98. This is the kind of mistake which above all others reflects discredit on the commanders. For what can be more culpable than to arrive at a town which they mean to carry, in an entirely unprovided state, without having taken the precaution of measuring walls, cliffs, and the like, by which they intend to effect their entrance? Or again, while satisfying themselves as to these measurements, to entrust the construction of ladders and all such machinery, which, though taking little time to make, have to stand the test of a very critical service, without consideration, and to incompetent persons,—is not this deserving of censure? For in such actions it is not a question of succeeding or failing without ill consequences; but failure is followed by positive damage in manifold respects: danger to the bravest of the men at the actual time, and still greater danger during their retreat, when they have once incurred the contempt of the enemy. The examples of such disasters are numerous; for you will find that of those who have failed in such attempts, many more have perished, or have been reduced to the last extremity of danger, than have come off scatheless. Moreover, no one can deny that they arouse distrust and hatred against themselves for the future, and give all men warning to be on their guard. For it is not only the persons attacked, but all who know what has happened, who are thereby bidden to look out for themselves and be on the watch. Wherefore it is never right for men in places of trust to conduct such enterprises inconsiderately. The method also of taking such measurements, and constructing machines of this kind, is easy and liable to no mistakes, if they are taken in hand scientifically. For the present, however, I must resume the thread of my narrative; but I shall take another fitting opportunity in the course of my work to speak of these matters, and will endeavour to show how mistakes may best be avoided in such undertakings.
98. ἐν ᾧ δὴ γένει μάλιστʼ ἄν τις ἐπιτιμήσειε τοῖς ἡγουμένοις. εἴτε γάρ τινες μηδεμίαν πρόνοιαν ποιησάμενοι μηδʼ ἐκμετρησάμενοι τείχη, κρημνούς, ἕτερα τῶν τοιούτων, διʼ ὧν ἐπιβάλλονται ποιεῖσθαι τὴν εἴσοδον, αὐτόθεν ἀσκέπτως παραγίνονται πόλιν καταληψόμενοι, τίς οὐκ ἂν τοῖς τοιούτοις ἐπιτιμήσειεν; εἴτʼ ἐκμετρησάμενοι τὸ καθʼ αὑτούς, κἄπειτα τὴν κατασκευὴν τῶν κλιμάκων καὶ καθόλου τῶν τοιούτων ὀργάνων, ἃ μικρὰν ἔχοντα τὴν ἀσχολίαν ἐν μεγάλῳ δίδωσι τὴν αὑτῶν πεῖραν, εἰκῇ καὶ τοῖς τυχοῦσιν ἀνθρώποις ἐγχειρίζουσι, πῶς οὐκ ἄξιον ἐγκαλεῖν; οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν ἐπὶ τῶν τοιούτων πράξεων ἢ ποιῆσαί τι τῶν δεόντων ἢ μηδὲν παθεῖν δεινόν, ἀλλʼ ἅμα ταῖς ἀποτυχίαις ἕπεται βλάβη κατὰ πολλοὺς τρόπους, κατʼ αὐτὸν μὲν τὸν τοῦ πράττειν καιρὸν κίνδυνος περὶ τοὺς ἀρίστους τῶν ἀνδρῶν, ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον κατὰ τὰς ἀπολύσεις, ὅταν ἅπαξ καταφρονηθῶσι. πολλὰ δὲ καὶ λίαν τῶν τοιούτων ἐστὶ παραδείγματα· πλείους γὰρ ἂν εὕροι τις τῶν ἀποτυγχανόντων ἐν ταῖς τοιαύταις ἐπιβολαῖς τοὺς μὲν ἀπολωλότας, τοὺς δʼ εἰς τὸν ἔσχατον παραγεγονότας κίνδυνον, τῶν ἀβλαβῶς ἀπολελυμένων. πρός γε μὴν τὸ μέλλον ὁμολογουμένως ἀπιστίας καὶ μῖσος ἐξεργάζονται καθʼ αὑτῶν, ἔτι δὲ φυλακὴν παραγγέλλουσι πᾶσιν· οὐ γὰρ μόνον τοῖς παθοῦσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς συνεῖσι τὸ γεγονὸς τρόπον τινὰ παράγγελμα δίδοται προσέχειν αὑτοῖς καὶ φυλάττεσθαι. διόπερ οὐδέποτε ταῖς τοιαύταις ἐπινοίαις εἰκῇ χρηστέον τοὺς ἐπὶ πραγμάτων ταττομένους. ὁ δὲ τρόπος τῆς ἐκμετρήσεως καὶ κατασκευῆς τῶν τοιούτων εὐχερὴς καὶ ἀδιάπτωτος, ἐὰν λαμβάνηται μεθοδικῶς. νῦν μὲν οὖν τὸ συνεχὲς τῆς διηγήσεως ἀποδοτέον· περὶ δὲ τοῦ τοιούτου γένους πάλιν μεταλαβόντες ἁρμόζοντα καιρὸν καὶ τόπον κατὰ τὴν πραγματείαν πειρασόμεθα συνυποδεικνύειν πῶς ἄν τις ἥκιστα περὶ τὰς τοιαύτας ἐπιβολὰς ἁμαρτάνοι.
99. Thus baffled in his attempt upon Meliteia, Philip encamped upon the bank of the Enipeus, and collected from Larisa and the other cities the siege train which he had caused to be constructed during the winter. For the chief object of his campaign was the capture of the city called Phthiotid Thebes. Now this city lies no long way from the sea, about thirty stades from Larisa, and is conveniently situated in regard both to Magnesia and Thessaly; but especially as commanding the district of Demetrias in Magnesia, and of Pharsalus and Pherae in Thessaly. From it, at that very time, much damage was being inflicted upon the Demetrians, Pharsalians, and Larisaeans; as the Aetolians were in occupation of it, and made continual predatory expeditions, often as far as to the plain of Amyrus. Philip did not regard the matter as at all of small importance, but was exceedingly bent on taking the town. Having therefore got together a hundred and fifty catapults, and twenty-five stone-throwing balistae, he sat down before Thebes. He distributed his forces between three points in the vicinity of the city; one was encamped near Scopium; a second near a place called Heliotropium; and the third on the hill overhanging the town. The spaces between these camps he fortified by a trench and double palisade, and further secured them by towers of wood, at intervals of a hundred feet, with an adequate guard. When these works were finished, he collected all his siege train together and began to move his engines towards the citadel.
99. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος διαψευσθεὶς τῆς πράξεως, καὶ καταστρατοπεδεύσας περὶ τὸν Ἐνιπέα ποταμόν, συνῆγε τὰς παρασκευὰς ἔκ τε τῆς Λαρίσης καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων, ἃς ἐπεποίητο κατὰ χειμῶνα πρὸς τὴν πολιορκίαν· ἡ γὰρ ὅλη πρόθεσις ἦν αὐτῷ τῆς στρατείας ἐξελεῖν τὰς Φθιώτιδας καλουμένας Θήβας. ἡ δὲ πόλις αὕτη κεῖται μὲν οὐ μακρὰν ἀπὸ τῆς θαλάττης, ἀπέχουσα Λαρίσης ὡς τριακοσίους σταδίους, ἐπίκειται δʼ εὐκαίρως τῇ τε Μαγνησίᾳ καὶ τῇ Θετταλίᾳ, καὶ μάλιστα τῆς μὲν Μαγνησίας τῇ τῶν Δημητριέων χώρᾳ, τῆς δὲ Θετταλίας τῇ τῶν Φαρσαλίων καὶ Φεραίων. ἐξ ἧς καὶ τότε, κατεχόντων αὐτὴν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν καὶ συνεχεῖς ποιουμένων τὰς ἐπιδρομάς, μεγάλα συνέβαινε βλάπτεσθαι τούς τε Δημητριεῖς καὶ τοὺς Φαρσαλίους, ἔτι δὲ Λαρισαίους· πολλάκις γὰρ ἐποιοῦντο τὰς καταδρομὰς ἕως ἐπὶ τὸ καλούμενον Ἀμυρικὸν πεδίον. διόπερ ὁ Φίλιππος οὐκ ἐν μικρῷ τιθέμενος μεγάλην ἐποιεῖτο σπουδὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ κατὰ κράτος ἐξελεῖν αὐτήν. συναχθέντων δὲ καταπελτῶν μὲν ἑκατὸν πεντήκοντα, πετροβολικῶν δʼ ὀργάνων πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι, προσῆλθε ταῖς Θήβαις, καὶ διελὼν τὸ στρατόπεδον εἰς τρία μέρη διέλαβε τοὺς πέριξ τόπους τῆς πόλεως, καὶ τῷ μὲν ἑνὶ περὶ τὸ Σκόπιον ἐστρατοπέδευσε, τῷ δʼ ἄλλῳ περὶ τὸ καλούμενον Ἡλιοτρόπιον, τὸ δὲ τρίτον εἶχε κατὰ τὸ τῆς πόλεως ὑπερκείμενον ὄρος, τὰ δὲ μεταξὺ τῶν στρατοπέδων τάφρῳ καὶ διπλῷ χάρακι διαλαβὼν ὠχυρώσατο, πρὸς δὲ καὶ πύργοις ξυλίνοις ἠσφαλίσατο, κατὰ πλέθρον στήσας αὐτοὺς μετὰ φυλακῆς τῆς ἀρκούσης. ἑξῆς δὲ τούτοις τὰς παρασκευὰς ἁθροίσας ὁμοῦ πάσας ἤρξατο προσάγειν τὰ μηχανήματα πρὸς τὴν ἄκραν.
