47. In what the difference between them consists I have already stated. I will now address myself to showing that the Cretan constitution deserves neither praise nor imitation. To my mind, then, there are two things fundamental to every state, in virtue of which its powers and constitution become desirable or objectionable. These are customs and laws. Of these the desirable are those which make men’s private lives holy and pure, and the public character of the state civilised and just. The objectionable are those whose effect is the reverse. As, then, when we see good customs and good laws prevailing among certain people, we confidently assume that, in consequence of them, the men and their civil constitution will be good also, so when we see private life full of covetousness, and public policy of injustice, plainly we have reason for asserting their laws, particular customs, and general constitution to be bad. Now, with few exceptions, you could find no habits prevailing in private life more steeped in treachery than those in Crete, and no public policy more inequitable. Holding, then, the Cretan constitution to be neither like the Spartan, nor worthy of choice or imitation, I reject it from the comparison which I have instituted. Nor again would it be fair to introduce the Republic of Plato, which is also spoken of in high terms by some philosophers. For just as we refuse admission to the athletic contests to those actors or athletes who have not acquired a recognised position or trained for them, so we ought not to admit this Platonic constitution to the contest for the prize of merit unless it can first point to some genuine and practical achievement. Up to this time the notion of bringing it into comparison with the constitutions of Sparta, Rome, and Carthage would be like putting up a statue to compare with living and breathing men. Even if such a statue were faultless in point of art, the comparison of the lifeless with the living would naturally leave an impression of imperfection and incongruity upon the minds of the spectators.
47. ἐγὼ γὰρ οἶμαι δύʼ ἀρχὰς εἶναι πάσης πολιτείας, διʼ ὧν αἱρετὰς ἢ φευκτὰς συμβαίνει γίνεσθαι τάς τε δυνάμεις αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς συστάσεις· αὗται δʼ εἰσὶν ἔθη καὶ νόμοι· ὧν τὰ μὲν αἱρετὰ τούς τε κατʼ ἰδίαν βίους τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὁσίους ἀποτελεῖ καὶ σώφρονας τό τε κοινὸν ἦθος τῆς πόλεως ἥμερον ἀπεργάζεται καὶ δίκαιον, τὰ δὲ φευκτὰ τοὐναντίον. ὥσπερ οὖν, ὅταν τοὺς ἐθισμοὺς καὶ νόμους κατίδωμεν παρά τισι σπουδαίους ὑπάρχοντας, θαρροῦντες ἀποφαινόμεθα καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐκ τούτων ἔσεσθαι καὶ τὴν τούτων πολιτείαν σπουδαίαν, οὕτως, ὅταν τούς τε κατʼ ἰδίαν βίους τινῶν πλεονεκτικοὺς τάς τε κοινὰς πράξεις ἀδίκους θεωρήσωμεν, δῆλον ὡς εἰκὸς λέγειν καὶ τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὰ κατὰ μέρος ἤθη καὶ τὴν ὅλην πολιτείαν αὐτῶν εἶναι φαύλην. καὶ μὴν οὔτε κατʼ ἰδίαν ἤθη δολιώτερα Κρηταιέων εὕροι τις ἂν πλὴν τελείως ὀλίγων οὔτε κατὰ κοινὸν ἐπιβολὰς ἀδικωτέρας. διόπερ οὔθʼ ὁμοίαν αὐτὴν ἡγούμενοι τῇ Λακεδαιμονίων οὔτε μὴν ἄλλως αἱρετὴν οὔτε ζηλωτὴν ἀποδοκιμάζομεν ἐκ τῆς προειρημένης συγκρίσεως. καὶ μὴν οὐδὲ τὴν Πλάτωνος πολιτείαν δίκαιον παρεισαγαγεῖν, ἐπειδὴ καὶ ταύτην τινὲς τῶν φιλοσόφων ἐξυμνοῦσιν. ὥσπερ γὰρ οὐδὲ τῶν τεχνιτῶν ἢ τῶν ἀθλητῶν τούς γε μὴ νενεμημένους ἢ σεσωμασκηκότας παρίεμεν εἰς τοὺς ἀθλητικοὺς ἀγῶνας, οὕτως οὐδὲ ταύτην χρὴ παρεισαγαγεῖν εἰς τὴν τῶν πρωτείων ἅμιλλαν, ἐὰν μὴ πρότερον ἐπιδείξηταί τι τῶν ἑαυτῆς ἔργων ἀληθινῶς. μέχρι δὲ τοῦ νῦν παραπλήσιος ἂν ὁ περὶ αὐτῆς φανείη λόγος, ἀγομένης εἰς σύγκρισιν πρὸς τὴν Σπαρτιατῶν καὶ Ῥωμαίων καὶ Καρχηδονίων πολιτείαν, ὡς ἂν εἰ τῶν ἀγαλμάτων τις ἓν προθέμενος τοῦτο συγκρίνοι τοῖς ζῶσι καὶ πεπνυμένοις ἀνδράσι. καὶ γὰρ ἂν ὅλως ἐπαινετὸν ὑπάρχῃ κατὰ τὴν τέχνην, τήν γε σύγκρισιν τῶν ἀψύχων τοῖς ἐμψύχοις ἐνδεῆ καὶ τελείως ἀπεμφαίνουσαν εἰκὸς προσπίπτειν τοῖς θεωμένοις.
48. I shall therefore omit these, and proceed with my description of the Laconian constitution. Now it seems to me that for securing unity among the citizens, for safe-guarding the Laconian territory, and preserving the liberty of Sparta inviolate, the legislation and provisions of Lycurgus were so excellent, that I am forced to regard his wisdom as something superhuman. For the equality of landed possessions, the simplicity in their food, and the practice of taking it in common, which he established, were well calculated to secure morality in private life and to prevent civil broils in the State; as also their training in the endurance of labours and dangers to make men brave and noble minded: but when both these virtues, courage and high morality, are combined in one soul or in one state, vice will not readily spring from such a soil, nor will such men easily be overcome by their enemies. By constructing his constitution therefore in this spirit, and of these elements, he secured two blessings to the Spartans,—safety for their territory, and a lasting freedom for themselves long after he was gone. He appears however to have made no one provision whatever, particular or general, for the acquisition of the territory of their neighbours; or for the assertion of their supremacy; or, in a word, for any policy of aggrandisement at all. What he had still to do was to impose such a necessity, or create such a spirit among the citizens, that, as he had succeeded in making their individual lives independent and simple, the public character of the state should also become independent and moral. But the actual fact is, that, though he made them the most disinterested and sober-minded men in the world, as far as their own ways of life and their national institutions were concerned, he left them in regard to the rest of Greece ambitious, eager for supremacy, and encroaching in the highest degree.
