11. Philip, king of the Macedonians, being desirous of seizing the acropolis of Messene, told the leaders of the city that he wished to see it and to sacrifice to Zeus, and accordingly walked up thither with his attendants and joined in the sacrifice. When, according to custom, the entrails of the slaughtered victims were brought to him, he took them in his hands, and, turning round a little to one side, held them out to Aratus and asked him “what he thought the sacrifices indicated? To quit the citadel or hold it?” Thereupon Demetrius struck in on the spur of the moment by saying, “If you have the heart of an augur,—to quit it as quick as you can: but if of a gallant and wise king, to keep it, lest if you quit it now you may never have so good an opportunity again: for it is by thus holding the two horns that you can alone keep the ox under your control.” By the “two horns” he meant Ithome and the Acrocorinthus, and by the “ox” the Peloponnese. Thereupon Philip turned to Aratus and said, “And do you give the same advice?” Aratus not making any answer at once, he urged him to speak his real opinion. After some hesitation he said, “If you can get possession of this place without treachery to the Messenians, I advise you to do so; but if, by the act of occupying this citadel with a guard, you shall ruin all the citadels, and the guard wherewith the allies were protected when they came into your hands from Antigonus” (meaning by that, confidence), “consider whether it is not better to take your men away and leave the confidence there, and with it guard the Messenians, and the other allies as well.” As far as his own inclination was concerned, Philip was ready enough to commit an act of treachery, as his own subsequent conduct proved: but having been sharply rebuked a little while before by the younger Aratus for his destruction of human life; and seeing that, on the present occasion, the elder spoke with boldness and authority, and begged him not to neglect his advice, he gave in from sheer shame, and taking the latter by his right hand, said, “Then let us go back the same way we came.”
11. ἐγὼ δὲ κατὰ τὸ παρὸν ἐπιστήσας τὴν διήγησιν βραχέα βούλομαι διαλεχθῆναι περὶ Φιλίππου, διὰ τὸ ταύτην τὴν ἀρχὴν γενέσθαι τῆς εἰς τοὔμπαλιν μεταβολῆς αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ χεῖρον ὁρμῆς καὶ μεταθέσεως. δοκεῖ γάρ μοι τοῖς καὶ κατὰ βραχὺ βουλομένοις τῶν πραγματικῶν ἀνδρῶν περιποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἐκ τῆς ἱστορίας διόρθωσιν ἐναργέστατον εἶναι τοῦτο παράδειγμα. καὶ γὰρ διὰ τὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐπιφανὲς καὶ διὰ τὸ τῆς φύσεως λαμπρὸν ἐκφανεστάτας συμβαίνει καὶ γνωριμωτάτας γεγονέναι πᾶσι τοῖς Ἕλλησι τὰς εἰς ἑκάτερον τὸ μέρος ὁρμὰς τοῦ βασιλέως τούτου, παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ τὰ συνεξακολουθήσαντα ταῖς ὁρμαῖς ἑκατέραις ἐκ παραθέσεως. ὅτι μὲν οὖν αὐτῷ μετὰ τὸ παραλαβεῖν τὴν βασιλείαν τά τε κατὰ Θετταλίαν καὶ Μακεδονίαν καὶ συλλήβδην τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἰδίαν ἀρχὴν οὕτως ὑπετέτακτο καὶ συνέκλινε ταῖς εὐνοίαις ὡς οὐδενὶ τῶν πρότερον βασιλέων, καίτοι νέῳ ὄντι παραλαβόντι τὴν Μακεδόνων δυναστείαν, εὐχερὲς καταμαθεῖν ἐκ τούτων. συνεχέστατα γὰρ αὐτοῦ περισπασθέντος ἐκ Μακεδονίας διὰ τὸν πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους πόλεμον, οὐχ οἷον ἐστασίασέ τι τῶν προειρημένων ἐθνῶν, ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ τῶν περιοικούντων ἐτόλμησε βαρβάρων οὐδεὶς ἅψασθαι τῆς Μακεδονίας. καὶ μὴν περὶ τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου καὶ Χρυσογόνου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων φίλων εὐνοίας καὶ προθυμίας εἰς αὐτὸν οὐδʼ ἂν εἰπεῖν τις δύναιτʼ ἀξίως. τὴν δὲ Πελοποννησίων καὶ Βοιωτῶν, ἅμα δὲ τούτοις Ἠπειρωτῶν, Ἀκαρνάνων, … ὅσων ἑκάστοις ἀγαθῶν ἐν βραχεῖ χρόνῳ παραίτιος ἐγένετο. καθόλου γε μήν, εἰ δεῖ μικρὸν ὑπερβολικώτερον εἰπεῖν, οἰκειότατʼ ἂν οἶμαι περὶ Φιλίππου τοῦτο ῥηθῆναι, διότι κοινός τις οἷον ἐρώμενος ἐγένετο τῶν Ἑλλήνων διὰ τὸ τῆς αἱρέσεως εὐεργετικόν. ἐκφανέστατον δὲ καὶ μέγιστον δεῖγμα περὶ τοῦ τί δύναται προαίρεσις καλοκἀγαθικὴ καὶ πίστις, τὸ πάντας Κρηταιεῖς συμφρονήσαντας καὶ τῆς αὐτῆς μετασχόντας συμμαχίας ἕνα προστάτην ἑλέσθαι τῆς νήσου Φίλιππον, καὶ ταῦτα συντελεσθῆναι χωρὶς ὅπλων καὶ κινδύνων, ὃ πρότερον οὐ ῥᾳδίως ἂν εὕροι τις γεγονός. ἀπὸ τοίνυν τῶν κατὰ Μεσσηνίους ἐπιτελεσθέντων ἅπαντα τὴν ἐναντίαν ἐλάμβανε διάθεσιν αὐτῷ· καὶ τοῦτο συνέβαινε κατὰ λόγον· τραπεὶς γὰρ ἐπὶ τὴν ἀντικειμένην προαίρεσιν τῇ πρόσθεν, καὶ ταύτῃ προστιθεὶς ἀεὶ τἀκόλουθον, ἔμελλε καὶ τὰς τῶν ἄλλων διαλήψεις περὶ αὑτοῦ τρέψειν εἰς τἀναντία καὶ ταῖς τῶν πραγμάτων συντελείαις ἐγκυρήσειν ἐναντίαις ἢ πρότερον. ὃ καὶ συνέβη γενέσθαι. δῆλον δὲ τοῦτʼ ἔσται τοῖς προσέχουσιν ἐπιμελῶς διὰ τῶν ἑξῆς ῥηθησομένων πράξεων. [εχξ. πειρ. π. 13.]
12. I wish here to stop in my narrative in order to speak briefly of the character of Philip, because this was the beginning of the change and deterioration in it. For I think that no more telling example can be proposed to practical statesmen who wish to correct their ideas by a study of history. For the splendour of his early career, and the brilliancy of his genius, have caused the dispositions for good and evil displayed by this king to be more conspicuous and widely known throughout Greece than is the case with any other man; as well as the contrast between the results accompanying the display of those opposite tendencies. Now that, upon his accession to the throne, Thessaly, Macedonia, and in fact all parts of his own kingdom were more thoroughly loyal and well disposed to him, young as he was on his succeeding to the government of Macedonia, than they had ever been to any of his predecessors, may be without difficulty inferred from the following fact. Though he was with extreme frequency forced to leave Macedonia by the Aetolian and Lacedaemonian wars, not only was there no disturbance in these countries, but not a single one of the neighbouring barbarians ventured to touch Macedonia. It would be impossible, again, to speak in strong enough terms of the affection of Alexander, Chrysogonus, and his other friends towards him; or that of the Epirotes, Acarnanians, and all those on whom he had within a short time conferred great benefits. On the whole, if one may use a somewhat hyperbolical phrase, I think it has been said of Philip with very great propriety, that his beneficent policy had made him “The darling of all Greece.” And it is a conspicuous and striking proof of the advantage of lofty principle and strict integrity, that the Cretans, having at length come to an understanding with each other and made a national alliance, selected Philip to arbitrate between them; and that this settlement was completed without an appeal to arms and without danger,—a thing for which it would be difficult to find a precedent in similar circumstances. From the time of his exploits at Messene all this was utterly changed. And it was natural that it should be so. For his purposes being now entirely reversed, it inevitably followed that men’s opinions of him should be reversed also, as well as the success of his various undertakings. This actually was the case, as will become evident to attentive students from what I am now about to relate....