100. For the first three days the king was unable to make any progress in bringing his machines against the town, owing to the gallant and even desperate defence which the garrison opposed to him. But when the continual skirmishing, and the volleys of missiles, had began to tell upon the defenders, and some of them were killed and others disabled by wounds; the defence becoming a little slacker, the Macedonians began sinking mines, and at last after nine days’ work reached the walls. They then carried on the work by relays, so as never to leave it off day or night: and thus in three days had undermined and underpinned two hundred feet of the wall. The props, however, proved too weak to support the weight, and gave way; so that the wall fell without the Macedonians having the trouble of setting fire to them. When they had worked energetically at clearing the debris, and had made every preparation for entering by the breach, and were just on the point of carrying it, the Thebans in a panic surrendered the town. The security which this achievement of Philip’s gave to Magnesia and Thessaly deprived the Aetolians of a rich field for plunder; and demonstrated to his army that he had been justified in putting Leontius to death, for his deliberate treachery in the previous siege of Palae. Having thus become master of Thebes he sold its existing inhabitants into slavery, and drafting in some Macedonian settlers changed its name to Philippopolis. Just as the king had finished the settlement of Thebes, ambassadors once more came from Chios, Rhodes, Byzantium, and King Ptolemy to negotiate terms of peace. He answered them in much the same terms as he had the former, that he was not averse to peace; and bade them go and find out what the feelings of the Aetolians were. Meanwhile he himself cared little about making peace, but continued steadily to prosecute his designs.
100. ἐπὶ μὲν οὖν ἡμέρας τρεῖς τὰς πρώτας οὐδὲν ἠδύνατο προβιβάζειν τῶν ἔργων διὰ τὸ γενναίως καὶ παραβόλως ἀμύνεσθαι τοὺς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως. ἐπειδὴ δὲ διὰ τὴν συνέχειαν τῶν ἀκροβολισμῶν καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν βελῶν οἱ προκινδυνεύοντες τῶν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως οἱ μὲν ἔπεσον, οἱ δὲ κατετραυματίσθησαν, τότε βραχείας ἐνδόσεως γενομένης ἤρξαντο τῶν ὀρυγμάτων οἱ Μακεδόνες. τῇ δὲ συνεχείᾳ, καίπερ ἀντιβαίνοντος τοῦ χωρίου, μόλις ἐναταῖοι πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος ἐξίκοντο. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ποιούμενοι τὴν ἐργασίαν ἐκ διαδοχῆς, ὥστε μήθʼ ἡμέρας μήτε νυκτὸς διαλείπειν, ἐν τρισὶν ἡμέραις δύο πλέθρα τοῦ τείχους ὑπώρυξαν καὶ διεστύλωσαν. τῶν δʼ ἐρεισμάτων οὐ δυναμένων ὑποφέρειν τὸ βάρος, ἀλλʼ ἐνδόντων, πεσεῖν συνέβη τὸ τεῖχος πρὸ τοῦ πῦρ ἐμβαλεῖν τοὺς Μακεδόνας. ἐνεργὸν δὲ ποιησαμένων τὴν ἀνακάθαρσιν τοῦ πτώματος, καὶ παρασκευασαμένων πρὸς τὴν εἴσοδον καὶ μελλόντων ἤδη βιάζεσθαι, καταπλαγέντες παρέδοσαν οἱ Θηβαῖοι τὴν πόλιν. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος διὰ τῆς πράξεως ταύτης ἀσφαλισάμενος τὰ κατὰ τὴν Μαγνησίαν καὶ Θετταλίαν ἀφείλετο τὰς μεγάλας ὠφελείας τῶν Αἰτωλῶν, ἀπεδείξατο δὲ καὶ ταῖς αὑτοῦ δυνάμεσιν ὅτι δικαίως ἐπανείλετο τοὺς περὶ τὸν Λεόντιον, ἐθελοκακήσαντας πρότερον ἐν τῇ περὶ τοὺς Παλαιεῖς πολιορκίᾳ. γενόμενος δὲ κύριος τῶν Θηβῶν τοὺς μὲν ὑπάρχοντας οἰκήτορας ἐξηνδραποδίσατο, Μακεδόνας δʼ εἰσοικίσας Φιλίππου τὴν πόλιν ἀντὶ Θηβῶν κατωνόμασεν. ἤδη δʼ αὐτοῦ συντετελεσμένου τὰ κατὰ τὰς Θήβας, πάλιν ἧκον ὑπὲρ τῶν διαλύσεων παρά τε Χίων καὶ Ῥοδίων καὶ Βυζαντίων πρέσβεις καὶ παρὰ Πτολεμαίου τοῦ βασιλέως· οἷς παραπλησίους ἀποκρίσεις δοὺς ταῖς πρότερον, καὶ φήσας οὐκ ἀλλότριος εἶναι διαλύσεως, ἔπεμψε κελεύσας αὐτοὺς πεῖραν λαμβάνειν καὶ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν. αὐτὸς δὲ τῆς μὲν διαλύσεως ὠλιγώρει, τοῦ δὲ πράττειν τι τῶν ἑξῆς ἀντείχετο.
101. Accordingly, when he heard that the galleys of Scerdilaidas were committing acts of piracy off Malea, and treating all merchants as open enemies, and had treacherously seized some of his own vessels which were at anchor at Leucas, he fitted out twelve decked ships, eight open vessels, and thirty light craft called hemioliae, and sailed through the Euripus in hot haste to come up with the Illyrians; exceedingly excited about his plans for carrying on the war against the Aetolians, as he knew nothing as yet of what had happened in Italy. For the defeat of the Romans by Hannibal in Etruria took place while Philip was besieging Thebes, but the report of that occurrence had not yet reached Greece. Philip arrived too late to capture the galleys: and therefore, dropping anchor at Cenchreae, he sent away his decked ships, with orders to sail round Malea in the direction of Aegium and Patrae; but having caused the rest of his vessels to be dragged across the Isthmus, he ordered them to anchor at Lechaeum; while he went in haste with his friends to Argos to attend the Nemean festival. Just as he was engaged in watching the gymnastic contest, a courier arrived from Macedonia with news of the Romans having been defeated in a great battle, and of Hannibal being in possession of the open country. Philip showed the letter to no one at the moment, except to Demetrius of Pharos, enjoining him not to say a word. The latter seized the occasion to advise Philip to throw over the war against the Aetolians as soon as possible; and to concentrate his efforts upon Illyria, and an expedition into Italy. “For Greece,” said he, “is already entirely obedient to you, and will remain so: the Achaeans from genuine affection; the Aetolians from the with terror which their disasters in the present war have inspired them. Italy, and your crossing into it, is the first step in the acquirement of universal empire, to which no one has a better claim than yourself. And now is the moment to act when the Romans have suffered a reverse.”
