ἀνδρῶν.