48. διόπερ ἀφέμενοι τούτων ἐπὶ τὴν Λακωνικὴν ἐπάνιμεν πολιτείαν. δοκεῖ δή μοι Λυκοῦργος πρὸς μὲν τὸ σφίσιν ὁμονοεῖν τοὺς πολίτας καὶ πρὸς τὸ τὴν Λακωνικὴν τηρεῖν ἀσφαλῶς, ἔτι δὲ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν διαφυλάττειν τῇ Σπάρτῃ βεβαίως, οὕτως νενομοθετηκέναι καὶ προνενοῆσθαι καλῶς ὥστε θειοτέραν τὴν ἐπίνοιαν ἢ κατʼ ἄνθρωπον αὐτοῦ νομίζειν. ἡ μὲν γὰρ περὶ τὰς κτήσεις ἰσότης καὶ περὶ τὴν δίαιταν ἀφέλεια καὶ κοινότης σώφρονας μὲν ἔμελλε τοὺς κατʼ ἰδίαν βίους παρασκευάζειν, ἀστασίαστον δὲ τὴν κοινὴν παρέξεσθαι πολιτείαν, ἡ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς πόνους καὶ πρὸς τὰ δεινὰ τῶν ἔργων ἄσκησις ἀλκίμους καὶ γενναίους ἀποτελέσειν ἄνδρας. ἑκατέρων δὲ τούτων ὁμοῦ συνδραμόντων εἰς μίαν ψυχὴν ἢ πόλιν, ἀνδρείας καὶ σωφροσύνης, οὐτʼ ἐξ αὐτῶν φῦναι κακίαν εὐμαρὲς οὔθʼ ὑπὸ τῶν πέλας χειρωθῆναι ῥᾴδιον. διόπερ οὕτως καὶ διὰ τούτων συστησάμενος τὴν πολιτείαν, βεβαίαν μὲν τῇ συμπάσῃ Λακωνικῇ παρεσκεύασε τὴν ἀσφάλειαν, πολυχρόνιον δὲ τοῖς Σπαρτιάταις αὐτοῖς ἀπέλιπε τὴν ἐλευθερίαν. πρὸς μέντοι γε τὴν τῶν πέλας κατάκτησιν καὶ πρὸς ἡγεμονίαν καὶ καθόλου πρὸς πραγμάτων ἀμφισβήτησιν οὔτʼ ἐν τοῖς κατὰ μέρος οὔτʼ ἐν τοῖς ὅλοις δοκεῖ μοι προνοηθῆναι καθάπαξ οὐδέν. λοιπὸν ἦν τοιαύτην τινὰ παρεισαγαγεῖν [δεῖ] τοῖς πολίταις ἀνάγκην ἢ πρόθεσιν, διʼ ἧς ὥσπερ καὶ περὶ τοὺς κατʼ ἰδίαν βίους αὐτάρκεις αὐτοὺς παρεσκεύασε καὶ λιτούς, οὕτως καὶ τὸ κοινὸν ἔθος τῆς πόλεως αὔταρκες ἔμελλε γίνεσθαι καὶ σῶφρον. νῦν δʼ ἀφιλοτιμοτάτους καὶ νουνεχεστάτους ποιήσας περί τε τοὺς ἰδίους βίου, καὶ τὰ τῆς σφετέρας πόλεως νόμιμα, πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους Ἕλληνας φιλοτιμοτάτους καὶ φιλαρχοτάτους καὶ πλεονεκτικωτάτους ἀπέλιπε.
49. For in the first place is it not notorious that they were nearly the first Greeks to cast a covetous eye upon the territory of their neighbours, and that accordingly they waged a war of subjugation on the Messenians? In the next place is it not related in all histories that in their dogged obstinacy they bound themselves with an oath never to desist from the siege of Messene until they had taken it? And lastly it is known to all that in their efforts for supremacy in Greece they submitted to do the bidding of those whom they had once conquered in war. For when the Persians invaded Greece, they conquered them, as champions of the liberty of the Greeks; yet when the invaders had retired and fled, they betrayed the cities of Greece into their hands by the peace of Antalcidas, for the sake of getting money to secure their supremacy over the Greeks. It was then that the defect in their constitution was rendered apparent. For as long as their ambition was confined to governing their immediate neighbours, or even the Peloponnesians only, they were content with the resources and supplies provided by Laconia itself, having all material of war ready to hand, and being able without much expenditure of time to return home or convey provisions with them. But directly they took in hand to despatch naval expeditions, or to go on campaigns by land outside the Peloponnese, it was evident that neither their iron currency, nor their use of crops for payment in kind, would be able to supply them with what they lacked if they abided by the legislation of Lycurgus; for such undertakings required money universally current, and goods from foreign countries. Thus they were compelled to wait humbly at Persian doors, impose tribute on the islanders, and exact contributions from all the Greeks: knowing that, if they abided by the laws of Lycurgus, it was impossible to advance any claims upon any outside power at all, much less upon the supremacy in Greece.
49. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ τίς οὐκ οἶδε διότι πρῶτοι σχεδὸν τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐπιθυμήσαντες τῆς τῶν ἀστυγειτόνων χώρας διὰ πλεονεξίαν ἐπʼ ἐξανδραποδισμῷ Μεσσηνίοις πόλεμον ἐξήνεγκαν; τοῦτο δὲ τίς οὐχ ἱστόρηκεν ὡς διὰ φιλονεικίαν ἐνόρκους σφᾶς ἐποίησαν μὴ πρόσθεν λύσειν τὴν πολιορκίαν πρὶν ἢ κατὰ κράτος ἑλεῖν τὴν Μεσσήνην; καὶ μὴν τοῦτο γνώριμον ὑπάρχει πᾶσιν, ὡς διὰ τὴν ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησι φιλαρχίαν, οὓς ἐνίκησαν μαχόμενοι, τούτοις αὖτις ὑπέμειναν ποιεῖν τὸ προσταττόμενον. ἐπιπορευομένους μὲν γὰρ τοὺς Πέρσας ἐνίκων διαγωνιζόμενοι περὶ τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίας· ἐπανελθοῦσι δὲ καὶ φυγοῦσι προύδωκαν ἐκδότους τὰς Ἑλληνίδας πόλεις κατὰ τὴν ἐπʼ Ἀνταλκίδου γενομένην εἰρήνην χάριν τοῦ χρημάτων εὐπορῆσαι πρὸς τὴν κατὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων δυναστείαν, ὅτε δὴ καὶ τὸ τῆς νομοθεσίας ἐλλιπὲς συνώφθη παρʼ αὐτοῖς. ἕως μὲν γὰρ τῆς τῶν ἀστυγειτόνων, ἔτι δὲ τῆς Πελοποννησίων αὐτῶν ἀρχῆς ἐφίεντο, συνεξεποιοῦντο ταῖς ἐκ τῆς Λακωνικῆς αὐτῆς ἐπαρκείαις καὶ χορηγίαις, προχείρους μὲν ἔχοντες τὰς τῶν ἐπιτηδείων παρασκευάς, ταχείας δὲ ποιούμενοι τὰς εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐπανόδους καὶ παρακομιδάς. ἐπεὶ δὲ στόλους μὲν ἐπεβάλλοντο κατὰ θάλατταν ἐκπέμπειν, στρατεύειν δὲ πεζικοῖς στρατοπέδοις ἔξω Πελοποννήσου, δῆλον ὡς οὔτε τὸ νόμισμα τὸ σιδηροῦν οὔθʼ ἡ τῶν ἐπετείων καρπῶν ἀλλαγὴ πρὸς τὰ λείποντα τῆς χρείας ἔμελλεν αὐτοῖς ἐξαρκεῖν κατὰ τὴν Λυκούργου νομοθεσίαν· προσεδεῖτο γὰρ τὰ πράγματα κοινοῦ νομίσματος καὶ ξενικῆς παρασκευῆς. ὅθεν ἠναγκάσθησαν ἐπὶ θύρας μὲν πορεύεσθαι τὰς Περσῶν, φόρους δὲ τοῖς νησιώταις ἐπιτάττειν, ἀργυρολογεῖν δὲ πάντας τοὺς Ἕλληνας, γνόντες ὡς οὐχ οἷόν τε κατὰ τὴν Λυκούργου νομοθεσίαν οὐχ ὅτι τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἡγεμονίας, ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ πραγμάτων ἀντιποιεῖσθαι τὸ παράπαν.
50. My object, then, in this digression is to make it manifest by actual facts that, for guarding their own country with absolute safety, and for preserving their own freedom, the legislation of Lycurgus was entirely sufficient; and for those who are content with these objects we must concede that there neither exists, nor ever has existed, a constitution and civil order preferable to that of Sparta. But if any one is seeking aggrandisement, and believes that to be a leader and ruler and despot of numerous subjects, and to have all looking and turning to him, is a finer thing than that,—in this point of view we must acknowledge that the Spartan constitution is deficient, and that of Rome superior and better constituted for obtaining power. And this has been proved by actual facts. For when the Lacedaemonians strove to possess themselves of the supremacy in Greece, it was not long before they brought their own freedom itself into danger. Whereas the Romans, after obtaining supreme power over the Italians themselves, soon brought the whole world under their rule,—in which achievement the abundance and availability of their supplies largely contributed to their success.
50. τίνος οὖν χάριν εἰς ταῦτα παρεξέβην; ἵνα γένηται διʼ αὐτῶν τῶν πραγμάτων συμφανὲς ὅτι πρὸς μὲν τὸ τὰ σφέτερα βεβαίως διαφυλάττειν καὶ πρὸς τὸ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν τηρεῖν αὐτάρκης ἐστὶν ἡ Λυκούργου νομοθεσία, καὶ τοῖς γε τοῦτο τὸ τέλος ἀποδεχομένοις τῆς πολιτείας συγχωρητέον ὡς οὔτʼ ἔστιν οὔτε γέγονεν οὐδὲν αἱρετώτερον τοῦ Λακωνικοῦ καταστήματος καὶ συντάγματος. εἰ δέ τις μειζόνων ἐφίεται, κἀκείνου κάλλιον καὶ σεμνότερον εἶναι νομίζει τὸ πολλῶν μὲν ἡγεῖσθαι, πολλῶν δʼ ἐπικρατεῖν καὶ δεσπόζειν, πάντας δʼ εἰς αὐτὸν ἀποβλέπειν καὶ νεύειν πρὸς αὐτόν, τῇδέ πῃ συγχωρητέον τὸ μὲν Λακωνικὸν ἐνδεὲς εἶναι πολίτευμα, τὸ δὲ Ῥωμαίων διαφέρειν καὶ δυναμικωτέραν ἔχειν τὴν σύστασιν. δῆλον δὲ τοῦτʼ ἐξ αὐτῶν γέγονε τῶν πραγμάτων. Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν γὰρ ὁρμήσαντες ἐπὶ τὸ κατακτᾶσθαι τὴν τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἡγεμονίαν, ταχέως ἐκινδύνευσαν καὶ περὶ τῆς σφετέρας ἐλευθερίας· Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ τῆς Ἰταλιωτῶν αὐτῶν ἐπιλαβόμενοι δυναστείας, ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ πᾶσαν ὑφʼ ἑαυτοὺς ἐποιήσαντο τὴν οἰκουμένην, οὐ μικρὰ πρὸς τὸ καθικέσθαι τῆς πράξεως ταύτης συμβαλλομένης αὐτοῖς τῆς εὐπορίας καὶ τῆς ἑτοιμότητος τῆς κατὰ τὰς χορηγίας.
51. Now the Carthaginian constitution seems to me originally to have been well contrived in these most distinctively important particulars. For they had kings, and the Gerusia had the powers of an aristocracy, and the multitude were supreme in such things as affected them; and on the whole the adjustment of its several parts was very like that of Rome and Sparta. But about the period of its entering on the Hannibalian war the political state of Carthage was on the decline, that of Rome improving. For whereas there is in every body, or polity, or business a natural stage of growth, zenith, and decay; and whereas everything in them is at its best at the zenith; we may thereby judge of the difference between these two constitutions as they existed at that period. For exactly so far as the strength and prosperity of Carthage preceded that of Rome in point of time, by so much was Carthage then past its prime, while Rome was exactly at its zenith, as far as its political constitution was concerned. In Carthage therefore the influence of the people in the policy of the state had already risen to be supreme, while at Rome the Senate was at the height of its power: and so, as in the one measures were deliberated upon by the many, in the other by the best men, the policy of the Romans in all public undertakings proved the stronger; on which account, though they met with capital disasters, by force of prudent counsels they finally conquered the Carthaginians in the war.
51. τὸ δὲ Καρχηδονίων πολίτευμα τὸ μὲν ἀνέκαθέν μοι δοκεῖ καλῶς κατά γε τὰς ὁλοσχερεῖς διαφορὰς συνεστάσθαι. καὶ γὰρ βασιλεῖς ἦσαν παρʼ αὐτοῖς, καὶ τὸ γερόντιον εἶχε τὴν ἀριστοκρατικὴν ἐξουσίαν, καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἦν κύριον τῶν καθηκόντων αὐτῷ· καθόλου δὲ τὴν τῶν ὅλων ἁρμογὴν εἶχε παραπλησίαν τῇ Ῥωμαίων καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων. κατά γε μὴν τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους, καθʼ οὓς εἰς τὸν Ἀννιβιακὸν ἐνέβαινε πόλεμον, χεῖρον ἦν τὸ Καρχηδονίων, ἄμεινον δὲ τὸ Ῥωμαίων. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ παντὸς καὶ σώματος καὶ πολιτείας καὶ πράξεώς ἐστί τις αὔξησις κατὰ φύσιν, μετὰ δὲ ταύτην ἀκμή, κἄπειτα φθίσις, κράτιστα δʼ αὑτῶν ἐστι πάντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἀκμήν, παρὰ τοῦτο καὶ τότε διέφερεν ἀλλήλων τὰ πολιτεύματα. καθʼ ὅσον γὰρ ἡ Καρχηδονίων πρότερον ἴσχυε καὶ πρότερον εὐτύχει τῆς Ῥωμαίων, κατὰ τοσοῦτον ἡ μὲν Καρχηδὼν ἤδη τότε παρήκμαζεν, ἡ δὲ Ῥώμη μάλιστα τότʼ εἶχε τὴν ἀκμὴν κατά γε τὴν τῆς πολιτείας σύστασιν. διὸ καὶ τὴν πλείστην δύναμιν ἐν τοῖς διαβουλίοις παρὰ μὲν Καρχηδονίοις ὁ δῆμος ἤδη μετειλήφει, παρὰ δὲ Ῥωμαίοις ἀκμὴν εἶχεν ἡ σύγκλητος. ὅθεν παρʼ οἷς μὲν τῶν πολλῶν βουλευομένων, παρʼ οἷς δὲ τῶν ἀρίστων, κατίσχυε τὰ Ῥωμαίων διαβούλια περὶ τὰς κοινὰς πράξεις. ᾗ καὶ πταίσαντες τοῖς ὅλοις τῷ βουλεύεσθαι καλῶς τέλος ἐπεκράτησαν τῷ πολέμῳ τῶν Καρχηδονίων.
52. If we look however at separate details, for instance at the provisions for carrying on a war, we shall find that whereas for a naval expedition the Carthaginians are the better trained and prepared,—as it is only natural with a people with whom it has been hereditary for many generations to practise this craft, and to follow the seaman’s trade above all nations in the world,—yet, in regard to military service on land, the Romans train themselves to a much higher pitch than the Carthaginians. The former bestow their whole attention upon this department: whereas the Carthaginians wholly neglect their infantry, though they do take some slight interest in the cavalry. The reason of this is that they employ foreign mercenaries, the Romans native and citizen levies. It is in this point that the latter polity is preferable to the former. They have their hopes of freedom ever resting on the courage of mercenary troops: the Romans on the valour of their own citizens and the aid of their allies. The result is that even if the Romans have suffered a defeat at first, they renew the war with undiminished forces, which the Carthaginians cannot do. For, as the Romans are fighting for country and children, it is impossible for them to relax the fury of their struggle; but they persist with obstinate resolution until they have overcome their enemies. What has happened in regard to their navy is an instance in point. In skill the Romans are much behind the Carthaginians, as I have already said; yet the upshot of the whole naval war has been a decided triumph for the Romans, owing to the valour of their men. For although nautical science contributes largely to success in sea-fights, still it is the courage of the marines that turns the scale most decisively in favour of victory. The fact is that Italians as a nation are by nature superior to Phoenicians and Libyans both in physical strength and courage; but still their habits also do much to inspire the youth with enthusiasm for such exploits. One example will be sufficient of the pains taken by the Roman state to turn out men ready to endure anything to win a reputation in their country for valour.
52. τά γε μὴν κατὰ μέρος, οἷον εὐθέως τὰ πρὸς τὰς πολεμικὰς χρείας, τὸ μὲν πρὸς τὰς κατὰ θάλατταν, ὅπερ εἰκός, ἄμεινον ἀσκοῦσι καὶ παρασκευάζονται Καρχηδόνιοι διὰ τὸ καὶ πάτριον αὐτοῖς ὑπάρχειν ἐκ παλαιοῦ τὴν ἐμπειρίαν ταύτην καὶ θαλαττουργεῖν μάλιστα πάντων ἀνθρώπων, τὸ δὲ περὶ τὰς πεζικὰς χρείας πολὺ δή τι Ῥωμαῖοι πρὸς τὸ βέλτιον ἀσκοῦσι Καρχηδονίων. οἱ μὲν γὰρ τὴν ὅλην περὶ τοῦτο ποιοῦνται σπουδήν, Καρχηδόνιοι δὲ τῶν μὲν πεζικῶν εἰς τέλος ὀλιγωροῦσι, τῶν δʼ ἱππικῶν βραχεῖάν τινα ποιοῦνται πρόνοιαν. αἴτιον δὲ τούτων ἐστὶν ὅτι ξενικαῖς καὶ μισθοφόροις χρῶνται δυνάμεσι, Ῥωμαῖοι δʼ ἐγχωρίοις καὶ πολιτικαῖς. ᾗ καὶ περὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ταύτην τὴν πολιτείαν ἀποδεκτέον ἐκείνης μᾶλλον· ἡ μὲν γὰρ ἐν ταῖς τῶν μισθοφόρων εὐψυχίαις ἔχει τὰς ἐλπίδας ἀεὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας, ἡ δὲ Ῥωμαίων ἐν ταῖς σφετέραις ἀρεταῖς καὶ ταῖς τῶν συμμάχων ἐπαρκείαις. διὸ κἄν ποτε πταίσωσι κατὰ τὰς ἀρχάς, Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν ἀναμάχονται τοῖς ὅλοις, Καρχηδόνιοι δὲ τοὐναντίον. ἐκεῖνοι γὰρ ὑπὲρ πατρίδος ἀγωνιζόμενοι καὶ τέκνων οὐδέποτε δύνανται λῆξαι τῆς ὀργῆς, ἀλλὰ μένουσι ψυχομαχοῦντες, ἕως ἂν περιγένωνται τῶν ἐχθρῶν. διὸ καὶ περὶ τὰς ναυτικὰς δυνάμεις πολύ τι λειπόμενοι Ῥωμαῖοι κατὰ τὴν ἐμπειρίαν, ὡς προεῖπον ἐπάνω, τοῖς ὅλοις ἐπικρατοῦσι διὰ τὰς τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀρετάς· καίπερ γὰρ οὐ μικρὰ συμβαλλομένης εἰς τοὺς κατὰ θάλατταν κινδύνους τῆς ναυτικῆς χρείας, ὅμως ἡ τῶν ἐπιβατῶν εὐψυχία πλείστην παρέχεται ῥοπὴν εἰς τὸ νικᾶν. διαφέρουσι μὲν οὖν καὶ φύσει πάντες Ἰταλιῶται Φοινίκων καὶ Λιβύων τῇ τε σωματικῇ ῥώμῃ καὶ ταῖς ψυχικαῖς τόλμαις· μεγάλην δὲ καὶ διὰ τῶν ἐθισμῶν πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ποιοῦνται τῶν νέων παρόρμησιν. ἓν δὲ ῥηθὲν ἱκανὸν ἔσται σημεῖον τῆς τοῦ πολιτεύματος σπουδῆς, ἣν ποιεῖται περὶ τὸ τοιούτους ἀποτελεῖν ἄνδρας ὥστε πᾶν ὑπομένειν χάριν τοῦ τυχεῖν ἐν τῇ πατρίδι τῆς ἐπʼ ἀρετῇ φήμης.
53. Whenever one of their illustrious men dies, in the course of his funeral, the body with all its paraphernalia is carried into the forum to the Rostra, as a raised platform there is called, and sometimes is propped upright upon it so as to be conspicuous, or, more rarely, is laid upon it. Then with all the people standing round, his son, if he has left one of full age and he is there, or, failing him, one of his relations, mounts the Rostra and delivers a speech concerning the virtues of the deceased, and the successful exploits performed by him in his lifetime. By these means the people are reminded of what has been done, and made to see it with their own eyes,—not only such as were engaged in the actual transactions but those also who were not;— and their sympathies are so deeply moved, that the loss appears not to be confined to the actual mourners, but to be a public one affecting the whole people. After the burial and all the usual ceremonies have been performed, they place the likeness of the deceased in the most conspicuous spot in his house, surmounted by a wooden canopy or shrine. This likeness consists of a mask made to represent the deceased with extraordinary fidelity both in shape and colour. These likenesses they display at public sacrifices adorned with much care. And when any illustrious member of the family dies, they carry these masks to the funeral, putting them on men whom they thought as like the originals as possible in height and other personal peculiarities. And these substitutes assume clothes according to the rank of the person represented: if he was a consul or praetor, a toga with purple stripes; if a censor, whole purple if he had also celebrated a triumph or performed any exploit of that kind, a toga embroidered with gold. These representatives also ride themselves in chariots, while the fasces and axes, and all the other customary insignia of the particular offices, lead the way, according to the dignity of the rank in the state enjoyed by the deceased in his lifetime; and on arriving at the Rostra they all take their seats on ivory chairs in their order. There could not easily be a more inspiring spectacle than this for a young man of noble ambitions and virtuous aspirations. For can we conceive any one to be unmoved at the sight of all the likenesses collected together of the men who have earned glory, all as it were living and breathing? Or what could be a more glorious spectacle?
53. ὅταν γὰρ μεταλλάξῃ τις παρʼ αὐτοῖς τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἀνδρῶν, συντελουμένης τῆς ἐκφορᾶς κομίζεται μετὰ τοῦ λοιποῦ κόσμου πρὸς τοὺς καλουμένους ἐμβόλους εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ποτὲ μὲν ἑστὼς ἐναργής, σπανίως δὲ κατακεκλιμένος. πέριξ δὲ παντὸς τοῦ δήμου στάντος, ἀναβὰς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐμβόλους, ἂν μὲν υἱὸς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ καταλείπηται καὶ τύχῃ παρών, οὗτος, εἰ δὲ μή, τῶν ἄλλων εἴ τις ἀπὸ γένους ὑπάρχει, λέγει περὶ τοῦ τετελευτηκότος τὰς ἀρετὰς καὶ τὰς ἐπιτετευγμένας ἐν τῷ ζῆν πράξεις. διʼ ὧν συμβαίνει τοὺς πολλοὺς ἀναμιμνησκομένους καὶ λαμβάνοντας ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν τὰ γεγονότα, μὴ μόνον τοὺς κεκοινωνηκότας τῶν ἔργων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἐκτός, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον γίνεσθαι συμπαθεῖς ὥστε μὴ τῶν κηδευόντων ἴδιον, ἀλλὰ κοινὸν τοῦ δήμου φαίνεσθαι τὸ σύμπτωμα. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα θάψαντες καὶ ποιήσαντες τὰ νομιζόμενα τιθέασι τὴν εἰκόνα τοῦ μεταλλάξαντος εἰς τὸν ἐπιφανέστατον τόπον τῆς οἰκίας, ξύλινα ναΐδια περιτιθέντες. ἡ δʼ εἰκών ἐστι πρόσωπον εἰς ὁμοιότητα διαφερόντως ἐξειργασμένον καὶ κατὰ τὴν πλάσιν καὶ κατὰ τὴν ὑπογραφήν. ταύτας δὴ τὰς εἰκόνας ἔν τε ταῖς δημοτελέσι θυσίαις ἀνοίγοντες κοσμοῦσι φιλοτίμως, ἐπάν τε τῶν οἰκείων μεταλλάξῃ τις ἐπιφανής, ἄγουσιν εἰς τὴν ἐκφοράν, περιτιθέντες ὡς ὁμοιοτάτοις εἶναι δοκοῦσι κατά τε τὸ μέγεθος καὶ τὴν ἄλλην περικοπήν. οὗτοι δὲ προσαναλαμβάνουσιν ἐσθῆτας, ἐὰν μὲν ὕπατος ἢ στρατηγὸς ᾖ γεγονώς, περιπορφύρους, ἐὰν δὲ τιμητής, πορφυρᾶς, ἐὰν δὲ καὶ τεθριαμβευκὼς ἤ τι τοιοῦτον κατειργασμένος, διαχρύσους. αὐτοὶ μὲν οὖν ἐφʼ ἁρμάτων οὗτοι πορεύονται, ῥάβδοι δὲ καὶ πελέκεις καὶ τἄλλα τὰ ταῖς ἀρχαῖς εἰωθότα συμπαρακεῖσθαι προηγεῖται κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν ἑκάστῳ τῆς γεγενημένης κατὰ τὸν βίον ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ προαγωγῆς ὅταν δʼ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐμβόλους ἔλθωσι, καθέζονται πάντες ἑξῆς ἐπὶ δίφρων ἐλεφαντίνων. οὗ κάλλιον οὐκ εὐμαρὲς ἰδεῖν θέαμα νέῳ φιλοδόξῳ καὶ φιλαγάθῳ· τὸ γὰρ τὰς τῶν ἐπʼ ἀρετῇ δεδοξασμένων ἀνδρῶν εἰκόνας ἰδεῖν ὁμοῦ πάσας οἷον εἰ ζώσας καὶ πεπνυμένας τίνʼ οὐκ ἂν παραστήσαι; τί δʼ ἂν κάλλιον θέαμα τούτου φανείη;
54. Besides the speaker over the body about to be buried, after having finished the panegyric of this particular person, starts upon the others whose representatives are present, beginning with the most ancient, and recounts the successes and achievements of each. By this means the glorious memory of brave men is continually renewed; the fame of those who have performed any noble deed is never allowed to die; and the renown of those who have done good service to their country becomes a matter of common knowledge to the multitude, and part of the heritage of posterity. But the chief benefit of the ceremony is that it inspires young men to shrink from no exertion for the general welfare, in the hope of obtaining the glory which awaits the brave. And what I say is confirmed by this fact. Many Romans have volunteered to decide a whole battle by single combat; not a few have deliberately accepted certain death, some in time of war to secure the safety of the rest, some in time of peace to preserve the safety of the commonwealth. There have also been instances of men in office putting their own sons to death, in defiance of every custom and law, because they rated the interests of their country higher than those of natural ties even with their nearest and dearest. There are many stories of this kind, related of many men in Roman history; but one will be enough for our present purpose; and I will give the name as an instance to prove the truth of my words.
54. πλὴν ὅ γε λέγων ὑπὲρ τοῦ θάπτεσθαι μέλλοντος, ἐπὰν διέλθῃ τὸν περὶ τούτου λόγον, ἄρχεται τῶν ἄλλων ἀπὸ τοῦ προγενεστάτου τῶν παρόντων, καὶ λέγει τὰς ἐπιτυχίας ἑκάστου καὶ τὰς πράξεις. ἐξ ὧν καινοποιουμένης ἀεὶ τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν τῆς ἐπʼ ἀρετῇ φήμης ἀθανατίζεται μὲν ἡ τῶν καλόν τι διαπραξαμένων εὔκλεια, γνώριμος δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς καὶ παραδόσιμος τοῖς ἐπιγινομένοις ἡ τῶν εὐεργετησάντων τὴν πατρίδα γίνεται δόξα. τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, οἱ νέοι παρορμῶνται πρὸς τὸ πᾶν ὑπομένειν ὑπὲρ τῶν κοινῶν πραγμάτων χάριν τοῦ τυχεῖν τῆς συνακολουθούσης τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς τῶν ἀνδρῶν εὐκλείας. πίστιν δʼ ἔχει τὸ λεγόμενον ἐκ τούτων. πολλοὶ μὲν γὰρ ἐμονομάχησαν ἑκουσίως Ῥωμαίων ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν ὅλων κρίσεως, οὐκ ὀλίγοι δὲ προδήλους εἵλοντο θανάτους, τινὲς μὲν ἐν πολέμῳ τῆς τῶν ἄλλων ἕνεκεν σωτηρίας, τινὲς δʼ ἐν εἰρήνῃ χάριν τῆς τῶν κοινῶν πραγμάτων ἀσφαλείας. καὶ μὴν ἀρχὰς ἔχοντες ἔνιοι τοὺς ἰδίους υἱοὺς παρὰ πᾶν ἔθος ἢ νόμον ἀπέκτειναν, περὶ πλείονος ποιούμενοι τὸ τῆς πατρίδος συμφέρον τῆς κατὰ φύσιν οἰκειότητος πρὸς τοὺς ἀναγκαιοτάτους. πολλὰ μὲν οὖν τοιαῦτα καὶ περὶ πολλῶν ἱστορεῖται παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἓν δʼ ἀρκοῦν ἔσται πρὸς τὸ παρὸν ἐπʼ ὀνόματος ῥηθὲν ὑποδείγματος καὶ πίστεως ἕνεκεν.
55. The story goes that Horatius Cocles, while fighting with two enemies at the head of the bridge over the Tiber, which is the entrance to the city on the north, seeing a large body of men advancing to support his enemies, and fearing that they would force their way into the city, turned round, and shouted to those behind him to hasten back to the other side and break down the bridge. They obeyed him: and whilst they were breaking the bridge, he remained at his post receiving numerous wounds, and checked the progress of the enemy: his opponents being panic stricken, not so much by his strength as by the audacity with which he held his ground. When the bridge had been broken down, the attack of the enemy was stopped; and Cocles then threw himself into the river with his armour on and deliberately sacrificed his life, because he valued the safety of his country and his own future reputation more highly than his present life, and the years of existence that remained to him. Such is the enthusiasm and emulation for noble deeds that are engendered among the Romans by their customs.
55. Κόκλην γὰρ λέγεται τὸν Ὡράτιον ἐπικληθέντα, διαγωνιζόμενον πρὸς δύο τῶν ὑπεναντίων ἐπὶ τῷ καταντικρὺ τῆς γεφύρας πέρατι τῆς ἐπὶ τοῦ Τιβέριδος, ἣ κεῖται πρὸ τῆς πόλεως, ἐπεὶ πλῆθος ἐπιφερόμενον εἶδε τῶν βοηθούντων τοῖς πολεμίοις, δείσαντα μὴ βιασάμενοι παραπέσωσιν εἰς τὴν πόλιν, βοᾶν ἐπιστραφέντα τοῖς κατόπιν ὡς τάχος ἀναχωρήσαντας διασπᾶν τὴν γέφυραν. τῶν δὲ πειθαρχησάντων, ἕως μὲν οὗτοι διέσπων, ὑπέμενε τραυμάτων πλῆθος ἀναδεχόμενος καὶ διακατέσχε τὴν ἐπιφορὰν τῶν ἐχθρῶν, οὐχ οὕτως τὴν δύναμιν ὡς τὴν ὑπόστασιν αὐτοῦ καὶ τόλμαν καταπεπληγμένων τῶν ὑπεναντίων· διασπασθείσης δὲ τῆς γεφύρας, οἱ μὲν πολέμιοι τῆς ὁρμῆς ἐκωλύθησαν, ὁ δὲ Κόκλης ῥίψας ἑαυτὸν εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις κατὰ προαίρεσιν μετήλλαξε τὸν βίον, περὶ πλείονος ποιησάμενος τὴν τῆς πατρίδος ἀσφάλειαν καὶ τὴν ἐσομένην μετὰ ταῦτα περὶ αὐτὸν εὔκλειαν τῆς παρούσης ζωῆς καὶ τοῦ καταλειπομένου βίου. τοιαύτη τις, ὡς ἔοικε, διὰ τῶν παρʼ αὐτοῖς ἐθισμῶν ἐγγεννᾶται τοῖς νέοις ὁρμὴ καὶ φιλοτιμία πρὸς τὰ καλὰ τῶν ἔργων.
56. Again the Roman customs and principles regarding money transactions are better than those of the Carthaginians. In the view of the latter nothing is disgraceful that makes for gain; with the former nothing is more disgraceful than to receive bribes and to make profit by improper means. For they regard wealth obtained from unlawful transactions to be as much a subject of reproach, as a fair profit from the most unquestioned source is of commendation. A proof of the fact is this. The Carthaginians obtain office by open bribery, but among the Romans the penalty for it is death. With such a radical difference, therefore, between the rewards offered to virtue among the two peoples, it is natural that the ways adopted for obtaining them should be different also. But the most important difference for the better which the Roman commonwealth appears to me to display is in their religious beliefs. For I conceive that what in other nations is looked upon as a reproach, I mean a scrupulous fear of the gods, is the very thing which keeps the Roman commonwealth together. To such an extraordinary height is this carried among them, both in private and public business, that nothing could exceed it. Many people might think this unaccountable; but in my opinion their object is to use it as a check upon the common people. If it were possible to form a state wholly of philosophers, such a custom would perhaps be unnecessary. But seeing that every multitude is fickle, and full of lawless desires, unreasoning anger, and violent passion, the only resource is to keep them in check by mysterious terrors and scenic effects of this sort. Wherefore, to my mind, the ancients were not acting without purpose or at random, when they brought in among the vulgar those opinions about the gods, and the belief in the punishments in Hades: much rather do I think that men nowadays are acting rashly and foolishly in rejecting them. This is the reason why, apart from anything else, Greek statesmen, if entrusted with a single talent, though protected by ten checking-clerks, as many seals, and twice as many witnesses, yet cannot be induced to keep faith: whereas among the Romans, in their magistracies and embassies, men have the handling of a great amount of money, and yet from pure respect to their oath keep their faith intact. And, again, in other nations it is a rare thing to find a man who keeps his hands out of the public purse, and is entirely pure in such matters: but among the Romans it is a rare thing to detect a man in the act of committing such a crime....
56. καὶ μὴν τὰ περὶ τοὺς χρηματισμοὺς ἔθη καὶ νόμιμα βελτίω παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἐστὶν ἢ παρὰ Καρ χηδονίοις παρʼ οἷς μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲν αἰσχρὸν τῶν ἀνηκόντων πρὸς κέρδος, παρʼ οἷς δʼ οὐδὲν αἴσχιον τοῦ δωροδοκεῖσθαι καὶ τοῦ πλεονεκτεῖν ἀπὸ τῶν μὴ καθηκόντων καθʼ ὅσον γὰρ ἐν καλῷ τίθενται τὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ κρατίστου χρηματισμόν, κατὰ τοσοῦτο πάλιν ἐν ὀνείδει ποιοῦνται τὴν ἐκ τῶν ἀπειρημένων πλεονεξίαν. σημεῖον δὲ τοῦτο· παρὰ μὲν Καρχηδονίοις δῶρα φανερῶς διδόντες λαμβάνουσι τὰς ἀρχάς, παρὰ δὲ Ῥωμαίοις θάνατός ἐστι περὶ τοῦτο πρόστιμον. ὅθεν τῶν ἄθλων τῆς ἀρετῆς ἐναντίων τιθεμένων παρʼ ἀμφοῖν, εἰκὸς ἀνόμοιον εἶναι καὶ τὴν παρασκευὴν ἑκατέρων πρὸς ταῦτα. μεγίστην δέ μοι δοκεῖ διαφορὰν ἔχειν τὸ Ῥωμαίων πολίτευμα πρὸς βέλτιον ἐν τῇ περὶ θεῶν διαλήψει. καί μοι δοκεῖ τὸ παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις ὀνειδιζόμενον, τοῦτο συνέχειν τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα, λέγω δὲ τὴν δεισιδαιμονίαν· ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον γὰρ ἐκτετραγῴδηται καὶ παρεισῆκται τοῦτο τὸ μέρος παρʼ αὐτοῖς εἴς τε τοὺς κατʼ ἰδίαν βίους καὶ τὰ κοινὰ τῆς πόλεως ὥστε μὴ καταλιπεῖν ὑπερβολήν. ὃ καὶ δόξειεν ἂν πολλοῖς εἶναι θαυμάσιον. ἐμοί γε μὴν δοκοῦσι τοῦ πλήθους χάριν τοῦτο πεποιηκέναι. εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἦν σοφῶν ἀνδρῶν πολίτευμα συναγαγεῖν, ἴσως οὐδὲν ἦν ἀναγκαῖος ὁ τοιοῦτος τρόπος· ἐπεὶ δὲ πᾶν πλῆθός ἐστιν ἐλαφρὸν καὶ πλῆρες ἐπιθυμιῶν παρανόμων, ὀργῆς ἀλόγου, θυμοῦ βιαίου, λείπεται τοῖς ἀδήλοις φόβοις καὶ τῇ τοιαύτῃ τραγῳδίᾳ τὰ πλήθη συνέχειν. διόπερ οἱ παλαιοὶ δοκοῦσί μοι τὰς περὶ θεῶν ἐννοίας καὶ τὰς ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐν ᾅδου διαλήψεις οὐκ εἰκῇ καὶ ὡς ἔτυχεν εἰς τὰ πλήθη παρεισαγαγεῖν, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον οἱ νῦν εἰκῇ καὶ ἀλόγως ἐκβάλλειν αὐτά. τοιγαροῦν χωρὶς τῶν ἄλλων οἱ τὰ κοινὰ χειρίζοντες παρὰ μὲν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ἐὰν ταλάντου μόνον πιστευθῶσιν, ἀντιγραφεῖς ἔχοντες δέκα καὶ σφραγῖδας τοσαύτας καὶ μάρτυρας διπλασίους οὐ δύνανται τηρεῖν τὴν πίστιν· παρὰ δὲ Ῥωμαίοις κατά τε τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ πρεσβείας πολύ τι πλῆθος χρημάτων χειρίζοντες διʼ αὐτῆς τῆς κατὰ τὸν ὅρκον πίστεως τηροῦσι τὸ καθῆκον. καὶ παρὰ μὲν τοῖς ἄλλοις σπάνιόν ἐστιν εὑρεῖν ἀπεχόμενον ἄνδρα τῶν δημοσίων καὶ καθαρεύοντα περὶ ταῦτα· παρὰ δὲ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις σπάνιόν ἐστι τὸ λαβεῖν τινα πεφωραμένον ἐπὶ τοιαύτῃ πράξει. [ξοδ. υρβ. ηαβετ ηαεξ ϝ. π. 264, 17. 293, 5 ξυμ αντεξεδεντιβυς αρξτε ξοηαερεντια εχξ. αντ. π. 188.]
57. That to all things, then, which exist there is ordained decay and change I think requires no further arguments to show: for the inexorable course of nature is sufficient to convince us of it. But in all polities we observe two sources of decay existing from natural causes, the one external, the other internal and self-produced. The external admits of no certain or fixed definition, but the internal follows a definite order. What kind of polity, then, comes naturally first, and what second, I have already stated in such a way, that those who are capable of taking in the whole drift of my argument can henceforth draw their own conclusions as to the future of the Roman polity. For it is quite clear, in my opinion. When a commonwealth, after warding off many great dangers, has arrived at a high pitch of prosperity and undisputed power, it is evident that, by the lengthened continuance of great wealth within it, the manner of life of its citizens will become more extravagant; and that the rivalry for office, and in other spheres of activity, will become fiercer than it ought to be. And as this state of things goes on more and more, the desire of office and the shame of losing reputation, as well as the ostentation and extravagance of living, will prove the beginning of a deterioration. And of this change the people will be credited with being the authors, when they become convinced that they are being cheated by some from avarice, and are puffed up with flattery by others from love of office. For when that comes about, in their passionate resentment and acting under the dictates of anger, they will refuse to obey any longer, or to be content with having equal powers with their leaders, but will demand to have all or far the greatest themselves. And when that comes to pass the constitution will receive a new name, which sounds better than any other in the world, liberty or democracy; but, in fact, it will become that worst of all governments, mob-rule. With this description of the formation, growth, zenith, and present state of the Roman polity, and having discussed also its difference, for better and worse, from other polities, I will now at length bring my essay on it to an end.
57. ὅτι μὲν οὖν πᾶσι τοῖς οὖσιν ὑπόκειται φθορὰ καὶ μεταβολὴ σχεδὸν οὐ προσδεῖ λόγων· ἱκανὴ γὰρ ἡ τῆς φύσεως ἀνάγκη παραστῆσαι τὴν τοιαύτην πίστιν. δυεῖν δὲ τρόπων ὄντων, καθʼ οὓς φθείρεσθαι πέφυκε πᾶν γένος πολιτείας, τοῦ μὲν ἔξωθεν, τοῦ δʼ ἐν αὐτοῖς φυομένου, τὸν μὲν ἐκτὸς ἄστατον ἔχειν συμβαίνει τὴν θεωρίαν, τὸν δʼ ἐξ αὐτῶν τεταγμένην. τί μὲν δὴ πρῶτον φύεται γένος πολιτείας καὶ τί δεύτερον, καὶ πῶς εἰς ἄλληλα μεταπίπτουσιν, εἴρηται πρόσθεν ἡμῖν, ὥστε τοὺς δυναμένους τὰς ἀρχὰς τῷ τέλει συνάπτειν τῆς ἐνεστώσης ὑποθέσεως κἂν αὐτοὺς ἤδη προειπεῖν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μέλλοντος. ἔστι δʼ, ὡς ἐγᾦμαι, δῆλον. ὅταν γὰρ πολλοὺς καὶ μεγάλους κινδύνους διωσαμένη πολιτεία μετὰ ταῦτα εἰς ὑπεροχὴν καὶ δυναστείαν ἀδήριτον ἀφίκηται, φανερὸν ὡς εἰσοικιζομένης εἰς αὐτὴν ἐπὶ πολὺ τῆς εὐδαιμονίας συμβαίνει τοὺς μὲν βίους γίνεσθαι πολυτελεστέρους, τοὺς δʼ ἄνδρας φιλονεικοτέρους τοῦ δέοντος περί τε τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἐπιβολάς. ὧν προβαινόντων ἐπὶ πλέον ἄρξει μὲν τῆς ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον μεταβολῆς ἡ φιλαρχία καὶ τὸ τῆς ἀδοξίας ὄνειδος, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἡ περὶ τοὺς βίους ἀλαζονεία καὶ πολυτέλεια, λήψεται δὲ τὴν ἐπιγραφὴν τῆς μεταβολῆς ὁ δῆμος, ὅταν ὑφʼ ὧν μὲν ἀδικεῖσθαι δόξῃ διὰ τὴν πλεονεξίαν, ὑφʼ ὧν δὲ χαυνωθῇ κολακευόμενος διὰ τὴν φιλαρχίαν. τότε γὰρ ἐξοργισθεὶς καὶ θυμῷ πάντα βουλευόμενος οὐκέτι θελήσει πειθαρχεῖν οὐδʼ ἴσον ἔχειν τοῖς προεστῶσιν, ἀλλὰ πᾶν καὶ τὸ πλεῖστον αὐτός. οὗ γενομένου τῶν μὲν ὀνομάτων τὸ κάλλιστον ἡ πολιτεία μεταλήψεται, τὴν ἐλευθερίαν καὶ δημοκρατίαν, τῶν δὲ πραγμάτων τὸ χείριστον, τὴν ὀχλοκρατίαν. ἡμεῖς δʼ ἐπειδὴ τήν τε σύστασιν καὶ τὴν αὔξησιν τῆς πολιτείας, ἔτι δὲ τὴν ἀκμὴν καὶ τὴν διάθεσιν, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τὴν διαφορὰν πρὸς τὰς ἄλλας τοῦ τε χείρονος ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ βελτίονος διεληλύθαμεν, τὸν μὲν περὶ τῆς πολιτείας λόγον ὧδέ πῃ καταστρέφομεν.
58. Resuming my history from the point at which I started on this digression I will briefly refer to one transaction, that I may give a practical illustration of the perfection and power of the Roman polity at that period, as though I were producing one of his works as a specimen of the skill of a good artist. When Hannibal, after conquering the Romans in the battle at Cannae, got possession of the eight thousand who were guarding the Roman camp, he made them all prisoners of war, and granted them permission to send messages to their relations that they might be ransomed and return home. They accordingly selected ten of their chief men, whom Hannibal allowed to depart after binding them with an oath to return. But one of them, just as he had got outside the palisade of the camp, saying that he had forgotten something, went back; and, having got what he had left behind, once more set out, under the belief that by means of this return he had kept his promise and discharged his oath. Upon the arrival of the envoys at Rome, imploring and beseeching the Senate not to grudge the captured troops their return home, but to allow them to rejoin their friends by paying three minae each for them,—for these were the terms, they said, granted by Hannibal,—and declaring that the men deserved redemption, for they had neither played the coward in the field, nor done anything unworthy of Rome, but had been left behind to guard the camp; and that, when all the rest had perished, they had yielded to absolute necessity in surrendering to Hannibal: though the Romans had been severely defeated in the battles, and though they were at the time deprived of, roughly speaking, all their allies, they neither yielded so far to misfortune as to disregard what was becoming to themselves, nor omitted to take into account any necessary consideration. They saw through Hannibal’s purpose in thus acting,—which was at once to get a large supply of money, and at the same time to take away all enthusiasm from the troops opposed to him, by showing that even the conquered had a hope of getting safe home again. Therefore the Senate, far from acceding to the request, refused all pity even to their own relations, and disregarded the services to be expected from these men in the future: and thus frustrated Hannibal’s calculations, and the hopes which he had founded on these prisoners, by refusing to ransom them; and at the same time established the rule for their own men, that they must either conquer or die on the field, as there was no other hope of safety for them if they were beaten. With this answer they dismissed the nine envoys who returned of their own accord; but the tenth who had put the cunning trick in practice for discharging himself of his oath they put in chains and delivered to the enemy. So that Hannibal was not so much rejoiced at his victory in the battle, as struck with astonishment at the unshaken firmness and lofty spirit displayed in the resolutions of these senators.
58. τῶν δὲ συναπτόντων μερῶν τῆς ἱστορίας τοῖς καιροῖς, ἀφʼ ὧν παρεξέβημεν, παραλαβόντες ἐπὶ βραχὺ μιᾶς πράξεως ποιησόμεθα κεφαλαιώδη μνήμην, ἵνα μὴ τῷ λόγῳ μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν, ὥσπερ ἀγαθοῦ τεχνίτου δεῖγμα τῶν ἔργων ἕν τι προενεγκάμενοι, φανερὰν ποιήσωμεν τῆς πολιτείας τὴν ἀκμὴν καὶ δύναμιν, οἵα τις ἦν κατʼ ἐκείνους τοὺς χρόνους. Ἀννίβας γὰρ ἐπειδὴ τῇ περὶ Κάνναν μάχῃ περιγενόμενος Ῥωμαίων ἐγκρατὴς ἐγένετο τῶν τὸν χάρακα φυλαττόντων ὀκτακισχιλίων, ζωγρήσας ἅπαντας συνεχώρησε διαπέμπεσθαι σφίσι πρὸς τοὺς ἐν οἴκῳ περὶ λύτρων καὶ σωτηρίας. τῶν δὲ προχειρισαμένων δέκα τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους, ὁρκίσας ἦ μὴν ἐπανήξειν πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐξέπεμψε τούτους. εἷς δὲ τῶν προχειρισθέντων ἐκπορευόμενος ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος ἤδη, καί τι φήσας ἐπιλελῆσθαι, πάλιν ἀνέκαμψε, καὶ λαβὼν τὸ καταλειφθὲν αὖθις ἀπελύετο, νομίζων διὰ τῆς ἀναχωρήσεως τετηρηκέναι τὴν πίστιν καὶ λελυκέναι τὸν ὅρκον. ὧν παραγενομένων εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, καὶ δεομένων καὶ παρακαλούντων τὴν σύγκλητον μὴ φθονῆσαι τοῖς ἑαλωκόσι τῆς σωτηρίας, ἀλλʼ ἐᾶσαι τρεῖς μνᾶς ἕκαστον καταβαλόντα σωθῆναι πρὸς τοὺς ἀναγκαίους· τοῦτο γὰρ συγχωρεῖν ἔφασαν τὸν Ἀννίβαν· εἶναι δʼ ἀξίους σωτηρίας αὑτούς· οὔτε γὰρ ἀποδεδειλιακέναι κατὰ τὴν μάχην οὔτʼ ἀνάξιον οὐδὲν πεποιηκέναι τῆς Ῥώμης, ἀλλʼ ἀπολειφθέντας τὸν χάρακα τηρεῖν, πάντων ἀπολομένων τῶν ἄλλων ἐν τῇ μάχῃ τῷ καιρῷ περιληφθέντας ὑποχειρίους γενέσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις. Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ μεγάλοις κατὰ τὰς μάχας περιπεπτωκότες ἐλαττώμασι, πάντων δʼ ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν ἐστερημένοι τότε τῶν συμμάχων, ὅσον οὔπω δὲ προσδοκῶντες τὸν περὶ τῆς πατρίδος αὐτοῖς ἐκφέρεσθαι κίνδυνον, διακούσαντες τῶν λεγομένων οὔτε τοῦ πρέποντος αὑτοῖς εἴξαντες ταῖς συμφοραῖς ὠλιγώρησαν οὔτε τῶν δεόντων οὐδὲν τοῖς λογισμοῖς παρεῖδον, ἀλλὰ συνιδόντες τὴν Ἀννίβου πρόθεσιν, ὅτι βούλεται διὰ τῆς πράξεως ταύτης ἅμα μὲν εὐπορῆσαι χρημάτων, ἅμα δὲ τὸ φιλότιμον ἐν ταῖς μάχαις ἐξελέσθαι τῶν ἀντιταττομένων, ὑποδείξας ὅτι τοῖς ἡττημένοις ὅμως ἐλπὶς ἀπολείπεται σωτηρίας, τοσοῦτʼ ἀπέσχον τοῦ ποιῆσαί τι τῶν ἀξιουμένων ὥστʼ οὔτε τὸν τῶν οἰκείων ἔλεον οὔτε τὰς ἐκ τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐσομένας χρείας ἐποιήσαντο περὶ πλείονος, ἀλλὰ τοὺς μὲν Ἀννίβου λογισμοὺς καὶ τὰς ἐν τούτοις ἐλπίδας ἀπέδειξαν κενάς, ἀπειπάμενοι τὴν διαλύτρωσιν τῶν ἀνδρῶν, τοῖς δὲ παρʼ αὑτῶν ἐνομοθέτησαν ἢ νικᾶν μαχομένους ἢ θνήσκειν, ὡς ἄλλης οὐδεμιᾶς ἐλπίδος ὑπαρχούσης εἰς σωτηρίαν αὐτοῖς ἡττωμένοις. διὸ καὶ ταῦτα προθέμενοι τοὺς μὲν ἐννέα τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἐθελοντὴν κατὰ τὸν ὅρκον ἀναχωροῦντας ἐξέπεμψαν, τὸν δὲ σοφισάμενον πρὸς τὸ λῦσαι τὸν ὅρκον δήσαντες ἀποκατέστησαν πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, ὥστε τὸν Ἀννίβαν μὴ τοσοῦτον χαρῆναι νικήσαντα τῇ μάχῃ Ῥωμαίους ὡς συντριβῆναι καταπλαγέντα τὸ στάσιμον καὶ τὸ μεγαλόψυχον τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐν τοῖς διαβουλίοις. [ξοδ. υρβ. φολ. 94 εχξ. αντ. π. 192.] καὶ τόπος δέ τις οὕτω καλεῖται Ῥύγχος περὶ Στράτον τῆς Αἰτωλίας, ὥς φησι Πολύβιος ἐν #2# ἱστοριῶν. [ατηεναευς ιιι, 48 π. 95 δ.]