101. διόπερ ἀκούων τοὺς Σκερδιλαΐδου λέμβους περὶ Μαλέαν λῄζεσθαι καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς ἐμπόροις ὡς πολεμίοις χρῆσθαι, παρεσπονδηκέναι δὲ καὶ τῶν ἰδίων τινὰ πλοίων ἐν Λευκάδι συνορμήσαντα, καταρτίσας δώδεκα μὲν καταφράκτους ναῦς, ὀκτὼ δʼ ἀφράκτους, τριάκοντα δʼ ἡμιολίους, ἔπλει διʼ Εὐρίπου, σπεύδων μὲν καταλαβεῖν καὶ τοὺς Ἰλλυριούς, καθόλου δὲ μετέωρος ὢν ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς ἐπὶ τὸν κατὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν πόλεμον διὰ τὸ μηδέν πω συνεικέναι τῶν ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ γεγονότων. συνέβαινε δέ, καθʼ οὓς καιροὺς ἐπολιόρκει τὰς Θήβας Φίλιππος, ἡττῆσθαι Ῥωμαίους ὑπʼ Ἀννίβου τῇ περὶ Τυρρηνίαν μάχῃ, τὴν δὲ φήμην ὑπὲρ τῶν γεγονότων μηδέπω προσπεπτωκέναι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος, τῶν λέμβων ὑστερήσας καὶ καθορμισθεὶς πρὸς Κεγχρεαῖς τὰς μὲν καταφράκτους ναῦς ἐξαπέστειλε, συντάξας περὶ Μαλέαν ποιεῖσθαι τὸν πλοῦν ὡς ἐπʼ Αἰγίου καὶ Πατρῶν, τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ τῶν πλοίων ὑπερισθμίσας ἐν Λεχαίῳ παρήγγελλε πᾶσιν ὁρμεῖν. αὐτὸς δὲ κατὰ σπουδὴν ἧκε μετὰ φίλων ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν Νεμέων πανήγυριν εἰς Ἄργος. ἄρτι δʼ αὐτοῦ θεωμένου τὸν ἀγῶνα τὸν γυμνικόν, παρῆν ἐκ Μακεδονίας γραμματοφόρος διασαφῶν ὅτι λείπονται Ῥωμαῖοι μάχῃ μεγάλῃ καὶ κρατεῖ τῶν ὑπαίθρων Ἀννίβας. παραυτίκα μὲν οὖν Δημητρίῳ τῷ Φαρίῳ μόνῳ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἐπέδειξε, σιωπᾶν παρακελευσάμενος· ὃς καὶ λαβόμενος τῆς ἀφορμῆς ταύτης τὸν μὲν πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ᾤετο δεῖν τὴν ταχίστην ἀπορρῖψαι πόλεμον, ἀντέχεσθαι δὲ τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα πραγμάτων ἠξίου καὶ τῆς εἰς Ἰταλίαν διαβάσεως. τὰ μὲν γὰρ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα πάντα καὶ νῦν ἤδη ποιεῖν αὐτῷ τὸ προσταττόμενον ἔφη καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα ποιήσειν, Ἀχαιῶν μὲν ἐθελοντὴν εὐνοούντων, Αἰτωλῶν δὲ καταπεπληγμένων ἐκ τῶν συμβεβηκότων αὐτοῖς κατὰ τὸν ἐνεστῶτα πόλεμον· τὴν δʼ Ἰταλίαν ἔφη καὶ τὴν ἐκεῖ διάβασιν ἀρχὴν εἶναι τῆς ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων ἐπιβολῆς, ἣν οὐδενὶ καθήκειν μᾶλλον ἢ ʼκείνῳ τὸν δὲ καιρὸν εἶναι νῦν, ἐπταικότων Ῥωμαίων.
102. By using such arguments he found no difficulty in firing Philip’s ambition: as was natural, I think, considering that he was but a youthful monarch, who had as yet been successful in all his undertakings, and was in any case of a singularly daring character; and considering too that he was sprung from a family which above all families has somehow a tendency to aim at universal monarchy. At the moment then, as I said, Philip communicated the news conveyed by the letter to Demetrius alone; and afterwards summoning a council of his friends consulted them on the subject of making peace with the Aetolians. And when even Aratus professed no disinclination to the measure, on the ground that they would be making peace as conquerors, the king without waiting for the ambassadors, who were officially engaged in negotiating its terms, sent Cleonicus of Naupactus at once to Aetolia, whom he found still awaiting the meeting of the Achaean league after his captivity; while he himself, taking his ships and land force from Corinth, came with it to Aegium. Thence he advanced as far as Lasion and took the Tower in Perippia, and pretended, in order to avoid appearing too eager for the conclusion of the war, that he was meditating an invasion of Elis. By this time Cleonicus had been backwards and forwards two or three times; and as the Aetolians begged that he would meet them personally in conference, he assented; and abandoning all warlike measures, he sent couriers to the allied cities, bidding their commissioners to sit in the conference with him and take part in the discussion of the terms of peace: and then crossed over with his army and encamped near Panormus, which is a harbour of the Peloponnese, and lies exactly opposite Naupactus. There he waited for the commissioners from the allies, and employed the time required for their assembling in sailing to Zacynthus, and settling on his own authority the affairs of the island; and having done so he sailed back to Panormus.
102. τοιούτοις δὲ χρησάμενος λόγοις ταχέως παρώρμησε τὸν Φίλιππον, ὡς ἄν, οἶμαι, καὶ νέον βασιλέα καὶ κατὰ τὰς πράξεις ἐπιτυχῆ καὶ καθόλου τολμηρὸν εἶναι δοκοῦντα, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἐξ οἰκίας ὁρμώμενον τοιαύτης, ἣ μάλιστά πως ἀεὶ τῆς τῶν ὅλων ἐλπίδος ἐφίεται. πλὴν ὅ γε Φίλιππος, ὡς εἶπον, τότε μὲν αὐτῷ τῷ Δημητρίῳ τὰ προσπεπτωκότα διὰ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς ἐδήλωσε, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα συνῆγε τοὺς φίλους καὶ διαβούλιον ἀνεδίδου περὶ τῆς πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς διαλύσεως. ὄντων δὲ καὶ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον οὐκ ἀλλοτρίων διεξαγωγῆς τῷ δοκεῖν ὑπερδεξίους ὄντας τῷ πολέμῳ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν διάλυσιν, οὕτως ὁ βασιλεύς, οὐδὲ τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς ἔτι προσδεξάμενος τοὺς κοινῇ πράττοντας τὰ περὶ τὰς διαλύσεις, παραχρῆμα Κλεόνικον μὲν τὸν Ναυπάκτιον πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς διεπέμψατο — κατέλαβε γὰρ ἔτι τοῦτον ἐκ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας ἐπιμένοντα τὴν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν σύνοδον — αὐτὸς δὲ παραλαβὼν ἐκ Κορίνθου τὰς ναῦς καὶ τὴν πεζὴν δύναμιν ἧκεν ἔχων εἰς Αἴγιον. καὶ προελθὼν ἐπὶ Λασιῶνα καὶ τὸν ἐν τοῖς Περιππίοις πύργον παραλαβών, καὶ συνυποκριθεὶς ὡς ἐμβαλῶν εἰς τὴν Ἠλείαν, τοῦ μὴ δοκεῖν λίαν ἕτοιμος εἶναι πρὸς τὴν τοῦ πολέμου κατάλυσιν, μετὰ ταῦτα δὶς ἢ τρὶς ἀνακάμψαντος τοῦ Κλεονίκου, δεομένων τῶν Αἰτωλῶν εἰς λόγους σφίσι συνελθεῖν ἐπήκουσε, καὶ πάντʼ ἀφεὶς τὰ τοῦ πολέμου πρὸς μὲν τὰς συμμαχίδας πόλεις γραμματοφόρους ἐξαπέστειλε, παρακαλῶν πέμπειν τοὺς συνεδρεύσοντας καὶ μεθέξοντας τῆς ὑπὲρ τῶν διαλύσεων κοινολογίας, αὐτὸς δὲ διαβὰς μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ καταστρατοπεδεύσας περὶ Πάνορμον, ὃς ἔστι μὲν τῆς Πελοποννήσου λιμήν, κεῖται δὲ καταντικρὺ τῆς τῶν Ναυπακτίων πόλεως, ἀνέμενε τοὺς τῶν συμμάχων συνέδρους. κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον, καθʼ ὃν ἔδει συναθροίζεσθαι τοὺς προειρημένους, πλεύσας εἰς Ζάκυνθον διʼ αὑτοῦ κατεστήσατο τὰ κατὰ τὴν νῆσον, καὶ παρῆν αὖθις ἀναπλέων.
103. The commissioners having now assembled, Philip sent Aratus and Taurion, and some others who had come with them, to the Aetolians. They found them in full assembly at Naupactus; and after a short conference with them, and satisfying themselves as to their inclination for peace, they sailed back to Philip to inform him of the state of the case. But the Aetolians, being very eager to bring the war to a conclusion, sent ambassadors with them to Philip urging him to visit them with his army, that by a personal conference the business might be brought to a satisfactory conclusion. Moved by these representations, the king sailed across with his army to what is called the Hollows of Naupactus, about twenty stades from the town. Having pitched a camp there, and having caused both it and his ships to be surrounded by a palisade, he waited for the time fixed for the interview. The Aetolians came en masse without arms; and keeping at a distance of two stades from Philip’s camp, interchanged messages and discussions on the subjects in question. The negotiation was begun by the king sending all the commissioners of the allies, with instructions to offer the Aetolians peace, on the condition of both parties retaining what they then held. This preliminary the Aetolians readily agreed to; and then there began a continuous interchange of messages between the two, most of which I shall omit as containing no point of interest: but I shall record the speech made by Agelaus of Naupactus in the first conference before the king and the assembled allies. It was this.
103. ἤδη δὲ καὶ τῶν συνέδρων ἡθροισμένων, ἐξέπεμψε πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς Ἄρατον καὶ Ταυρίωνα καί τινας τῶν ἡκόντων ἅμα τούτοις. οἳ καὶ συμμίξαντες τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς πανδημεὶ συνηθροισμένοις ἐν Ναυπάκτῳ, βραχέα διαλεχθέντες καὶ θεωροῦντες αὐτῶν τὴν ὁρμὴν τὴν πρὸς τὰς διαλύσεις, ἔπλεον ἐξ ὑποστροφῆς πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον χάριν τοῦ διασαφῆσαι περὶ τούτων. οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοί, σπεύδοντες διαλύσασθαι τὸν πόλεμον, ἐξαπέστελλον ἅμα τούτοις πρέσβεις πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον, ἀξιοῦντες παραγενέσθαι μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως πρὸς σφᾶς, ἵνα τῆς κοινολογίας ἐκ χειρὸς γινομένης τύχῃ τὰ πράγματα τῆς ἁρμοζούσης διεξαγωγῆς. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς παρορμηθεὶς τοῖς παρακαλουμένοις διέπλευσε μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως πρὸς τὰ λεγόμενα Κοῖλα τῆς Ναυπακτίας, ἃ τῆς πόλεως εἴκοσι μάλιστα σταδίους ἀφέστηκε· στρατοπεδεύσας δὲ καὶ περιλαβὼν χάρακι τὰς νῆας καὶ τὴν παρεμβολήν, ἔμενε προσανέχων τὸν καιρὸν τῆς ἐντεύξεως. οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοὶ χωρὶς τῶν ὅπλων ἧκον πανδημεί, καὶ διασχόντες ὡς δύο στάδια τῆς Φιλίππου παρεμβολῆς διεπέμποντο καὶ διελέγοντο περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων. τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον ὁ βασιλεὺς πάντας ἐξέπεμπε τοὺς ἥκοντας παρὰ τῶν συμμάχων, κελεύσας ἐπὶ τούτοις προτείνειν τὴν εἰρήνην τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς, ὥστʼ ἔχειν ἀμφοτέρους ἃ νῦν ἔχουσι· δεξαμένων δὲ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἑτοίμως, τὸ λοιπὸν ἤδη περὶ τῶν κατὰ μέρος συνεχεῖς ἐγίνοντο διαποστολαὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ὧν τὰς μὲν πλείους παρήσομεν διὰ τὸ μηδὲν ἔχειν ἄξιον μνήμης, τῆς δʼ Ἀγελάου τοῦ Ναυπακτίου παραινέσεως ποιησόμεθα μνήμην, ᾗ κατὰ τὴν πρώτην ἔντευξιν ἐχρήσατο πρός τε τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τοὺς παρόντας συμμάχους.
104. “The best thing of all is that the Greeks should not go to war with each other at all, but give the gods hearty thanks if by all speaking with one voice, and joining hands like people crossing a stream, they may be able to repel the attacks of barbarians and save themselves and their cities. But if this is altogether impossible, in the present juncture at least we ought to be unanimous and on our guard, when we see the bloated armaments and the vast proportions assumed by the war in the west. For even now it is evident to any one who pays even a moderate attention to public affairs, that whether the Carthaginians conquer the Romans, or the Romans the Carthaginians, it is in every way improbable that the victors will remain contented with the empire of Sicily and Italy. They will move forward: and will extend their forces and their designs farther than we could wish. Wherefore, I beseech you all to be on your guard against the danger of the crisis, and above all you, O King. You will do this, if you abandon the policy of weakening the Greeks, and thus rendering them an easy prey to the invader; and consult on the contrary for their good as you would for your own person, and have a care for all parts of Greece alike, as part and parcel of your own domains. If you act in this spirit, the Greeks will be your warm friends and faithful coadjutors in all your undertakings; while foreigners will be less ready to form designs against you, seeing with dismay the firm loyalty of the Greeks. If you are eager for action, turn your eyes to the west, and let your thoughts dwell upon the wars in Italy. Wait with coolness the turn of events there, and seize the opportunity to strike for universal dominion. Nor is the present crisis unfavourable for such a hope. But I intreat of you to postpone your controversies and wars with the Greeks to a time of greater tranquillity; and make it your supreme aim to retain the power of making peace or war with them at your own will. For if once you allow the clouds now gathering in the west to settle upon Greece, I fear exceedingly that the power of making peace or war, and in a word all these games which we are now playing against each other, will be so completely knocked out of the hands of us all, that we shall be praying heaven to grant us only this power of making war or peace with each other at our own will and pleasure, and of settling our own disputes.”
104. ὃς ἔφη δεῖν μάλιστα μὲν μηδέποτε πολεμεῖν τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἀλλήλοις, ἀλλὰ μεγάλην χάριν ἔχειν τοῖς θεοῖς, εἰ λέγοντες ἓν καὶ ταὐτὸ πάντες καὶ συμπλέκοντες τὰς χεῖρας, καθάπερ οἱ τοὺς ποταμοὺς διαβαίνοντες, δύναιντο τὰς τῶν βαρβάρων ἐφόδους ἀποτριβόμενοι συσσῴζειν σφᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ τὰς πόλεις. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ εἰ τὸ παράπαν τοῦτο μὴ δυνατόν, κατά γε τὸ παρὸν ἠξίου συμφρονεῖν καὶ φυλάττεσθαι, προϊδομένους τὸ βάρος τῶν στρατοπέδων καὶ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ συνεστῶτος πρὸς ταῖς δύσεσι πολέμου· δῆλον γὰρ εἶναι παντὶ τῷ καὶ μετρίως περὶ τὰ κοινὰ σπουδάζοντι καὶ νῦν, ὡς ἐάν τε Καρχηδόνιοι Ῥωμαίων ἐάν τε Ῥωμαῖοι Καρχηδονίων περιγένωνται τῷ πολέμῳ, διότι κατʼ οὐδένα τρόπον εἰκός ἐστι τοὺς κρατήσαντας ἐπὶ ταῖς Ἰταλιωτῶν καὶ Σικελιωτῶν μεῖναι δυναστείαις, ἥξειν δὲ καὶ διατείνειν τὰς ἐπιβολὰς καὶ δυνάμεις αὑτῶν πέρα τοῦ δέοντος. διόπερ ἠξίου πάντας μὲν φυλάξασθαι τὸν καιρόν, μάλιστα δὲ Φίλιππον. εἶναι δὲ φυλακήν, ἐὰν ἀφέμενος τοῦ καταφθείρειν τοὺς Ἕλληνας καὶ ποιεῖν εὐχειρώτους τοῖς ἐπιβαλλομένοις κατὰ τοὐναντίον ὡς ὑπὲρ ἰδίου σώματος βουλεύηται, καὶ καθόλου πάντων. τῶν τῆς Ἑλλάδος μερῶν ὡς οἰκείων καὶ προσηκόντων αὑτῷ ποιῆται πρόνοιαν· τοῦτον γὰρ τὸν τρόπον χρωμένου τοῖς πράγμασι τοὺς μὲν Ἕλληνας εὔνους ὑπάρχειν αὐτῷ καὶ βεβαίους συναγωνιστὰς πρὸς τὰς ἐπιβολάς, τοὺς δʼ ἔξωθεν ἧττον ἐπιβουλεύσειν αὐτοῦ τῇ δυναστείᾳ, καταπεπληγμένους τὴν τῶν Ἑλλήνων πρὸς αὐτὸν πίστιν. εἰ δὲ πραγμάτων ὀρέγεται, πρὸς τὰς δύσεις βλέπειν αὐτὸν ἠξίου καὶ τοῖς ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ συνεστῶσι πολέμοις προσέχειν τὸν νοῦν, ἵνα γενόμενος ἔφεδρος ἔμφρων πειραθῇ σὺν καιρῷ τῆς τῶν ὅλων ἀντιποιήσασθαι δυναστείας. εἶναι δὲ τὸν ἐνεστῶτα καιρὸν οὐκ ἀλλότριον τῆς ἐλπίδος ταύτης. τὰς δὲ πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας διαφορὰς καὶ τοὺς πολέμους εἰς τὰς ἀναπαύσεις αὐτὸν ὑπερτίθεσθαι παρεκάλει, καὶ μάλιστα σπουδάζειν περὶ τούτου τοῦ μέρους, ἵνʼ ἔχῃ τὴν ἐξουσίαν, ὅταν βούληται, καὶ διαλύεσθαι καὶ πολεμεῖν πρὸς αὐτούς· ὡς ἐὰν ἅπαξ τὰ προφαινόμενα νῦν ἀπὸ τῆς ἑσπέρας νέφη προσδέξηται τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα τόποις ἐπιστῆναι, καὶ λίαν ἀγωνιᾶν ἔφη μὴ τὰς ἀνοχὰς καὶ τοὺς πολέμους καὶ καθόλου τὰς παιδιάς, ἃς νῦν παίζομεν πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ἐκκοπῆναι συμβῇ πάντων ἡμῶν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ὥστε κἂν εὔξασθαι τοῖς θεοῖς ὑπάρχειν ἡμῖν τὴν ἐξουσίαν ταύτην, καὶ πολεμεῖν ὅταν βουλώμεθα καὶ διαλύεσθαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους, καὶ καθόλου κυρίους εἶναι τῶν ἐν αὑτοῖς ἀμφισβητουμένων.
105. This speech of Agelaus greatly influenced the allies in favour of peace; and Philip more than any one: as the arguments employed chimed in with the wishes which the advice of Demetrius had already roused in him. Both parties therefore came to terms on the details of the treaty; and after ratifying it, separated to their several cities, taking peace with them instead of war. These events all fell in the third year of the 140th Olympiad. I mean the battle of the Romans in Etruria, that of Antiochus for Coele-Syria, and lastly the treaty between Philip and the Aetolians. This then was the first point of time, and the first instance of a deliberation, which may be said to have regarded the affairs of Greece, Italy, and Libya as a connected whole: for neither Philip nor the leading statesmen of the Greek cities made war or peace any longer with each other with a view to Greek affairs, but were already all fixing their eyes upon Italy. Nor was it long before the islanders and inhabitants of Asia were affected in the same way; for those who were displeased with Philip, or who had quarrels with Attalus, no longer turned to Antiochus or Ptolemy, to the south or the east, but from this time forth fixed their eyes on the west, some sending embassies to Carthage, others to Rome. The Romans similarly began sending legates to Greece, alarmed at the daring character of Philip, and afraid that he might join in the attack upon them in their present critical position. Having thus fulfilled my original promise of showing when, how, and why Greek politics became involved in those of Italy and Libya, I shall now bring my account of Greek affairs down to the date of the battle of Cannae, to which I have already brought the history of Italy, and will end this book at that point.
105. ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἀγέλαος τοιαῦτα διαλεχθεὶς πάντας μὲν παρώρμησε τοὺς συμμάχους πρὸς τὰς διαλύσεις, μάλιστα δὲ τὸν Φίλιππον, οἰκείοις χρησάμενος λόγοις πρὸς τὴν ὁρμὴν αὐτοῦ τὴν ἤδη προκατεσκευασμένην ὑπὸ τῶν τοῦ Δημητρίου παραινέσεων. διόπερ ἀνθομολογησάμενοι πρὸς σφᾶς ὑπὲρ τῶν κατὰ μέρος, καὶ κυρώσαντες τὰς διαλύσεις, ἐχωρίσθησαν, κατάγοντες εἰς τὰς οἰκείας ἕκαστοι πατρίδας εἰρήνην ἀντὶ πολέμου. ταῦτα δὲ πάντα συνέβη γενέσθαι κατὰ τὸν τρίτον ἐνιαυτὸν τῆς ἑκατοστῆς καὶ τετταρακοστῆς ὀλυμπιάδος, λέγω δὲ τὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων περὶ Τυρρηνίαν μάχην καὶ τὴν Ἀντιόχου περὶ Κοίλην Συρίαν, ἔτι δὲ τὰς Ἀχαιῶν καὶ Φιλίππου πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς διαλύσεις. τὰς μὲν οὖν Ἑλληνικὰς καὶ τὰς Ἰταλικάς, ἔτι δὲ τὰς Λιβυκὰς πράξεις, οὗτος ὁ καιρὸς καὶ τοῦτο τὸ διαβούλιον συνέπλεξε πρῶτον· οὐ γὰρ ἔτι Φίλιππος οὐδʼ οἱ τῶν Ἑλλήνων προεστῶτες ἄρχοντες πρὸς τὰς κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα πράξεις ποιούμενοι τὰς ἀναφορὰς οὔτε τοὺς πολέμους οὔτε τὰς διαλύσεις ἐποιοῦντο πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ἀλλʼ ἤδη πάντες πρὸς τοὺς ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ σκοποὺς ἀπέβλεπον. ταχέως δὲ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς νησιώτας καὶ τοὺς τὴν Ἀσίαν κατοικοῦντας τὸ παραπλήσιον συνέβη γενέσθαι· καὶ γὰρ οἱ Φιλίππῳ δυσαρεστούμενοι καί τινες τῶν Ἀττάλῳ διαφερομένων οὐκέτι πρὸς Ἀντίοχον καὶ Πτολεμαῖον οὐδὲ πρὸς μεσημβρίαν καὶ τὰς ἀνατολὰς ἔνευον, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ τὴν ἑσπέραν ἀπὸ τούτων τῶν καιρῶν ἔβλεπον, καὶ τινὲς μὲν πρὸς Καρχηδονίους, οἱ δὲ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἐπρέσβευον, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας, δεδιότες τὴν τοῦ Φιλίππου τόλμαν καὶ προορώμενοι μὴ συνεπίθηται τοῖς τότε περιεστῶσιν αὐτοὺς καιροῖς. ἡμεῖς δʼ ἐπειδὴ κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὑπόσχεσιν σαφῶς, οἶμαι, δεδείχαμεν πότε καὶ πῶς καὶ διʼ ἃς αἰτίας αἱ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα πράξεις συνεπλάκησαν ταῖς Ἰταλικαῖς καὶ Λιβυκαῖς, λοιπὸν κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς ποιησάμενοι τὴν διήγησιν ὑπὲρ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ἕως εἰς τοὺς καιρούς, ἐν οἷς Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν περὶ Κάνναν μάχην ἡττήθησαν, ἐφʼ ἣν τῶν Ἰταλικῶν πράξεων τὴν καταστροφὴν ἐποιησάμεθα, καὶ ταύτην τὴν βύβλον ἀφοριοῦμεν, ἐξισώσαντες τοῖς προειρημένοις καιροῖς.
106. Directly the Achaeans had put an end to the war, they elected Timoxenus Strategus for the next year and departed to take up once more their regular ways and habits. Along with the Achaeans the other Peloponnesian communities also set to work to repair the losses they had sustained; recommenced the cultivation of the land; and re-established their national sacrifices, games, and other religious observances peculiar to their several states. For these things had all but sunk into oblivion in most of the states through the persistent continuance of the late wars. It has ever somehow been the case that the Peloponnesians, who of all men are the most inclined to a peaceful and civilised way of life, have hitherto enjoyed it less than any other nation in the world; but have been rather as Euripides says “still worn with toil and war’s unrest.” But to me it seems clear that they bring this upon themselves in the natural course of events: for their universal desire of supremacy, and their obstinate love of freedom, involve them in perpetual wars with each other, all alike being resolutely set upon occupying the first place. The Athenians on the contrary had by this time freed themselves from fear of Macedonia, and considered that they had now permanently secured their independence. They accordingly adopted Eurycleidas and Micion as their representatives, and took no part whatever in the politics of the rest of Greece; but following the lead and instigation of these statesmen, they laid themselves out to flatter all the kings, and Ptolemy most of all; nor was there any kind of decree or proclamation too fulsome for their digestion: any consideration of dignity being little regarded, under the guidance of these vain and frivolous leaders.
106. Ἀχαιοὶ μὲν οὖν ὡς θᾶττον ἀπέθεντο τὸν πόλεμον, στρατηγὸν αὑτῶν ἑλόμενοι Τιμόξενον, ἀναχωρήσαντες εἰς τὰ σφέτερα νόμιμα καὶ τὰς διαγωγάς, ἅμʼ Ἀχαιοῖς δʼ [καὶ] αἱ λοιπαὶ πόλεις αἱ κατὰ Πελοπόννησον, ἀνεκτῶντο μὲν τοὺς ἰδίους βίους, ἐθεράπευον δὲ τὴν χώραν, ἀνενεοῦντο δὲ τὰς πατρίους θυσίας καὶ πανηγύρεις καὶ τἄλλα τὰ πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς παρʼ ἑκάστοις ὑπάρχοντα νόμιμα. σχεδὸν γὰρ ὡς ἂν εἰ λήθην συνέβαινε γεγονέναι παρὰ τοῖς πλείστοις περὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα διὰ τὴν συνέχειαν τῶν προγεγονότων πολέμων. οὐ γὰρ οἶδʼ ὅπως ἀεί ποτε Πελοποννήσιοι, τῶν ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων οἰκειότατα πρὸς τὸν ἥμερον καὶ τὸν ἀνθρώπινον βίον ἔχοντες, ἥκιστα πάντων ἀπολελαύκασιν αὐτοῦ κατά γε τοὺς ἀνώτερον χρόνους, μᾶλλον δέ πως κατὰ τὸν Εὐριπίδην ἦσαν ἀεὶ πρασίμοχθοί τινες καὶ οὔποτε ἥσυχοι δορί. τοῦτο δέ μοι δοκοῦσι πάσχειν εἰκότως· ἅπαντες γὰρ ἡγεμονικοὶ καὶ φιλελεύθεροι ταῖς φύσεσι μάχονται συνεχῶς πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ἀπαραχωρήτως διακείμενοι περὶ τῶν πρωτείων. Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ τῶν ἐκ Μακεδονίας φόβων ἀπελέλυντο καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἔχειν ἐδόκουν ἤδη βεβαίως, χρώμενοι δὲ προστάταις Εὐρυκλείδᾳ καὶ Μικίωνι τῶν μὲν ἄλλων Ἑλληνικῶν πράξεων οὐδʼ ὁποίας μετεῖχον, ἀκολουθοῦντες δὲ τῇ τῶν προεστώτων αἱρέσει καὶ ταῖς τούτων ὁρμαῖς εἰς πάντας τοὺς βασιλεῖς ἐξεκέχυντο, καὶ μάλιστα τούτων εἰς Πτολεμαῖον, καὶ πᾶν γένος ὑπέμενον ψηφισμάτων καὶ κηρυγμάτων, βραχύν τινα λόγον ποιούμενοι τοῦ καθήκοντος διὰ τὴν τῶν προ εστώτων ἀκρισίαν.
107. Ptolemy however immediately after these events became involved in a war with his Egyptian subjects. For in arming them for his campaign against Antiochus he had taken a step which, while it served his immediate purpose sufficiently well, proved eventually disastrous. Elated with their victory at Rhaphia they refused any longer to receive orders from the king; but looked out for a leader to represent them, on the ground that they were quite able to maintain their independence. And this they succeeded in doing before very long. Antiochus spent the winter in extensive preparations for war; and when the next summer came, he crossed Mount Taurus and after making a treaty of alliance with King Attalus entered upon the war against Achaeus. At the time the Aetolians were delighted at the settlement of peace with the Achaean league, because the war had not answered to their wishes; and they accordingly elected Agelaus of Naupactus as their Strategus, because he was believed to have contributed more largely than any one to the success of the negotiations. But this was scarcely arranged before they began to be discontented, and to find fault with Agelaus for having cut off all their opportunities of plundering abroad, and all their hopes of gain for the future, since the peace was not made with certain definite states, but with all Greeks. But this statesman patiently endured these unreasonable reproaches and succeeded in checking the popular impulse. The Aetolians therefore were forced to acquiesce in an inactivity quite alien to their nature.
107. Πτολεμαίῳ γε μὴν εὐθέως ἀπὸ τούτων τῶν καιρῶν συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι τὸν πρὸς τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους πόλεμον. ὁ γὰρ προειρημένος βασιλεὺς καθοπλίσας τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους ἐπὶ τὸν πρὸς Ἀντίοχον πόλεμον πρὸς μὲν τὸ παρὸν ἐνδεχομένως ἐβουλεύσατο, τοῦ δὲ μέλλοντος ἠστόχησε· φρονηματισθέντες γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ περὶ Ῥαφίαν προτερήματος, οὐκέτι τὸ προσταττόμενον οἷοί τʼ ἦσαν ὑπομένειν, ἀλλʼ ἐζήτουν ἡγεμόνα καὶ πρόσωπον, ὡς ἱκανοὶ βοηθεῖν ὄντες αὑτοῖς. ὃ καὶ τέλος ἐποίησαν οὐ μετὰ πολὺν χρόνον. Ἀντίοχος δὲ μεγάλῃ παρασκευῇ χρησάμενος ἐν τῷ χειμῶνι, μετὰ ταῦτα τῆς θερείας ἐπιγενομένης ὑπερέβαλε τὸν Ταῦρον, καὶ συνθέμενος πρὸς Ἄτταλον τὸν βασιλέα κοινοπραγίαν ἐνίστατο τὸν πρὸς Ἀχαιὸν πόλεμον. Αἰτωλοὶ δὲ παραυτὰ μὲν εὐδοκοῦντες τῇ γενομένῃ διαλύσει πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιούς, ὡς ἂν μὴ κατὰ γνώμην αὐτοῖς τοῦ πολέμου προκεχωρηκότος — διὸ καὶ στρατηγὸν Ἀγέλαον εἵλοντο τὸν Ναυπάκτιον, δοκοῦντα πλεῖστα συμβεβλῆσθαι πρὸς τὰς διαλύσεις — οὐδένα χρόνον διαλιπόντες δυσηρέστουν καὶ κατεμέμφοντο τὸν Ἀγέλαον ὡς ὑποτετμημένον πάσας αὐτῶν τὰς ἔξωθεν ὠφελείας καὶ τὰς εἰς τὸ μέλλον ἐλπίδας, διὰ τὸ μὴ πρὸς τινάς, πρὸς πάντας δὲ τοὺς Ἕλληνας πεποιῆσθαι τὴν εἰρήνην. ὁ δὲ προειρημένος ἀνὴρ ὑποφέρων τὴν προειρημένην τοιαύτην ἀλογίαν καὶ μέμψιν παρακατεῖχε τὰς ὁρμὰς αὐτῶν· διὸ καὶ καρτερεῖν οὗτοι μὲν ἠναγκάζοντο παρὰ φύσιν.
108. King Philip having returned, after the completion of the treaty of peace, to Macedonia by sea, found that Scerdilaidas on the same pretext of money owed to him, on which he had treacherously seized the vessels at Leucas, had now plundered a town in Pelagonia called Pissaeum; had won over by promises some cities of the Dassaretae, namely, Phibotides, Antipatria, Chrysondym, and Geston; and had overrun much of the district of Macedonia bordering on these places. He therefore at once started with his army in great haste to recover the revolted cities, and determined to proclaim open war with Scerdilaidas; for he thought it a matter of the most vital importance to bring Illyria into a state of good order, with a view to the success of all his projects, and above all of his passage into Italy. For Demetrius was so assiduous in keeping hot these hopes and projects in the king’s mind, that Philip even dreamed of them in his sleep, and thought of nothing else but this Italian expedition. The motive of Demetrius in so acting was not a consideration for Philip, for he certainly did not rank higher than third in the calculations of Demetrius. A stronger motive than that was his hatred of Rome: but the strongest of all was the consideration of his own prospects. For he had made up his mind that it was only in this way that he could ever recover his principality in Pharos. Be that as it may, Philip went on his expedition and recovered the cities I have named, and took besides Creonium and Gerus in Dassaretis; Enchelanae, Cerax, Sation, Boei, round the Lychnidian Lake; Bantia in the district of the Calicoeni; and Orgyssus in that of the Pisantini. After completing these operations he dismissed his troops to their winter quarters. This was the winter in which Hannibal, after plundering the fairest districts of Italy, intended to place his winter quarters near Gerunium in Daunia. And it was then that at Rome Caius Terentius and Lucius Aemilius entered upon their Consulship.
108. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς Φίλιππος, ἀνακομισθεὶς κατὰ θάλατταν ἀπὸ τῶν διαλύσεων εἰς Μακεδονίαν, καὶ καταλαβὼν τὸν Σκερδιλαΐδαν ἐπὶ τῇ προφάσει τῶν προσοφειλομένων χρημάτων, πρὸς ἃ καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν Λευκάδα πλοῖα παρεσπόνδησε, καὶ τότε τῆς μὲν Πελαγονίας πόλισμα διηρπακότα τὸ προσαγορευόμενον Πισσαῖον, τῆς δὲ Δασσαρήτιδος προσηγμένον πόλεις, τὰς μὲν φόβῳ, τὰς δʼ ἐπαγγελίαις, Ἀντιπάτρειαν, Χρυσονδύωνα, Γερτοῦντα, πολλὴν δὲ καὶ τῆς συνορούσης τούτοις Μακεδονίας ἐπιδεδραμηκότα, παραυτίκα μὲν ὥρμησε μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως, ὡς ἀνακτήσασθαι σπουδάζων τὰς ἀφεστηκυίας πόλεις, καθόλου δʼ ἔκρινε πολεμεῖν πρὸς τὸν Σκερδιλαΐδαν, νομίζων ἀναγκαιότατον εἶναι παρευτρεπίσασθαι τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα πρός τε τὰς ἄλλας ἐπιβολὰς καὶ μάλιστα πρὸς τὴν εἰς Ἰταλίαν διάβασιν. ὁ γὰρ Δημήτριος οὕτως ἐξέκαιε τὴν ἐλπίδα καὶ τὴν ἐπιβολὴν τῷ βασιλεῖ ταύτην συνεχῶς, ὥστε κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους τὸν Φίλιππον ταῦτʼ ὀνειρώττειν καὶ περὶ ταύτας εἶναι τὰς πράξεις. ἐποίει δὲ ταῦτα Δημήτριος οὐ Φιλίππου χάριν — τούτῳ μὲν γὰρ τρίτην ἴσως ἐν τούτοις ἔνεμε μερίδα — μᾶλλον δὲ τῆς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους δυσμενείας, τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον ἕνεκεν αὑτοῦ καὶ τῶν ἰδίων ἐλπίδων· μόνως γὰρ οὕτως ἐπέπειστο τὴν ἐν τῷ Φάρῳ δυναστείαν κατακτήσασθαι πάλιν. πλὴν ὅ γε Φίλιππος στρατεύσας ἀνεκτήσατο μὲν τὰς προειρημένας πόλεις, κατελάβετο δὲ τῆς μὲν Δασσαρήτιδος Κρεώνιον καὶ Γεροῦντα, τῶν δὲ περὶ τὴν Λυχνιδίαν λίμνην Ἐγχελᾶνας, Κέρακα, Σατίωνα, Βοιούς, τῆς δὲ Καλοικίνων χώρας Βαντίαν, ἔτι δὲ τῶν καλουμένων Πισαντίνων Ὀργησσόν. ἐπιτελεσάμενος δὲ ταῦτα διαφῆκε τὰς δυνάμεις εἰς παραχειμασίαν. ἦν δʼ ὁ χειμὼν οὗτος, καθʼ ὃν Ἀννίβας, πεπορθηκὼς τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους τόπους τῆς Ἰταλίας ἔμελλε περὶ τὸ Γερούνιον τῆς Δαυνίας ποιεῖσθαι τὴν παραχειμασίαν. Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ τότε κατέστησαν στρατηγοὺς αὑτῶν Γάιον Τερέντιον καὶ Λεύκιον Αἰμίλιον.
109. In the course of the winter, Philip, taking into consideration that he would want ships to carry out his designs, and men for rowing, not for fighting,—for he could never have even entertained a hope of fighting the Romans at sea,—but rather for the transport of soldiers, and to enable him to cross with greater speed to any point to which he might desire to go, and so surprise the enemy by a sudden appearance, and thinking that the Illyrian build was the best for the sort of ships he wanted, determined to have a hundred galleys built; which hardly any Macedonian king had ever done before. Having had these fitted out, he collected his forces at the beginning of the summer; and, after a brief training of the Macedonians in rowing them, put to sea. It was just at the time that just at the time that Antiochus crossed Mount Taurus when Philip, after sailing through the Euripus and rounding Cape Malea, came to Cephallenia and Leucas, where he dropped anchor, and awaited anxiously the movements of the Roman fleet. Being informed that it was at anchor off Lilybaeum, he mustered up courage to put to sea, and steered for Apollonia.
109. Φίλιππος δὲ κατὰ τὴν παραχειμασίαν ἀναλογιζόμενος ὅτι πρὸς τὰς ἐπιβολὰς αὐτοῦ χρεία πλοίων ἐστὶ καὶ τῆς κατὰ θάλατταν ὑπηρεσίας, καὶ ταύτης οὐχ ὡς πρὸς ναυμαχίαν — τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ οὐδʼ ἂν ἤλπισε δυνατὸς εἶναι, Ῥωμαίοις διαναυμαχεῖν — ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ἕως τοῦ παρακομίζειν στρατιώτας καὶ θᾶττον διαίρειν οὗ πρόθοιτο καὶ παραδόξως ἐπιφαίνεσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις· διόπερ ὑπολαβὼν ἀρίστην εἶναι πρὸς ταῦτα τὴν τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν ναυπηγίαν ἑκατὸν ἐπεβάλετο λέμβους κατασκευάζειν, σχεδὸν πρῶτος τῶν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ βασιλέων. καταρτίσας δὲ τούτους συνῆγε τὰς δυνάμεις ἀρχομένης θερείας, καὶ βραχέα προσασκήσας τοὺς Μακεδόνας ἐν ταῖς εἰρεσίαις ἀνήχθη. κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν Ἀντίοχος μὲν ὑπερέβαλε τὸν Ταῦρον, Φίλιππος δὲ ποιησάμενος τὸν πλοῦν διʼ Εὐρίπου καὶ [τοῦ] περὶ Μαλέαν ἧκε πρὸς τοὺς περὶ Κεφαλληνίαν καὶ Λευκάδα τόπους, ἐν οἷς καθορμισθεὶς ἐκαραδόκει πολυπραγμονῶν τὸν τῶν Ῥωμαίων στόλον. πυνθανόμενος δὲ περὶ τὸ Λιλύβαιον αὐτοὺς ὁρμεῖν, θαρρήσας ἀνήχθη, καὶ προῆγε ποιούμενος τὸν πλοῦν ὡς ἐπʼ Ἀπολλωνίας.
110. As he neared the mouth of the Aous, which flows past Apollonia, a panic fell upon his fleet such as happens to land forces. Certain galleys on the rear of the fleet being anchored at an island called Sason, which lies at the entrance to the Ionian Sea, came by night to Philip with a report that some men who had lately come from the Sicilian Strait had been anchored with them at Sason, who reported that they left some Roman quinqueremes at Rhegium, which were bound for Apollonia to support Scerdilaidas. Thinking this fleet must be all but upon him, Philip, in great alarm, promptly ordered his ships to weigh anchor and sail back the way they came. They started and got out to sea in great disorder, and reached Cephallenia, after sailing two nights and days without intermission. Having now partially recovered his courage, Philip remained there, covering his flight under the pretext of having returned for some operations in the Peloponnese. It turned out that it was a false alarm altogether. The truth was that Scerdilaidas, hearing in the course of the winter that Philip was having a number of galleys built, and expecting him to come to attack him by sea, had sent messages to Rome stating the facts and imploring help; and the Romans had detached a squadron of ten ships from the fleet at Lilybaeum, which were what had been seen at Rhegium. But if Philip had not fled from them in such inconsiderate alarm, he would have had the best opportunity possible of attaining his objects in Illyria; because the thoughts and resources of Rome were absorbed in the war with Hannibal and the battle of Cannae, and it may fairly be presumed that he would have captured the ten Roman ships. As it was, he was utterly upset by the news and returned to Macedonia, without loss indeed, but with considerable dishonour.
110. ἤδη δὲ συνεγγίζοντος αὐτοῦ τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀῷον ποταμὸν τόποις, ὃς ῥεῖ παρὰ τὴν τῶν Ἀπολλωνιατῶν πόλιν, ἐμπίπτει πανικὸν παραπλήσιον τοῖς γινομένοις ἐπὶ τῶν πεζικῶν στρατοπέδων. τῶν γὰρ ἐπὶ τῆς οὐραγίας πλεόντων τινὲς λέμβοι, καθορμισθέντες εἰς τὴν νῆσον, ἣ καλεῖται μὲν Σάσων, κεῖται δὲ κατὰ τὴν εἰσβολὴν τὴν εἰς τὸν Ἰόνιον πόρον, ἧκον ὑπὸ νύκτα πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον, φάσκοντες συνωρμηκέναι τινὰς αὐτοῖς πλέοντας ἀπὸ πορθμοῦ, τούτους δʼ ἀπαγγέλλειν, ὅτι καταλείποιεν ἐν Ῥηγίῳ πεντήρεις Ῥωμαϊκὰς πλεούσας ἐπʼ Ἀπολλωνίας καὶ πρὸς Σκερδιλαΐδαν. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος, ὑπολαβὼν ὅσον οὔπω τὸν στόλον ἐπʼ αὐτὸν παρεῖναι, περίφοβος γενόμενος καὶ ταχέως ἀνασπάσας τὰς ἀγκύρας αὖτις εἰς τοὐπίσω παρήγγειλε πλεῖν. οὐδενὶ δὲ κόσμῳ ποιησάμενος τὴν ἀναζυγὴν καὶ τὸν ἀνάπλουν δευτεραῖος εἰς Κεφαλληνίαν κατῆρε, συνεχῶς ἡμέραν καὶ νύκτα τὸν πλοῦν ποιούμενος. βραχὺ δέ τι θαρρήσας ἐνταῦθα κατέμεινε, ποιῶν ἔμφασιν ὡς ἐπί τινας τῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ πράξεων ἐπεστροφώς. συνέβη δὲ ψευδῶς γενέσθαι τὸν ὅλον φόβον περὶ αὐτόν. ὁ γὰρ Σκερδιλαΐδας, ἀκούων κατὰ χειμῶνα λέμβους ναυπηγεῖσθαι τὸν Φίλιππον πλείους, καὶ προσδοκῶν αὐτοῦ τὴν κατὰ θάλατταν παρουσίαν, διεπέμπετο πρὸς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους διασαφῶν ταῦτα καὶ παρακαλῶν βοηθεῖν, οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι δεκαναΐαν ἀπὸ τοῦ περὶ τὸ Λιλύβαιον ἐξαπέστειλαν στόλου, ταύτην τὴν περὶ τὸ Ῥήγιον ὀφθεῖσαν· ἣν Φίλιππος εἰ μὴ πτοηθεὶς ἀλόγως ἔφυγε, τῶν περὶ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα πράξεων μάλιστʼ ἂν τότε καθίκετο διὰ τὸ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους πάσαις ταῖς ἐπινοίαις καὶ παρασκευαῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀννίβαν καὶ τὴν περὶ Κάνναν μάχην γίνεσθαι, τῶν τε πλοίων ἐκ τοῦ κατὰ λόγον ἐγκρατὴς ἂν ἐγεγόνει. νῦν δὲ διαταραχθεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς προσαγγελίας ἀβλαβῆ μέν, οὐκ εὐσχήμονα δʼ ἐποιήσατο τὴν ἀναχώρησιν εἰς Μακεδονίαν.
111. During this period Prusias also did a thing which deserves to be recorded. The Gauls, whom King Attalus had brought over from Europe to assist him against Achaeus on account of their reputation for courage, had separated from that monarch on account of the jealous suspicions of which I have before spoken, and were plundering the cities on the Hellespont with gross licentiousness and violence, and finally went so far as actually to besiege Ilium. In these circumstances the inhabitants of the Alexandria in the Troad acted with commendable spirit. They sent Themistes with four thousand men and forced the Gauls to raise the siege of Ilium, and drove them entirely out of the Troad, by cutting off their supplies and frustrating all their designs. Thereupon the Gauls seized Arisba, in the territory of Abydos, and thenceforth devoted themselves to forming designs and committing acts of hostility against the cities built in that district. Against them Prusias led out an army; and in a pitched battle put the men to the sword on the field, and slew nearly all their women and children in the camp, leaving the baggage to be plundered by his soldiers. This achievement of Prusias delivered the cities on the Hellespont from great fear and danger, and was a signal warning for future generations against barbarians from Europe being over-ready to cross into Asia. Such was the state of affairs in Greece and Asia. Meanwhile the greater part of Italy had joined the Carthaginians after the battle of Cannae, as I have shown before. I will interrupt my narrative at this point, after having detailed the events in Asia and Greece, embraced by the 140th Olympiad. In my next book after a brief recapitulation of this narrative, I shall fulfil the promise made at the beginning of my work by recurring to the discussion of the Roman constitution.
111. ἐπράχθη δέ τι κατὰ τούτους τοὺς χρόνους καὶ Προυσίᾳ μνήμης ἄξιον. τῶν γὰρ Γαλατῶν, οὓς διεβίβασεν ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώπης ὁ βασιλεὺς Ἄτταλος εἰς τὸν πρὸς Ἀχαιὸν πόλεμον διὰ τὴν ἐπʼ ἀνδρείᾳ δόξαν, τούτων χωρισθέντων τοῦ προειρημένου βασιλέως διὰ τὰς ἄρτι ῥηθείσας ὑποψίας καὶ πορθούντων μετὰ πολλῆς ἀσελγείας καὶ βίας τὰς ἐφʼ Ἑλλησπόντῳ πόλεις, τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον καὶ πολιορκεῖν τοὺς Ἰλιεῖς ἐπιβαλομένων, ἐγένετο μέν τις οὐκ ἀγεννὴς περὶ ταῦτα πρᾶξις καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν τὴν Τρῳάδα κατοικούντων Ἀλεξάνδρειαν· Θεμίστην γὰρ ἐξαποστείλαντες μετʼ ἀνδρῶν τετρακισχιλίων ἔλυσαν μὲν τὴν Ἰλιέων πολιορκίαν, ἐξέβαλον δʼ ἐκ πάσης τῆς Τρῳάδος τοὺς Γαλάτας, ἐμποδίζοντες ταῖς χορηγίαις καὶ διαλυμαινόμενοι τὰς ἐπιβολὰς αὐτῶν. οἱ δὲ Γαλάται κατασχόντες τὴν Ἀρίσβαν καλουμένην ἐν τῇ τῶν Ἀβυδηνῶν χώρᾳ, λοιπὸν ἐπεβούλευον καὶ προσεπολέμουν ταῖς περὶ τούτους τοὺς τόπους ἐκτισμέναις πόλεσιν. ἐφʼ οὓς στρατεύσας μετὰ δυνάμεως Προυσίας καὶ παραταξάμενος τοὺς μὲν ἄνδρας κατʼ αὐτὸν τὸν κίνδυνον ἐν χερῶν νόμῳ διέφθειρε, τὰ δὲ τέκνα σχεδὸν ἅπαντα καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας αὐτῶν ἐν τῇ παρεμβολῇ κατέσφαξε, τὴν δʼ ἀποσκευὴν ἐφῆκε διαρπάσαι τοῖς ἠγωνισμένοις. πράξας δὲ ταῦτα μεγάλου μὲν ἀπέλυσε φόβου καὶ κινδύνου τὰς ἐφʼ Ἑλλησπόντου πόλεις, καλὸν δὲ παράδειγμα τοῖς ἐπιγινομένοις ἀπέλιπε τοῦ μὴ ῥᾳδίαν ποιεῖσθαι τοὺς ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώπης βαρβάρους τὴν εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν διάβασιν. τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐν τούτοις ἦν. τὰ δὲ κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν τῆς περὶ Κάνναν μάχης ἐπιτελεσθείσης τὰ πλεῖστα μετετίθετο πρὸς τοὺς Καρχηδονίους, καθάπερ ἐν τοῖς πρὸ τούτων ἡμῖν δεδήλωται. ἡμεῖς δὲ νῦν μὲν ἐπὶ τούτων τῶν καιρῶν τῆς διηγήσεως λήξομεν, ἐπεὶ διεληλύθαμεν ἃς περιέσχε τῶν τε κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν καὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν πράξεων ἡ τετταρακοστὴ τῶν ὀλυμπιάδων πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατόν· ἐν δὲ τῇ μετὰ ταῦτα βύβλῳ, βραχέα προσαναμνήσαντες τῆς [ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ βύβλῳ] προκατασκευῆς, ἐπὶ τὸν περὶ τῆς Ῥωμαίων πολιτείας λόγον ἐπάνιμεν κατὰ τὴν ἐν ἀρχαῖς ὑπόσχεσιν.