12. ὅτι Φιλίππου τοῦ βασιλέως Μακεδόνων τὴν τῶν Μεσσηνίων ἀκρόπολιν κατασχεῖν βουλομένου, καὶ φήσαντος βούλεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς προεστῶτας τῆς πόλεως θεάσασθαι τὴν ἀκρόπολιν καὶ θῦσαι τῷ Διί, ἀναβάντος μετὰ τῆς θεραπείας καὶ θύοντος, μετὰ ταῦτα κατὰ τὸν ἐθισμὸν ἐκ τῶν τυθέντων ἱερείων προσενεχθέντων αὐτῷ τῶν σπλάγχνων, δεξάμενος εἰς τὰς χεῖρας καὶ βραχὺ διακλίνας, ἤρετο προτείνων τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον "τί δοκεῖ τὰ ἱερὰ σημαίνειν, πότερον ἐκχωρεῖν τῆς ἄκρας ἢ κρατεῖν αὐτῆς. " ὁ μὲν οὖν Δημήτριος αὐτόθεν ἐκ τοῦ προβεβηκότος "εἰ μὲν μάντεως φρένας ἔχεισ" ἔφη "ἐκχωρεῖν τὴν ταχίστην· εἰ δὲ βασιλέως πραγματικοῦ, τηρεῖν αὐτήν, ἵνα μὴ νῦν ἀφεὶς ζητῇς ἕτερον ἐπιτηδειότερον καιρόν· οὕτως γὰρ ἑκατέρων τῶν κεράτων κρατῶν μόνως ἂν ὑποχείριον ἔχοις τὸν βοῦν", αἰνιττόμενος τὰ μὲν κέρατα τὸν Ἰθωμάταν καὶ τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον, τὴν δὲ Πελοπόννησον τὸν βοῦν. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ἐπιστρέψας πρὸς τὸν Ἄρατον "σὺ δὲ ταὐτὰ συμβουλεύεις;" ἔφη. τοῦ δʼ ἐπισχόντος, αὐτὸ λέγειν ἠξίου τὸ φαινόμενον. ὁ δὲ διαπορήσας "εἰ μὲν χωρίσ" ἔφη "τοῦ παρασπονδῆσαι Μεσσηνίους δύνῃ κρατεῖν τοῦ τόπου τούτου, συμβουλεύω κρατεῖν· εἰ δὲ τοῦτον καταλαβὼν φρουρᾷ, πάσας ἀπολλύναι μέλλεις τὰς ἀκροπόλεις καὶ τὴν φρουράν, ᾗ παρέλαβες παρʼ Ἀντιγόνου φρουρουμένους τοὺς συμμάχουσ", λέγων τὴν πίστιν, "σκόπει μὴ καὶ νῦν κρεῖττον ᾖ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐξαγαγόντα τὴν πίστιν αὐτοῦ καταλιπεῖν, καὶ ταύτῃ φρουρεῖν τοὺς Μεσσηνίους, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς συμμάχους." ὁ Φίλιππος κατὰ μὲν τὴν ἰδίαν ὁρμὴν ἕτοιμος ἦν παρασπονδεῖν, ὡς ἐκ τῶν ὕστερον πραχθέντων ἐγένετο καταφανής, ἐπιτετιμημένος δὲ μικρῷ μὲν πρότερον ὑπὸ τοῦ νεωτέρου πικρῶς ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀπωλείᾳ, τότε δὲ μετὰ παρρησίας ἅμα καὶ μετʼ ἀξιώσεως λέγοντος τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου καὶ δεομένου μὴ παρακοῦσαι τῶν λεγομένων, ἐνετράπη. καὶ λαβόμενος αὐτοῦ τῆς δεξιᾶς "ἄγωμεν τοίνυν" ἔφη "πάλιν τὴν αὐτὴν ὁδόν." [ξοδ. υρβ. φολ. 98 εχξ. αντ. π. 194. εχξ. ϝατ. π. 372 μ. 26, 2 η.]
13. Aratus seeing that Philip was now openly engaging in war with Rome, and entirely changed in his policy toward his allies, with difficulty diverted him from his intention by suggesting numerous difficulties and scruples. I wish now to remind my readers of what, in my fifth Book, I put forward merely as a promise and unsupported statement, but which has now been confirmed by facts; in order that I may not leave any proposition of mine unproved or open to question. In the course of my history of the Aetolian war, where I had to relate the violent proceedings of Philip in destroying the colonnades and other sacred objects at Thermus; and added that, in consideration of his youth, the blame of these measures ought not to be referred to Philip so much as to his advisers; I then remarked that the life of Aratus sufficiently proved that he would not have committed such an act of wickedness, but that such principles exactly suited Demetrius of Pharos; and I promised to make this clear from what I was next to narrate. I thereby designedly postponed the demonstration of the truth of my assertion, till I had come to the period of which I have just been speaking; that, namely, in which with the presence of Demetrius, and in the absence of Aratus, who arrived a day too late, Philip made the first step in his career of crime; and, as though from the first taste of human blood and murder and treason to his allies, was changed not into a wolf from a man, as in the Arcadian fable mentioned by Plato, but from a king into a savage tyrant. But a still more decisive proof of the sentiments of these two men is furnished by the plot against the citadel of Messene, and may help us to make up our minds which of the two were responsible for the proceedings in the Aetolian war; and, when we are satisfied on that point, it will be easy to form a judgment on the differences of their principles.
13. ὅτι ὁ Ἄρατος, θεωρῶν τὸν Φίλιππον ὁμολογουμένως τόν τε πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἀναλαμβάνοντα πόλεμον καὶ κατὰ τὴν πρὸς τοὺς συμμάχους αἵρεσιν ὁλοσχερῶς ἠλλοιωμένον, πολλὰς εἰσενεγκάμενος ἀπορίας καὶ σκήψεις μόλις ἀπετρέψατο τὸν Φίλιππον. ἡμεῖς δέ, τοῦ κατὰ τὴν πέμπτην βύβλον ἡμῖν ἐν ἐπαγγελίᾳ καὶ φάσει μόνον εἰρημένου νῦν διʼ αὐτῶν τῶν πραγμάτων τὴν πίστιν εἰληφότος, βουλόμεθα προσαναμνῆσαι τοὺς συνεφιστάνοντας τῇ πραγματείᾳ, πρὸς τὸ μηδεμίαν τῶν ἀποφάσεων ἀναπόδεικτον μηδʼ ἀμφισβητουμένην καταλιπεῖν. καθʼ ὃν γὰρ καιρὸν ἐξηγούμενοι τὸν Αἰτωλικὸν πόλεμον ἐπὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος τῆς διηγήσεως ἐπέστημεν, ἐν ᾧ Φίλιππον ἔφαμεν τὰς ἐν Θέρμῳ στοὰς καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν ἀναθημάτων θυμικώτερον καταφθεῖραι, καὶ δεῖν τούτων τὴν αἰτίαν οὐχ οὕτως ἐπὶ τὸν βασιλέα διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν ὡς ἐπὶ τοὺς συνόντας αὐτῷ φίλους ἀναφέρειν, τότε περὶ μὲν Ἀράτου τὸν βίον ἐφήσαμεν ἀπολογεῖσθαι τὸ μηδὲν ἂν ποιῆσαι μοχθηρόν, Δημητρίου δὲ τοῦ Φαρίου τὴν τοιαύτην εἶναι προαίρεσιν. δῆλον δὲ τοῦτο ποιήσειν ἐπηγγειλάμεθα διὰ τῶν ἑξῆς ῥηθησομένων, εἰς τοῦτον ὑπερθέμενοι τὸν καιρὸν τὴν πίστιν τῆς προρρηθείσης ἀποφάσεως, ἐν ᾧ παρὰ μίαν ἡμέραν Δημητρίου μὲν παρόντος, ὡς ἀρτίως ὑπὲρ τῶν κατὰ Μεσσηνίους ὑπεδείξαμεν, Ἀράτου δὲ καθυστερήσαντος, ἤρξατο Φίλιππος ἅπτεσθαι τῶν μεγίστων ἀσεβημάτων. καὶ καθάπερ ἂν ἐγγευσάμενος αἵματος ἀνθρωπείου καὶ τοῦ φονεύειν καὶ παρασπονδεῖν τοὺς συμμάχους, οὐ λύκος ἐξ ἀνθρώπου κατὰ τὸν Ἀρκαδικὸν μῦθον, ὥς φησιν ὁ Πλάτων, ἀλλὰ τύραννος ἐκ βασιλέως ἀπέβη πικρός. τούτου δʼ ἐναργέστερον ἔτι δεῖγμα τῆς ἑκατέρου γνώμης τὸ περὶ τῆς ἄκρας συμβούλευμα πρὸς τὸ μηδὲ περὶ τῶν κατʼ Αἰτωλοὺς διαπορεῖν.
14. For as in this instance, under the influence of Aratus, Philip refrained from actually breaking faith with the Messenians in regard to the citadel; and thus, to use a common expression, poured a little balm into the wide wound which his slaughters had caused: so in the Aetolian war, when under the influence of Demetrius, he sinned against the gods by destroying the objects consecrated to them, and against man by transgressing the laws of war; and entirely deserted his original principles, by showing himself an implacable and bitter foe to all who opposed him. The same remark applies to the Cretan business. As long as he employed Aratus as his chief director, not only without doing injustice to a single islander, but without even causing them any vexation, he kept the whole Cretan people under control; and led all the Greeks to regard him with favour, owing to the greatness of character which he displayed. So again, when under the guidance of Demetrius, he became the cause of the misfortunes I have described to the Messenians, he at once lost the good-will of the allies and his credit with the rest of Greece. Such a decisive influence for good or evil in the security of their government has the choice by youthful sovereigns of the friends who are to surround them; though it is a subject on which by some unaccountable carelessness they take not the smallest care....
14. ὧν ὁμολογουμένων εὐμαρὲς ἤδη συλλογίσασθαι τὴν διαφορὰν τῆς ἑκατέρου προαιρέσεως. καθάπερ γὰρ νῦν Φίλιππος πεισθεὶς Ἀράτῳ διεφύλαξε τὴν πρὸς Μεσσηνίους πίστιν ἐν τοῖς κατὰ τὴν ἄκραν, καὶ μεγάλῳ, τὸ δὴ λεγόμενον, ἕλκει τῷ προγεγονότι περὶ τὰς σφαγὰς μικρὸν ἴαμα προσέθηκεν, οὕτως ἐν τοῖς κατʼ Αἰτωλοὺς Δημητρίῳ κατακολουθήσας ἠσέβει μὲν εἰς τοὺς θεούς, τὰ καθιερωμένα τῶν ἀναθημάτων διαφθείρων, ἡμάρτανε δὲ περὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, ὑπερβαίνων τοὺς τοῦ πολέμου νόμους, ἠστόχει δὲ τῆς σφετέρας προαιρέσεως, ἀπαραίτητον καὶ πικρὸν ἑαυτὸν ἀποδεικνύων ἐχθρὸν τοῖς διαφερομένοις. ὁ δʼ αὐτὸς λόγος καὶ περὶ τῶν κατὰ Κρήτην· καὶ γὰρ ἐπʼ ἐκείνων Ἀράτῳ μὲν καθηγεμόνι χρησάμενος περὶ τῶν ὅλων, οὐχ οἷον ἀδικήσας, ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ λυπήσας οὐδένα τῶν κατὰ τὴν νῆσον, ἅπαντας μὲν εἶχε τοὺς Κρηταιεῖς ὑποχειρίους, ἅπαντας δὲ τοὺς Ἕλληνας εἰς τὴν πρὸς αὑτὸν εὔνοιαν ἐπήγετο διὰ τὴν σεμνότητα τῆς προαιρέσεως. οὕτω πάλιν ἐπακολουθήσας Δημητρίῳ καὶ παραίτιος γενόμενος Μεσσηνίοις τῶν ἄρτι ῥηθέντων ἀτυχημάτων, ἅμα τὴν παρὰ τοῖς συμμάχοις εὔνοιαν καὶ τὴν παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις Ἕλλησιν ἀπέβαλε πίστιν. τηλικαύτην τοῖς νέοις βασιλεῦσι ῥοπὴν ἔχει καὶ πρὸς ἀτυχίαν καὶ πρὸς ἐπανόρθωσιν τῆς ἀρχῆς ἡ τῶν παρεπομένων φίλων ἐκλογὴ καὶ κρίσις, ὑπὲρ ἧς οἱ πλείους οὐκ οἶδʼ ὅπως ῥᾳθυμοῦντες οὐδὲ τὴν ἐλαχίστην ποιοῦνται πρόνοιαν. [εχξ. πειρ. π. 17 ετ ινδε α 327, 20 ὅτι μεγάλην τοῖς νέοις β. ϝατ. π. 373 μ. 26, 24 η.] ἐκπέμπουσι τῶν Κρητῶν τινας ὡς ἐπὶ λῃστείαν, δόντες ἐπιστολὴν διεσκευασμένην. [συιδας ϝ. διεσκευασμένην; ϝ. λιϝ. χχιϝ, 31, 6]. Μασύλιοι, Λιβυκὸν ἔθνος· Πολύβιος ἐν τῷ ἑβδόμῳ Μασυλεῖς αὐτούς φησι [στεπη. βψζ. π. 436, 20 μειν. ετ ευστατη. ξομμ. μυελλερ γεογρ. μιν. ιι 187 π. 250 μ. Πολύβιος δὲ Μασυλεῖς γράφει αὐτούς. ϝ. πολ. ιιι, 33, 15]. λέγεται ἀρσενικῶς, ὡς Πολύβιος ἑβδόμῳ· οἱ δὲ τὸν Ὠρικὸν κατοικοῦντες, οἳ καὶ πρῶτοι κεῖνται περὶ τὴν εἰσβολὴν [τὴν αδδ. ευστατη.] πρὸς τὸν Ἀδρίαν ἐκ δεξιῶν εἰς2πλέοντι [στεπη. βψζ. π. 709, 19 μειν. ετ ευστατη. ξομμεντ. 321 π. 273 μ.; ϝ. λιϝ. χχιϝ, 40, 2].
15. (See ) Round Sardis ceaseless and protracted skirmishes were taking place and fighting by night and day, both armies inventing every possible kind of plot and counterplot against each other: to describe which in detail would be as useless as it would be in the last degree wearisome. At last, when the siege had already entered upon its second year, Lagoras the Cretan came forward. He had had a considerable experience in war, and had learnt that as a rule cities fall into the hands of their enemies most easily from some neglect on the part of their inhabitants, when, trusting to the natural or artificial strength of their defences, they neglect to keep proper guard and become thoroughly careless. He had observed too, that in such fortified cities captures were effected at the points of greatest strength, which were believed to have been despaired of by the enemy. So in the present instance, when he saw that the prevailing notion of the strength of Sardis caused the whole army to despair of taking it by storm, and to believe that the one hope of getting it was by starving it out, he gave all the closer attention to the subject; and eagerly scanned every possible method of making an attempt to capture the town. Having observed therefore that a portion of the wall was unguarded, near a place called the Saw, which unites the citadel and city, he conceived the hope and idea of performing this exploit. He had discovered the carelessness of the men guarding this wall from the following circumstance. The place was extremely precipitous: and there was a deep gully below, into which dead bodies from the city, and the offal of horses and beasts of burden that died, were accustomed to be thrown; and in this place therefore there was always a great number of vultures and other birds collected. Having observed, then, that when these creatures were gorged, they always sat undisturbed upon the cliffs and the wall, he concluded that the wall must necessarily be left unguarded and deserted for the larger part of the day. Accordingly, under cover of night, he went to the spot and carefully examined the possibilities of approaching it and setting ladders; and finding that this was possible at one particular rock, he communicated the facts to the king.
15. περὶ δὲ τὰς Σάρδεις ἄπαυστοι καὶ συνεχεῖς ἀκροβολισμοὶ συνίσταντο καὶ κίνδυνοι καὶ νύκτωρ καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέραν, πᾶν γένος ἐνέδρας, ἀντενέδρας, ἐπιθέσεως ἐξευρισκόντων τῶν στρατιωτῶν κατʼ ἀλλήλων· περὶ ὧν γράφειν τὰ κατὰ μέρος οὐ μόνον ἀνωφελὲς ἀλλὰ καὶ μακρὸν ἂν εἴη τελέως. τὸ δὲ πέρας, ἤδη τῆς πολιορκίας δεύτερον ἔτος ἐνεστώσης, Λαγόρας ὁ Κρής, τριβὴν ἔχων ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς ἱκανήν, καὶ συνεωρακὼς ὅτι συμβαίνει τὰς ὀχυρωτάτας πόλεις ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ ῥᾷστα γίνεσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις ὑποχειρίους διὰ τὴν ὀλιγωρίαν τῶν ἐνοικούντων, ὅταν πιστεύσαντες ταῖς ὀχυρότησι ταῖς φυσικαῖς ἢ χειροποιήτοις ἀφυλακτῶσι καὶ ῥᾳθυμῶσι τὸ παράπαν, καὶ τούτων αὐτῶν ἐπεγνωκὼς διότι συμβαίνει τὰς ἁλώσεις γίνεσθαι κατὰ τοὺς ὀχυρωτάτους τόπους καὶ δοκοῦντας ὑπὸ τῶν ἐναντίων ἀπηλπίσθαι, καὶ τότε θεωρῶν κατὰ τὴν προϋπάρχουσαν δόξαν περὶ τῆς τῶν Σάρδεων ὀχυρότητος ἅπαντας ἀπεγνωκότας ὡς διὰ τοιαύτης πράξεως κυριεύσειν αὐτῆς, μίαν δὲ ταύτην ἔχοντας ἐλπίδα τοῦ διὰ τῆς ἐνδείας κρατήσειν τῆς πόλεως, τοσούτῳ μᾶλλον προσεῖχε καὶ πάντα τρόπον ἠρεύνα, σπεύδων ἀφορμῆς τινος ἐπιλαβέσθαι τοιαύτης. συνθεωρήσας δὲ τὸ κατὰ τὸν καλούμενον Πρίονα τεῖχος ἀφυλακτούμενον — οὗτος δʼ ἔστι τόπος ὁ συνάπτων τὴν ἄκραν καὶ τὴν πόλιν — ἐγίνετο περὶ τὴν ἐλπίδα καὶ τὴν ἐπίνοιαν ταύτην. τὴν μὲν οὖν τῶν φυλαττόντων ῥᾳθυμίαν ἐκ τοιούτου τινὸς σημείου συνέβη θεωρῆσαι. τοῦ τόπου κρημνώδους ὑπάρχοντος διαφερόντως, καὶ φάραγγος ὑποκειμένης, εἰς ἣν ῥιπτεῖσθαι συνέβαινε τοὺς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως νεκροὺς καὶ τὰς τῶν ἵππων καὶ τὰς τῶν ὑποζυγίων τῶν ἀποθνησκόντων κοιλίας, εἰς τοῦτον αἰεὶ τὸ τῶν γυπῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὀρνέων πλῆθος ἡθροίζετο. συνθεωρήσας οὖν ὁ προειρημένος ἀνήρ, ὅτε πληρωθείη τὰ ζῷα, τὰς ἀναπαύσεις ἐπὶ τῶν κρημνῶν καὶ τοῦ τείχους ποιούμενα συνεχῶς, ἔγνω διότι κατʼ ἀνάγκην ἀφυλακτεῖται τὸ τεῖχος καὶ γίνεται τὸν πλεῖστον χρόνον ἔρημον. λοιπὸν ἐπιμελῶς τὴν νύκτα προσπορευόμενος ἐξήταζε τὰς προσβάσεις καὶ θέσεις τῶν κλιμάκων. εὑρίσκων δὲ κατά τινα τόπον καὶ καθʼ ἕνα τῶν κρημνῶν δυνατὴν οὖσαν, προσφέρει τῷ βασιλεῖ τὸν περὶ τούτων λόγον.
16. Antiochus encouraged the attempt and urged Lagoras to carry it out. The latter promised to do his best, and desired the king to join with him Theodotus the Aetolian, and Dionysius the commander of his bodyguard, with orders to devote them to assist him in carrying out the intended interprise. The king at once granted his request, and these officers agreed to undertake it: and having held a consultation on the whole subject, they waited for a night on which there should be no moon just before daybreak. Such a night having arrived, on the day on which they intended to act, an hour before sunset, they selected from the whole army fifteen of the strongest and most courageous men to carry the ladders, and also to mount with them and share in the daring attempt. After these they selected thirty others, to remain in reserve at a certain distance; that, as soon as they had themselves climbed over the walls, and come to the nearest gate, the thirty might come up to it from the outside and try to knock off the hinges and fastenings, while they on the inside cut the cross bar and bolt pins. They also selected two thousand men to follow behind the thirty, who were to rush into the town with them and seize the area of the theatre, which was a favourable position to hold against those on the citadel, as well as those in the town. To prevent suspicion of the truth getting about, owing to the picking out of the men, the king gave out that the Aetolians were about to throw themselves into the town through a certain gully, and that it was necessary, in view of that information, to take energetic measures to prevent them.
16. τοῦ δὲ δεξαμένου τὴν ἐλπίδα καὶ παρακαλέσαντος τὸν Λαγόραν ἐπιτελεῖν τὴν πρᾶξιν, αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπισχνεῖτο τὰ δυνατὰ ποιήσειν, ἠξίου δὲ τὸν βασιλέα Θεόδοτον αὐτῷ τὸν Αἰτωλὸν καὶ Διονύσιον τὸν ἡγεμόνα τῶν ὑπασπιστῶν παρακελεύσαντα συστῆσαι συνεπιδοῦναι σφᾶς καὶ κοινωνῆσαι τῆς ἐπιβολῆς, διὰ τὸ δοκεῖν ἑκάτερον ἱκανὴν δύναμιν ἔχειν καὶ τόλμαν πρὸς τὴν ἐπινοουμένην πρᾶξιν. τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως παραχρῆμα ποιήσαντος τὸ παρακαλούμενον, συμφρονήσαντες οἱ προειρημένοι καὶ κοινωσάμενοι περὶ πάντων ἑαυτοῖς ἐτήρουν νύκτα τὸ περὶ τὴν ἑωθινὴν μέρος ἔχουσαν ἀσέληνον. λαβόντες δὲ τοιαύτην, ἐν ᾗ πράττειν ἔμελλον ἡμέρᾳ, τῇ πρότερον ὀψίας δείλης ἐπέλεξαν ἐκ παντὸς τοῦ στρατοπέδου πεντεκαίδεκα τοὺς εὐρωστοτάτους ἄνδρας καὶ τοῖς σώμασι καὶ ταῖς ψυχαῖς, οἵτινες ἔμελλον ἅμα μὲν προσοίσειν τὰς κλίμακας, ἅμα δὲ συναναβήσεσθαι καὶ μεθέξειν αὐτοῖς τῆς τόλμης. μετὰ δὲ τούτους ἄλλους ἐπελέξαντο τριάκοντα τοὺς ἐν ἀποστήματι συνεφεδρεύσοντας, ἵνʼ ἐπειδὰν ὑπερβάντες αὐτοὶ πρὸς τὴν παρακειμένην παραγένωνται πύλην, οὗτοι μὲν ἔξωθεν προσπεσόντες πειρῶνται διακόπτειν τοὺς στροφεῖς καὶ τὸ ζύγωμα τῶν πυλῶν, αὐτοὶ δὲ τὸν μοχλὸν ἔνδοθεν καὶ τὰς βαλανάγρας, δισχιλίους δὲ τοὺς κατόπιν ἀκολουθήσοντας τούτοις, οὓς συνεισπεσόντας ἔδει καταλαβέσθαι τὴν τοῦ θεάτρου στεφάνην, εὐφυῶς κειμένην πρός τε τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ἄκρας καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως. τοῦ δὲ μὴ γενέσθαι μηδεμίαν ὑποψίαν τῆς ἀληθείας διὰ τὴν ἐπιλογὴν τῶν ἀνδρῶν, διέδωκε λόγον ὡς τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς μέλλοντας εἰσπίπτειν διά τινος φάραγγος εἰς τὴν πόλιν, καὶ δέον ἐνεργῶς τούτους παραφυλάξαι πρὸς τὸ μηνυθέν.
17. When Lagoras and his party had made all their preparations, as soon as the moon set, they came stealthily to the foot of the cliffs with their scaling ladders, and ensconced themselves under a certain overhanging rock. When day broke, and the picket as usual broke up from that spot; and the king in the ordinary way told off some men to take their usual posts, and led the main body on to the hippodrome and drew them up; at first no one suspected what was going on. But when two ladders were fixed, and Dionysius led the way up one, and Lagoras up the other, there was excitement and a stir throughout the camp. For while the climbing party were not visible to the people in the town, or to Achaeus in the citadel, because of the beetling brow of the rock, their bold and adventurous ascent was in full view of the camp; which accordingly was divided in feeling between astonishment at the strangeness of the spectacle, and a nervous horror of what was going to happen next, all standing dumb with exulting wonder. Observing the excitement in the camp, and wishing to divert the attention both of his own men and of those in the city from what was going on, the king ordered an advance; and delivered an attack upon the gates on the other side of the town, called the Persian gates. Seeing from the citadel the unwonted stir in the camp, Achaeus was for some time at a loss to know what to do, being puzzled to account for it, and quite unable to see what was taking place. However he despatched a force to oppose the enemy at the gate; whose assistance was slow in arriving, because they had to descend from the citadel by a narrow and precipitous path. But Aribazus, the commandant of the town, went unsuspiciously to the gates on which he saw Antiochus advancing; and caused some of his men to mount the wall, and sent others out through the gate, with orders to hinder the approaching enemies, and come to close quarters with them.
17. ἑτοίμων δὲ πάντων αὐτοῖς γενομένων, ἅμα τῷ κρυφθῆναι τὴν σελήνην λάθρᾳ πρὸς τοὺς κρημνοὺς οἱ περὶ τὸν Λαγόραν ἀφικόμενοι μετὰ τῶν κλιμάκων ὑπέστειλαν ἑαυτοὺς ὑπό τινα προπεπτωκυῖαν ὀφρύν. ἐπιγενομένης δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας, καὶ τῶν μὲν φυλάκων ἀπολυομένων ἀπὸ τοῦ τόπου τούτου, τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως κατὰ τὸν ἐθισμὸν τοὺς μὲν εἰς τὰς ἐφεδρείας ἐκπέμποντος, τοὺς δὲ πολλοὺς εἰς τὸν ἱππόδρομον ἐξαγαγόντος καὶ παρατάττοντος, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀνύποπτον ἦν πᾶσι τὸ γενόμενον. προστεθεισῶν δὲ δυεῖν κλιμάκων, καὶ διʼ ἧς μὲν Διονυσίου, διʼ ἧς δὲ Λαγόρα πρῶτον πορευομένων, ἐγίνετο ταραχὴ καὶ κίνημα περὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον. συνέβαινε γὰρ τοῖς μὲν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀχαιὸν ἐκ τῆς ἄκρας ἀδήλους εἶναι τοὺς προσβαίνοντας διὰ τῆς προπεπτωκυίας ἐπὶ τὸν κρημνὸν ὀφρύος· τοῖς δʼ ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου σύνοπτος ἦν ἡ τόλμα τῶν ἀναβαινόντων καὶ παραβαλλομένων. διόπερ οἱ μὲν ἐκπεπληγμένοι τὸ παράδοξον, οἱ δὲ προορώμενοι καὶ δεδιότες τὸ συμβησόμενον, ἀχανεῖς ἅμα δὲ περιχαρεῖς ὄντες, ἕστασαν. ὅθεν ὁ βασιλεύς, θεωρῶν τὸ περὶ τὴν ὅλην παρεμβολὴν κίνημα, καὶ βουλόμενος ἀποσπᾶν ἀπὸ τοῦ προκειμένου τούς τε παρʼ αὑτοῦ καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, προῆγε τὴν δύναμιν καὶ προσέβαλε πρὸς τὰς ἐπὶ θάτερα πύλας κειμένας, Περσίδας δὲ προσαγορευομένας. Ἀχαιὸς δέ, συνθεωρῶν ἐκ τῆς ἄκρας τὸ περὶ τοὺς ