1. THE people of Capua, in Campania, becoming wealthy through the fertility of their soil, degenerated into luxury and extravagance surpassing even the common report about Croton and Sybaris. Being then unable to support their burden of prosperity they called in Hannibal; and were accordingly treated with great severity by Rome. But the people of Petelia maintained their loyalty to Rome and held out so obstinately, when besieged by Hannibal, that after having eaten all the leather in the town, and the bark of all the trees in it, and having stood the siege for eleven months, as no one came to their relief, they surrendered with the entire approval of the Romans.... But Capua by its influence drew over the other cities to the Carthaginians....
1. Πολύβιος δʼ ἐν τῇ ἑβδόμῃ "Καπυησίους τοὺς ἐν Καμπανίᾳ διὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν τῆς γῆς πλοῦτον περιβαλομένους ἐξοκεῖλαι εἰς τρυφὴν καὶ πολυτέλειαν, ὑπερβαλλομένους τὴν περὶ Κρότωνα καὶ Σύβαριν παραδεδομένην φήμην. οὐ δυνάμενοι οὖν, φησί, φέρειν τὴν παροῦσαν εὐδαιμονίαν ἐκάλουν τὸν Ἀννίβαν. διόπερ ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἀνήκεστα δεινὰ ἔπαθον. Πετηλῖνοι δὲ τηρήσαντες τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πίστιν εἰς τοσοῦτον καρτερίας ἦλθον πολιορκούμενοι ὑπʼ Ἀννίβα ὥστε μετὰ τὸ πάντα μὲν τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν δέρματα καταφαγεῖν, ἁπάντων δὲ τῶν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν δένδρων τοὺς φλοιοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἁπαλοὺς πτόρθους ἀναλῶσαι, καὶ ἕνδεκα μῆνας ὑπομείναντες τὴν πολιορκίαν, οὐδενὸς βοηθοῦντος, συνευδοκούντων Ῥωμαίων παρέδοσαν ἑαυτούς." [ατηεναευς χιι, 36 π. 528 α.] ἡ δὲ Καπύη μεταθεμένη πρὸς τοὺς Καρχηδονίους τῷ βάρει συνεπεσπάσατο καὶ τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις. [συιδας ϝ Καπύη.]
2. After the plot against Hieronymus, King of Syracuse, Thraso having departed, Zoippus and Andranodorus persuaded Hieronymus to lose no time in sending ambassadors to Hannibal. He accordingly selected Polycleitus of Cyrene and Philodemus of Argos for the purpose, and sent them into Italy, with a commission to discuss the subject of an alliance with the Carthaginians; and at the same time he sent his brothers to Alexandria. Hannibal received Polycleitus and Philodemus with warmth; held out great prospects to the young king; and sent the ambassadors back without delay, accompanied by the commander of his triremes, a Carthaginian also named Hannibal, and the Syracusan Hippocrates and his younger brother Epicydes. These men had been for some time serving in Hannibal’s army, being domiciled at Carthage, owing to their grandfather having been banished from Syracuse because he was believed to have assassinated Agatharchus, one of the sons of Agathocles. On the arrival of these commissioners at Syracuse, Polycleitus and his colleague reported the result of their embassy, and the Carthaginian delivered the message given by Hannibal: whereupon the king without hesitation expressed his willingness to make a treaty with the Carthaginians; and, begging the Hannibal who had come to him to go with all speed to Carthage, promised that he also would send commissioners from his own court, to settle matters with the Carthaginians.
2. ὅτι μετὰ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν τὴν κατὰ Ἱερωνύμου τοῦ βασιλέως Συρακοσίων, ἐκχωρήσαντος τοῦ Θράσωνος, οἱ περὶ τὸν Ζώιππον καὶ Ἀδρανόδωρον πείθουσι τὸν Ἱερώνυμον εὐθέως πρεσβευτὰς πρὸς τὸν Ἀννίβαν πέμψαι. προχειρισάμενος δὲ Πολύκλειτον τὸν Κυρηναῖον καὶ Φιλόδημον τὸν Ἀργεῖον, τούτους μὲν εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἀπέστειλε, δοὺς ἐντολὰς λαλεῖν ὑπὲρ κοινοπραγίας τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς εἰς Ἀλεξάνδρειαν ἀπέπεμψεν. Ἀννίβας δὲ τοὺς περὶ Πολύκλειτον καὶ Φιλόδημον ἀποδεξάμενος φιλανθρώπως, καὶ πολλὰς ἐλπίδας ὑπογράψας τῷ μειρακίῳ [Ἱερωνύμῳ], σπουδῇ πάλιν ἀπέπεμψε τοὺς πρέσβεις, σὺν δὲ τούτοις Ἀννίβαν τὸν Καρχηδόνιον, ὄντα τότε τριήραρχον, καὶ τοὺς Συρακοσίους Ἱπποκράτην καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ τὸν νεώτερον Ἐπικύδην. συνέβαινε δὲ τούτους τοὺς ἄνδρας καὶ πλείω χρόνον ἤδη στρατεύεσθαι μετʼ Ἀννίβου, πολιτευομένους παρὰ Καρχηδονίοις διὰ τὸ φεύγειν αὐτῶν τὸν πάππον ἐκ Συρακουσῶν δόξαντα προσενηνοχέναι τὰς χεῖρας ἑνὶ τῶν Ἀγαθοκλέους υἱῶν Ἀγαθάρχῳ. παραγενομένων δὲ τούτων εἰς τὰς Συρακούσας, καὶ τῶν μὲν περὶ Πολύκλειτον ἀποπρεσβευσάντων, τοῦ δὲ Καρχηδονίου διαλεχθέντος κατὰ τὰς ὑπʼ Ἀννίβου δεδομένας ἐντολάς, εὐθέως ἕτοιμος ἦν κοινωνεῖν Καρχηδονίοις τῶν πραγμάτων· καὶ τόν τε παραγεγονότα πρὸς αὑτὸν Ἀννίβαν ἔφη δεῖν πορεύεσθαι κατὰ τάχος εἰς τὴν Καρχηδόνα, καὶ παρʼ αὑτοῦ συμπέμπειν ἐπηγγείλατο τοὺς διαλεχθησομένους τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις.
3. Meanwhile intelligence of this transaction had reached the Roman praetor at Lilybaeum, who immediately despatched legates to Hieronymus, to renew the treaty which had been made with his ancestors. Being thoroughly annoyed with this embassy, Hieronymus said that “He was sorry for the Romans that they had come to such utter and shameful grief in the battles in Italy at the hands of the Carthaginians.” The legates were overpowered by the rudeness of the answer: still they proceeded to ask him, “Who said such things about them?” Whereupon the king pointed to the Carthaginian envoys who were there, and said, “You had better convict them, if they have really been telling me lies?” The Roman legates answered that it was not their habit to take the word of enemies: and advised him to do nothing in violation of the existing treaty; for that would be at once equitable and the best thing for himself. To this the king answered that he would take time to consider of it, and tell them his decision another time; but he proceeded to ask them, “How it came about that before his grandfather’s death a squadron of fifty Roman ships had sailed as far as Pachynus and then gone back again.” The fact was that a short time ago the Romans had heard that Hiero was dead; and being much alarmed lest people in Syracuse, despising the youth of the grandson whom he left, should stir up a revolution, they had made this cruise with the intention of being ready there to assist his youthful weakness, and to help in maintaining his authority; but being informed that his grandfather was still alive, they sailed back again. When the ambassadors had stated these facts, the young king answered again, “Then please to allow me too now, O Romans, to maintain my authority by ‘sailing back’ to see what I can get from Carthage.” The Roman legates perceiving the warmth with which the king was engaging in his policy, said nothing at the time; but returned and informed the praetor who had sent them of what had been said. From that time forward, therefore, the Romans kept a careful watch upon him as an enemy.
3. κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ὁ τεταγμένος ἐπὶ Λιλυβαίου στρατηγὸς τῶν Ῥωμαίων ταῦτα πυνθανόμενος ἔπεμψε πρὸς Ἱερώνυμον πρέσβεις τοὺς ἀνανεωσομένους τὰς πρὸς τοὺς προγόνους αὐτοῦ συντεθειμένας συνθήκας. ὁ δʼ Ἱερώνυμος ἔτʼ ἐγγὺς ἐπόντων τῶν πρεσβευτῶν [εἴτʼ ἐν μισειόντων] τῶν Καρχηδονίων, ἔφη συλλυπεῖσθαι τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ὅτι κακοὶ κακῶς ἐν ταῖς κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν μάχαις ἀπολώλασιν ὑπὸ Καρχηδονίων. τῶν δὲ καταπλαγέντων τὴν ἀστοχίαν, ὅμως δὲ προσπυθομένων τίς λέγει ταῦτα περὶ αὐτῶν, ἔδειξε τοὺς Καρχηδονίους παρόντας, καὶ τούτους ἐκέλευσε διελέγχειν, εἴ τι τυγχάνουσι ψευδόμενοι. τῶν δὲ φησάντων οὐ πάτριον εἶναι σφίσι πιστεύειν τοῖς πολεμίοις, παρακαλούντων δὲ μηδὲν ποιεῖν παρὰ τὰς συνθήκας, ὅτι τοῦτο καὶ δίκαιόν ἐστι καὶ συμφέρον αὐτῷ μάλιστʼ ἐκείνῳ, περὶ μὲν τούτων. ἔφη βουλευσάμενος αὐτοῖς πάλιν διασαφήσειν, ἤρετο δὲ πῶς πρὸ τῆς τελευτῆς τοῦ πάππου πλεύσαντες ἕως τοῦ Παχύνου πεντήκοντα ναυσὶ πάλιν ἀνακάμψαιεν. συμβεβήκει δὲ Ῥωμαίους βραχεῖ χρόνῳ πρότερον ἀκούσαντας Ἱέρωνα μετηλλαχέναι, καὶ διαγωνιάσαντας μή τι νεωτερίσωσιν ἐν ταῖς Συρακούσαις καταφρονήσαντες τῆς τοῦ καταλελειμμένου παιδὸς ἡλικίας, πεποιῆσθαι τὸν ἐπίπλουν, πυθομένους δὲ τὸν Ἱέρωνα ζῆν αὖθις εἰς τὸ Λιλύβαιον ἀναδραμεῖν. διὸ καὶ τότε παρομολογούντων πεποιῆσθαι μὲν τὸν ἐπίπλουν, θέλοντας ἐφεδρεῦσαι τῇ νεότητι τῇ ʼκείνου καὶ συνδιαφυλάξαι τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτῷ, προσπεσόντος δὲ ζῆν τὸν πάππον, ἀποπλεῦσαι πάλιν, ῥηθέντων δὲ τούτων, πάλιν ὑπολαβὸν τὸ μειράκιον "ἐάσατε τοίνυν" ἔφη "κἀμὲ νῦν, ἄνδρες Ῥωμαῖοι, διαφυλάξαι τὴν ἀρχήν, παλινδρομήσαντα πρὸς τὰς Καρχηδονίων ἐλπίδασ". οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι συνέντες τὴν ὁρμὴν αὐτοῦ, τότε μὲν κατασιωπήσαντες ἐπανῆλθον, καὶ διεσάφουν τὰ λεγόμενα τῷ πέμψαντι, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ἤδη προσεῖχον καὶ παρεφύλαττον ὡς πολέμιον.
4. Hieronymus on his part selected Agatharchus, Onesimus, and Hipposthenes to send with Hannibal to Carthage, with instructions to make an alliance on the following terms: “The Carthaginians to assist him with land and sea forces, in expelling the Romans from Sicily, and then divide the island with him; so as to have the river Himera, which divides Sicily almost exactly in half, as the boundary between the two provinces.” The commissioners arrived in Carthage: and finding, on coming to a conference, that the Carthaginians were prepared to meet them in every point, they completed the arrangement. Meanwhile Hippocrates got the young Hieronymus entirely into his hands: and at first fired his imagination by telling him of Hannibal’s marches and pitched battles in Italy; and afterwards by repeating to him that no one had a better right to the government of all Siceliots than he; in the first place as the son of Nereis daughter of Pyrrhus, the only man whom all Siceliots alike had accepted deliberately and with full assent as their leader and king; and in the second place in virtue of his grandfather Hiero’s sovereign rights. At last he and his brother so won upon the young man by their conversation, that he would attend to no one else at all: partly from the natural feebleness of his character, but still more from the ambitious feelings which they had excited in him. And therefore, just when Agatharchus and his colleagues were completing the business on which they had been sent in Carthage, he sent fresh ambassadors, saying that all Sicily belonged to him; and demanding that the Carthaginians should help him to recover Sicily: while he promised that he would assist the Carthaginians in their Italian campaign. Though the Carthaginians now saw perfectly well the whole extent of the young man’s fickleness and infatuation: yet thinking it to be in manifold ways to their interests not to let Sicilian affairs out of their hands, they assented to his demands; and having already prepared ships and men, they set about arranging for the transport of their forces into Sicily.
4. Ἱερώνυμος δὲ προχειρισάμενος Ἀγάθαρχον καὶ Ὀνησιγένη καὶ Ἱπποσθένη πέμπει μετʼ Ἀννίβου πρὸς Καρχηδονίους, δοὺς ἐντολὰς ἐπὶ τοῖσδε ποιεῖσθαι τὰς συνθήκας, ἐφʼ ᾧ Καρχηδονίους βοηθεῖν καὶ πεζικαῖς καὶ ναυτικαῖς δυνάμεσι, καὶ συνεκβαλόντας Ῥωμαίους ἐκ Σικελίας οὕτως διελέσθαι τὰ κατὰ τὴν νῆσον ὥστε τῆς ἑκατέρων ἐπαρχίας ὅρον εἶναι τὸν Ἱμέραν ποταμόν, ὃς μάλιστά πως δίχα διαιρεῖ τὴν ὅλην Σικελίαν. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἀφικόμενοι πρὸς Καρχηδονίους διελέγοντο περὶ τούτων καὶ ταῦτʼ ἔπραττον, εἰς πᾶν ἑτοίμως συγκαταβαινόντων τῶν Καρχηδονίων· οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἱπποκράτην, λαμβάνοντες εἰς τὰς χεῖρας τὸ μειράκιον τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς ἐψυχαγώγουν, ἐξηγούμενοι τὰς ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ πορείας Ἀννίβου καὶ παρατάξεις καὶ μάχας, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα φάσκοντες μηδενὶ καθήκειν μᾶλλον τὴν ἁπάντων Σικελιωτῶν ἀρχὴν ὡς ἐκείνῳ, πρῶτον μὲν διὰ τὸ τῆς Πύρρου θυγατρὸς υἱὸν εἶναι Νηρηίδος, ὃν μόνον κατὰ προαίρεσιν καὶ κατʼ εὔνοιαν Σικελιῶται πάντες εὐδόκησαν σφῶν αὐτῶν ἡγεμόνʼ εἶναι καὶ βασιλέα, δεύτερον δὲ κατὰ τὴν Ἱέρωνος τοῦ πάππου δυναστείαν. καὶ τέλος ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐξωμίλησαν τὸ μειράκιον ὥστε καθόλου μηδενὶ προσέχειν τῶν ἄλλων διὰ τὸ καὶ φύσει μὲν ἀκατάστατον ὑπάρχειν, ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ὑπʼ ἐκείνων τότε μετεωρισθέν· ἀκμὴν τῶν περὶ Ἀγάθαρχον ἐν τῇ Καρχηδόνι τὰ προειρημένα διαπραττομένων, ἐπιπέμπει πρεσβευτάς, τὴν μὲν τῆς Σικελίας ἀρχὴν φάσκων αὑτῷ καθήκειν ἅπασαν, ἀξιῶν δὲ Καρχηδονίους μὲν βοηθεῖν περὶ Σικελίας, αὐτὸς δὲ Καρχηδονίοις ὑπισχνούμενος ἐπαρκεῖν εἰς τὰς κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν πράξεις. τὴν μὲν οὖν ὅλην ἀκαταστασίαν καὶ μανίαν καλῶς συνθεώμενοι Καρχηδόνιοι τοῦ μειρακίου, νομίζοντες δὲ κατὰ πολλοὺς τρόπους συμφέρειν σφίσι τὸ μὴ προέσθαι τὰ κατὰ τὴν Σικελίαν, ἐκείνῳ μὲν ἅπαντα συγκατένευον, αὐτοὶ δὲ καὶ πρότερον ἤδη παρασκευασάμενοι ναῦς καὶ στρατιώτας, ἐγίνοντο πρὸς τὸ διαβιβάζειν τὰς δυνάμεις εἰς τὴν Σικελίαν.
5. When they heard of this, the Romans sent legates to him again, protesting against his violation of the treaty made with his forefathers. Hieronymus thereupon summoned a meeting of his council and consulted them as to what he was to do. The native members of it kept silent, because they feared the folly of their ruler. Aristomachus of Corinth, Damippus of Sparta, Autonous of Thessaly advised that he should abide by the treaty with Rome. Andranodorus alone urged that he should not let the opportunity slip; and affirmed that the present was the only chance of establishing his rule over Sicily. After the delivery of this speech, the king asked Hippocrates and his brother what they thought, and upon their answering, “The same as Andranodorus,” the deliberation was concluded in that sense. Thus, then, war with Rome had been decided upon: but while the king was anxious to be thought to have given an adroit answer to the ambassadors, he committed himself to such an utter absurdity as to make it certain that he would not only fail to conciliate the Romans, but would inevitably offend them violently. For he said that he would abide by the treaty, firstly, if the Romans would repay all the gold they had received from his grandfather Hiero; and secondly, if they would return the corn and other presents which they had received from him from the first day of their intercourse with him; and thirdly, if they would acknowledge all Sicily east of the Himera to be Syracusan territory. At these propositions of course the ambassadors and council separated; and from that time forth Hieronymus began pushing on his preparations for war with energy: collected and armed his forces, and got ready the other necessary provisions....
5. οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι ταῦτα πυνθανόμενοι πάλιν ἔπεμψαν πρὸς αὐτὸν πρέσβεις, διαμαρτυρόμενοι μὴ παραβαίνειν τὰς πρὸς τοὺς προγόνους αὐτοῦ τεθειμένας συνθήκας. ὑπὲρ ὧν Ἱερώνυμος ἁθροίσας τὸ συνέδριον ἀνέδωκε διαβούλιον τί δεῖ ποιεῖν. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἐγχώριοι τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἦγον, δεδιότες τὴν τοῦ προεστῶτος ἀκρισίαν· Ἀριστόμαχος δʼ ὁ Κορίνθιος καὶ Δάμιππος ὁ Λακεδαιμόνιος καὶ Αὐτόνους ὁ Θετταλὸς ἠξίουν ἐμμένειν ταῖς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους συνθήκαις. Ἀδρανόδωρος δὲ μόνος οὐκ ἔφη δεῖν παριέναι τὸν καιρόν· εἶναι δὲ τὸν ἐνεστῶτα μόνον ἐν ᾧ κατακτήσασθαι δυνατόν ἐστι τὴν τῆς Σικελίας ἀρχήν. τοῦ δὲ ταῦτʼ εἰπόντος, ἤρετο τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἱπποκράτην ποίας μετέχουσι γνώμης. τῶν δὲ φησάντων τῆς Ἀδρανοδώρου, πέρας εἶχε τὸ διαβούλιον. καὶ τὰ μὲν τοῦ πολέμου τοῦ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἐκεκύρωτο τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον· βουλόμενος δὲ μὴ σκαιῶς δοκεῖν ἀποκρίνεσθαι τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς, εἰς τηλικαύτην ἀστοχίαν ἐνέπεσε διʼ ἧς τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις οὐ μόνον δυσαρεστήσειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσκόπτειν ἔμελλε προφανῶς. ἔφη γὰρ ἐμμενεῖν ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις, ἐὰν αὐτῷ πρῶτον μὲν τὸ χρυσίον ἀποδῶσι πᾶν, ὃ παρʼ Ἱέρωνος ἔλαβον τοῦ πάππου, δεύτερον δὲ τὸν σῖτον ἐκ παντὸς ἀποκαταστήσωσι τοῦ χρόνου καὶ τὰς ἄλλας δωρεάς, ἃς εἶχον παρʼ ἐκείνου, τὸ δὲ τρίτον ὁμολογήσωσι τὴν ἐντὸς Ἱμέρα ποταμοῦ χώραν καὶ πόλεις εἶναι Συρακοσίων. οἱ μὲν οὖν πρεσβευταὶ καὶ τὸ συνέδριον ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐχωρίσθησαν· οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἱερώνυμον ἀπὸ τούτων τῶν καιρῶν ἐνήργουν τὰ τοῦ πολέμου, καὶ τάς τε δυνάμεις ἥθροιζον καὶ καθώπλιζον τάς τε λοιπὰς χορηγίας ἡτοίμαζον. [εχξ. δε λεγατ. π. 1.]
6. The city of Leontini taken as a whole faces north, and is divided in half by a valley of level ground, in which are the state buildings, the courthouses, and market-place. Along each side of this valley run hills with steep banks all the way; the flat tops of which, reached after crossing their brows, are covered with houses and temples. The city has two gates, one on the southern extremity of this valley leading to Syracuse, the other at the northern leading on to the “Leontine plains,” and the arable district. Close under the westernmost of the steep cliffs runs a river called Lissus; parallel to which are built continuous rows of houses, in great numbers, close under the cliff, between which and the river runs the road I have mentioned....
6. ἡ γὰρ τῶν Λεοντίνων πόλις τῷ μὲν ὅλῳ κλίματι τέτραπται πρὸς τὰς ἄρκτους, ἔστι δὲ διὰ μέσης αὐτῆς αὐλὼν ἐπίπεδος, ἐν ᾧ συμβαίνει τάς τε τῶν ἀρχείων καὶ δικαστηρίων κατασκευὰς καὶ καθόλου τὴν ἀγορὰν ὑπάρχειν. τοῦ δʼ αὐλῶνος παρʼ ἑκατέραν τὴν πλευρὰν παρήκει λόφος, ἔχων ἀπορρῶγα συνεχῆ· τὰ δʼ ἐπίπεδα τῶν λόφων τούτων ὑπὲρ τὰς ὀφρῦς οἰκιῶν ἐστι πλήρη καὶ ναῶν. δύο δʼ ἔχει πυλῶνας ἡ πόλις, ὧν ὁ μὲν ἐπὶ τοῦ πρὸς μεσημβρίαν πέρατός ἐστιν οὗ προεῖπον αὐλῶνος, φέρων ἐπὶ Συρακούσας, ὁ δʼ ἕτερος ἐπὶ τοῦ πρὸς ἄρκτους, ἄγων ἐπὶ τὰ Λεοντῖνα καλούμενα πεδία καὶ τὴν γεωργήσιμον χώραν. ὑπὸ δὲ τὴν μίαν ἀπορρῶγα, τὴν πρὸς τὰς δύσεις, παραρρεῖ ποταμός, ὃν καλοῦσι Λίσσον. τούτῳ δὲ κεῖνται παράλληλοι καὶ πλείους ὑπʼ αὐτὸν τὸν κρημνὸν οἰκίαι συνεχεῖς, ὧν μεταξὺ καὶ τοῦ ποταμοῦ συμβαίνει τὴν προειρημένην ὁδὸν ὑπάρχειν. [ξοδ. υρβ. φολ. 96 εχξ. αντ. π. 193.]
7. Some of the historians who have described the fall of Hieronymus have written at great length and in terms of mysterious solemnity. They tell us of prodigies preceding his coming to the throne, and of the misfortunes of Syracuse. They describe in dramatic language the cruelty of his character and the impiety of his actions; and crown all with the sudden and terrible nature of the circumstances attending his fall. One would think from their description that neither Phalaris, nor Apollodorus, nor any other tyrant was ever fiercer than he. Yet he was a mere boy when he succeeded to power, and only lived thirteen months after. In this space of time it is possible that one or two men may have been put to the rack, or certain of his friends, or other Syracusan citizens, put to death; but it is improbable that his tyranny could have been extravagantly wicked, or his impiety outrageous. It must be confessed that he was reckless and unscrupulous in disposition; still we cannot compare him with either of the tyrants I have named. The fact is that those who write the histories of particular episodes, having undertaken limited and narrow themes, appear to me to be compelled from poverty of matter to exaggerate insignificant incidents, and to speak at inordinate length on subjects that scarcely deserve to be recorded at all. There are some, too, who fall into a similar mistake from mere want of judgment. With how much more reason might the space employed on these descriptions,—which they use merely to fill up and spin out their books,—have been devoted to Hiero and Gelo, without mentioning Hieronymus at all! It would have given greater pleasure to readers and more instruction to students.
7. ὅτι τινὲς τῶν λογογράφων τῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς καταστροφῆς τοῦ Ἱερωνύμου γεγραφότων πολύν τινα πεποίηνται λόγον καὶ πολλήν τινα διατέθεινται τερατείαν, ἐξηγούμενοι μὲν τὰ πρὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτοῖς γενόμενα σημεῖα καὶ τὰς ἀτυχίας τὰς Συρακοσίων, τραγῳδοῦντες δὲ τὴν ὠμότητα τῶν τρόπων καὶ τὴν ἀσέβειαν τῶν πράξεων, ἐπὶ δὲ πᾶσι τὸ παράλογον καὶ τὸ δεινὸν τῶν περὶ τὴν καταστροφὴν αὐτοῦ συμβάντων, ὥστε μήτε Φάλαριν μήτʼ Ἀπολλόδωρον μήτʼ ἄλλον μηδένα γεγονέναι τύραννον ἐκείνου πικρότερον. καίτοι παῖς παραλαβὼν τὴν ἀρχήν, εἶτα μῆνας οὐ πλείους τριῶν καὶ δέκα βιώσας μετήλλαξε τὸν βίον. κατὰ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον ἕνα μέν τινα καὶ δεύτερον ἐστρεβλῶσθαι καί τινας τῶν φίλων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Συρακοσίων ἀπεκτάνθαι δυνατόν, ὑπερβολὴν δὲ γεγονέναι παρανομίας καὶ παρηλλαγμένην ἀσέβειαν οὐκ εἰκός. καὶ τῷ μὲν τρόπῳ διαφερόντως εἰκαῖον αὐτὸν γεγονέναι καὶ παράνομον φατέον, οὐ μὴν εἴς γε σύγκρισιν ἀκτέον οὐδενὶ τῶν προειρημένων τυράννων. ἀλλά μοι δοκοῦσιν οἱ τὰς ἐπὶ μέρους γράφοντες πράξεις, ἐπειδὰν ὑποθέσεις εὐπεριλήπτους ὑποστήσωνται καὶ στενάς, πτωχεύοντες πραγμάτων ἀναγκάζεσθαι τὰ μικρὰ μεγάλα ποιεῖν καὶ περὶ τῶν μηδὲ μνήμης ἀξίων πολλούς τινας διατίθεσθαι λόγους. ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ διʼ ἀκρισίαν εἰς τὸ παραπλήσιον τούτοις ἐμπίπτουσιν. ὅσῳ γὰρ ἄν τις εὐλογώτερον καὶ περὶ ταῦτα τὸν ἀναπληροῦντα τὰς βύβλους καὶ τὸν ἐπιμετροῦντα λόγον τῆς διηγήσεως εἰς Ἱέρωνα καὶ Γέλωνα διάθοιτο, παρεὶς Ἱερώνυμον. καὶ γὰρ τοῖς φιληκόοις ἡδίων οὗτος καὶ τοῖς φιλομαθοῦσι τῷ παντὶ χρησιμώτερος.
8. For, in the first place, Hiero gained the sovereignty of Syracuse and her allies by his own unaided abilities without inheriting wealth, or reputation, or any other advantage of fortune. And, in the second place, was established king of Syracuse without putting to death, banishing, or harassing any one of the citizens,—which is the most astonishing circumstance of all. And what is quite as surprising as the innocence of his acquisition of power is the fact that it did not change his character. For during a reign of fifty-four years he preserved peace for the country, maintained his own power free from all hostile plots, and entirely escaped the envy which generally follows greatness; for though he tried on several occasions to lay down his power, he was prevented by the common remonstrances of the citizens. And having shown himself most beneficent to the Greeks, and most anxious to earn their good opinion, he left behind him not merely a great personal reputation but also a universal feeling of goodwill towards the Syracusans. Again, though he passed his life in the midst of the greatest wealth, luxury, and abundance, he survived for more than ninety years, in full possession of his senses and with all parts of his body unimpaired; which, to my mind, is a decisive proof of a well-spent life.... Gelo, his son, in a life of more than fifty years regarded it as the most honourable object of ambition to obey his father, and to regard neither wealth, nor sovereign power, nor anything else as of higher value than love and loyalty to his parents....
8. Ἱέρων μὲν γὰρ πρῶτον μὲν διʼ αὑτοῦ κατεκτήσατο τὴν Συρακοσίων καὶ τῶν συμμάχων ἀρχήν, οὐ πλοῦτον, οὐ δόξαν, οὐχ ἕτερον οὐδὲν ἐκ τῆς τύχης ἕτοιμον παραλαβών. καὶ μὴν οὐκ ἀποκτείνας, οὐ φυγαδεύσας, οὐ λυπήσας οὐδένα τῶν πολιτῶν, διʼ αὑτοῦ βασιλεὺς κατέστη τῶν Συρακοσίων, ὃ πάντων ἐστὶ παραδοξότατον, ἔτι δὲ τὸ μὴ μόνον κτήσασθαι τὴν ἀρχὴν οὕτως, ἀλλὰ καὶ διαφυλάξαι τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον. ἔτη γὰρ πεντήκοντα καὶ τέτταρα βασιλεύσας διετήρησε μὲν τῇ πατρίδι τὴν εἰρήνην, διεφύλαξε δʼ αὑτῷ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀνεπιβούλευτον, διέφυγε δὲ τὸν ταῖς ὑπεροχαῖς παρεπόμενον φθόνον· ὅς γε πολλάκις ἐπιβαλόμενος ἀποθέσθαι τὴν δυναστείαν ἐκωλύθη κατὰ κοινὸν ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτῶν. εὐεργετικώτατος δὲ καὶ φιλοδοξότατος γενόμενος εἰς τοὺς Ἕλληνας μεγάλην μὲν αὑτῷ δόξαν, οὐ μικρὰν δὲ Συρακοσίοις εὔνοιαν παρὰ πᾶσιν ἀπέλιπε. καὶ μὴν ἐν περιουσίᾳ καὶ τρυφῇ καὶ δαψιλείᾳ πλείστῃ διαγενόμενος ἔτη μὲν ἐβίωσε πλείω τῶν ἐνενήκοντα, διεφύλαξε δὲ τὰς αἰσθήσεις ἁπάσας, διετήρησε δὲ πάντα καὶ τὰ μέρη τοῦ σώματος ἀβλαβῆ. τοῦτο δέ μοι δοκεῖ σημεῖον οὐ μικρόν, ἀλλὰ παμμέγεθες εἶναι βίου σώφρονος. [εχξ. πειρ. π. 9.] ὅτι Γέλων πλείω τῶν πεντήκοντα βιώσας ἐτῶν σκοπὸν προέθηκε κάλλιστον ἐν τῷ ζῆν, τὸ πειθαρχεῖν τῷ γεννήσαντι, καὶ μήτε πλοῦτον μήτε βασιλείας μέγεθος μήτʼ ἄλλο περὶ πλείονος ποιήσασθαι μηδὲν τῆς πρὸς τοὺς γονεῖς εὐνοίας καὶ πίστεως. [εχξ. πειρ. π. 13.]
9. This is a sworn treaty made between Hannibal, Mago, Barmocarus, and such members of the Carthaginian Gerusia as were present, and all Carthaginians serving in his army, on the one part; and Xenophanes, son of Cleomachus of Athens, sent to us by King Philip, as his ambassador, on behalf of himself, the Macedonians, and their allies, on the other part. The oath is taken in the presence of Zeus, Here, and Apollo: of the god of the Carthaginians, Hercules, and Iolaus: of Ares, Triton, Poseidon: of the gods that accompany the army, and of the sun, moon, and earth: of rivers, harbours, waters: of all the gods who rule Carthage: of all the gods who rule Macedonia and the rest of Greece: of all the gods of war that are witnesses to this oath. Hannibal, general, and all the Carthaginian senators with him, and all Carthaginians serving in his army, subject to our mutual consent, proposes to make this sworn treaty of friendship and honourable good-will. Let us be friends, close allies, and brethren, on the conditions herein following:— (1) Let the Carthaginians, as supreme, Hannibal their chief general and those serving with him, all members of the Carthaginian dominion living under the same laws, as well as the people of Utica, and the cities and tribes subject to Carthage, and their soldiers and allies, and all cities and tribes in Italy, Celt-land, and Liguria, with whom we have a compact of friendship, and with whomsoever in this country we may hereafter form such compact, be supported by King Philip and the Macedonians, and all other Greeks in alliance with them. (2) On their parts also King Philip and the Macedonians, and such other Greeks as are his allies, shall be supported and protected by the Carthaginians now in this army, and by the people of Utica, and by all cities and tribes subject to Carthage, both soldiers and allies, and by all allied cities and tribes in Italy, Celt-land, and Liguria, and by all others in Italy as shall hereafter become allies of the Carthaginians. (3) We will not make plots against, nor lie in ambush for, each other; but in all sincerity and good-will, without reserve or secret design, will be enemies to the enemies of the Carthaginians, saving and excepting those kings, cities, and ports with which we have sworn agreements and friendships. (4) And we, too, will be enemies to the enemies of King Philip, saving and excepting those kings, cities, and tribes, with which we have sworn agreements and friendships. (5) Ye shall be friends to us in the war in which we now are engaged against the Romans, till such time as the gods give us and you the victory: and ye shall assist us in all ways that be needful, and in whatsoever way we may mutually determine. (6) And when the gods have given us victory in our war with the Romans and their allies, if Hannibal shall deem it right to make terms with the Romans, these terms shall include the same friendship with you, made on these conditions: (1) the Romans not to be allowed to make war on you; (2) not to have power over Corcyra, Apollonia, Epidamnum, Pharos, Dimale, Parthini, nor Atitania; (3) to restore to Demetrius of Pharos all those of his friends now in the dominion of Rome. (7) If the Romans ever make war on you or on us we will aid each other in such war, according to the need of either. (8) So also if any other nation whatever does so, always excepting kings, cities, and tribes, with whom we have sworn agreements and friendships. (9) If we decide to take away from, or add to this sworn treaty, we will so take away, or add thereto, only as we both may agree....
9. ὅρκος, ὃν ἔθετο Ἀννίβας ὁ στρατηγός, Μάγωνος, Μύρκανος, Βαρμόκαρος, καὶ πάντες γερουσιασταὶ Καρχηδονίων οἱ μετʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ πάντες Καρχηδόνιοι στρατευόμενοι μετʼ αὐτοῦ πρὸς Ξενοφάνη Κλεομάχου Ἀθηναῖον πρεσβευτήν, ὃν ἀπέστειλε πρὸς ἡμᾶς Φίλιππος ὁ βασιλεὺς Δημητρίου ὑπὲρ αὑτοῦ καὶ Μακεδόνων καὶ τῶν συμμάχων, ἐναντίον Διὸς καὶ Ἥρας καὶ Ἀπόλλωνος, ἐναντίον δαίμονος Καρχηδονίων καὶ Ἡρακλέους καὶ Ἰολάου, ἐναντίον Ἄρεως, Τρίτωνος, Ποσειδῶνος, ἐναντίον θεῶν τῶν συστρατευομένων καὶ Ἡλίου καὶ Σελήνης καὶ Γῆς, ἐναντίον ποταμῶν καὶ λιμένων καὶ ὑδάτων, ἐναντίον πάντων θεῶν ὅσοι κατέχουσι Καρχηδόνα, ἐναντίον θεῶν πάντων ὅσοι Μακεδονίαν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην Ἑλλάδα κατέχουσιν, ἐναντίον θεῶν πάντων τῶν κατὰ στρατείαν, ὅσοι τινὲς ἐφεστήκασιν ἐπὶ τοῦδε τοῦ ὅρκου. Ἀννίβας ὁ στρατηγὸς εἶπε καὶ πάντες Καρχηδονίων γερουσιασταὶ οἱ μετʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ πάντες Καρχηδόνιοι οἱ στρατευόμενοι μετʼ αὐτοῦ, ὃ ἂν δοκῇ ὑμῖν καὶ ἡμῖν, τὸν ὅρκον τοῦτον θέσθαι περὶ φιλίας καὶ εὐνοίας καλῆς, φίλους καὶ οἰκείους καὶ ἀδελφούς, ἐφʼ ᾧτʼ εἶναι σῳζομένους ὑπὸ βασιλέως Φιλίππου καὶ Μακεδόνων καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων, ὅσοι εἰσὶν αὐτῶν σύμμαχοι, κυρίους Καρχηδονίους καὶ Ἀννίβαν τὸν στρατηγὸν καὶ τοὺς μετʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ τοὺς Καρχηδονίων ὑπάρχους, ὅσοι τοῖς αὐτοῖς νόμοις χρῶνται, καὶ Ἰτυκαίους, καὶ ὅσαι πόλεις καὶ ἔθνη Καρχηδονίων ὑπήκοα, καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας καὶ τοὺς συμμάχους, καὶ πάσας πόλεις καὶ ἔθνη, πρὸς ἅ ἐστιν ἡμῖν ἥ τε φιλία τῶν ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ καὶ Κελτίᾳ καὶ ἐν τῇ Λιγυστίνῃ, καὶ πρὸς οὕστινας ἡμῖν ἂν γένηται φιλία καὶ συμμαχία ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ χώρᾳ. ἔσται δὲ καὶ Φίλιππος ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ Μακεδόνες καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων οἱ σύμμαχοι, σῳζόμενοι καὶ φυλαττόμενοι ὑπὸ Καρχηδονίων τῶν συστρατευομένων καὶ ὑπὸ Ἰτυκαίων καὶ ὑπὸ πασῶν πόλεων καὶ ἐθνῶν ὅσα ἐστὶ Καρχηδονίοις ὑπήκοα, καὶ συμμάχων καὶ στρατιωτῶν, καὶ ὑπὸ πάντων ἐθνῶν καὶ πόλεων ὅσα ἐστὶν ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ καὶ Κελτίᾳ καὶ Λιγυστίνῃ, καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν ἄλλων, ὅσοι ἂν γένωνται σύμμαχοι ἐν τοῖς κατʼ Ἰταλίαν τόποις τούτοις. οὐκ ἐπιβουλεύσομεν ἀλλήλοις οὐδὲ λόχῳ χρησόμεθα ἐπʼ ἀλλήλοις, μετὰ πάσης δὲ προθυμίας καὶ εὐνοίας ἄνευ δόλου καὶ ἐπιβουλῆς ἐσόμεθα πολέμιοι τοῖς πρὸς Καρχηδονίους πολεμοῦσι χωρὶς βασιλέων καὶ πόλεων καὶ λιμένων, πρὸς οὓς ἡμῖν εἰσιν ὅρκοι καὶ φιλίαι. ἐσόμεθα δὲ καὶ ἡμεῖς πολέμιοι τοῖς πολεμοῦσι πρὸς βασιλέα Φίλιππον χωρὶς βασιλέων καὶ πόλεων καὶ ἐθνῶν, πρὸς οὓς ἡμῖν εἰσιν ὅρκοι καὶ φιλίαι. ἔσεσθε δὲ καὶ ἡμῖν σύμμαχοι πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον, ὅς ἐστιν ἡμῖν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους, ἕως ἂν ἡμῖν καὶ ὑμῖν οἱ θεοὶ διδῶσι τὴν εὐημερίαν. βοηθήσετε δὲ ἡμῖν, ὡς ἂν χρεία ᾖ καὶ ὡς ἂν συμφωνήσωμεν. ποιησάντων δὲ τῶν θεῶν εὐημερίαν ἡμῖν κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους καὶ τοὺς συμμάχους αὐτῶν, ἂν ἀξιῶσι Ῥωμαῖοι συντίθεσθαι περὶ φιλίας, συνθησόμεθα, ὥστʼ εἶναι πρὸς ὑμᾶς τὴν αὐτὴν φιλίαν, ἐφʼ ᾧτε μὴ ἐξεῖναι αὐτοῖς ἄρασθαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς μηδέποτε πόλεμον, μηδʼ εἶναι Ῥωμαίους κυρίους Κερκυραίων μηδʼ Ἀπολλωνιατῶν καὶ Ἐπιδαμνίων μηδὲ Φάρου μηδὲ Διμάλης καὶ Παρθίνων μηδʼ Ἀτιντανίας. ἀποδώσουσι δὲ καὶ Δημητρίῳ τῷ Φαρίῳ τοὺς οἰκείους πάντας, οἵ εἰσιν ἐν τῷ κοινῷ τῶν Ῥωμαίων. ἐὰν δὲ αἴρωνται Ῥωμαῖοι πρὸς ὑμᾶς πόλεμον ἢ πρὸς ἡμᾶς, βοηθήσομεν ἀλλήλοις εἰς τὸν πόλεμον, καθὼς ἂν ἑκατέροις ᾖ χρεία. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ἐάν τινες ἄλλοι χωρὶς βασιλέων καὶ πόλεων καὶ ἐθνῶν, πρὸς ἃ ἡμῖν εἰσιν ὅρκοι καὶ φιλίαι. ἐὰν δὲ δοκῇ ἡμῖν ἀφελεῖν ἢ προσθεῖναι πρὸς τόνδε τὸν ὅρκον, ἀφελοῦμεν ἢ προσθήσομεν ὡς ἂν ἡμῖν δοκῇ ἀμφοτέροις. [ξοδ. υρβ. φολ. 96 εχξ. αντ. π. 193.]
10. Democracy being established at Messene, and the men of rank having been banished, while those who had received allotments on their lands obtained the chief influence in the government, those of the old citizens who remained found it very hard to put up with the equality which these men had obtained.... Gorgus of Messene, in wealth and extraction, was inferior to no one in the town; and had been a famous athlete in his time, far surpassing all rivals in that pursuit. In fact he was not behind any man of his day in physical beauty, or the general dignity of his manner of life, or the number of prizes he had won. Again, when he gave up athletics and devoted himself to politics and the service of his country, he gained no less reputation in this department than in his former pursuit. For he was removed from the Philistinism that usually characterises athletes, and was looked upon as in the highest degree an able and clear-headed politician....
10. οὔσης δημοκρατίας παρὰ τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις, καὶ τῶν μὲν ἀξιολόγων ἀνδρῶν πεφυγαδευμένων, τῶν δὲ κατακεκληρουχημένων τὰς τούτων οὐσίας ἐπικρατούντων τῆς πολιτείας, δυσχερῶς ὑπέφερον τὴν τούτων ἰσηγορίαν οἱ μένοντες τῶν ἀρχαίων πολιτῶν. [συιδας ϝ. Ἰσηγορεῖ.] ὅτι Γόργος ὁ Μεσσήνιος οὐδενὸς ἦν δεύτερος Μεσσηνίων πλούτῳ καὶ γένει, διὰ δὲ τὴν ἄθλησιν κατὰ τὴν ἀκμὴν πάντων ἐνδοξότατος ἐγεγόνει τῶν περὶ τοὺς γυμνικοὺς ἀγῶνας φιλοστεφανούντων. καὶ γὰρ κατὰ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν καὶ κατὰ τὴν τοῦ λοιποῦ βίου προστασίαν, ἔτι δὲ κατὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν στεφάνων, οὐδενὸς ἐλείπετο τῶν καθʼ αὑτόν. καὶ μὴν ὅτε καταλύσας τὴν ἄθλησιν ἐπὶ τὸ πολιτεύεσθαι καὶ τὸ πράττειν τὰ τῆς πατρίδος ὥρμησε, καὶ περὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος οὐκ ἐλάττω δόξαν ἐξεφέρετο τῆς πρότερον ὑπαρχούσης αὐτῷ, πλεῖστον μὲν ἀπέχειν δοκῶν τῆς τοῖς ἀθληταῖς παρεπομένης ἀναγωγίας, πρακτικώτατος δὲ καὶ νουνεχέστατος εἶναι νομιζόμενος περὶ τὴν πολιτείαν. [εχξ. πειρ. π. 13. συιδας ϝ. Γόργος.]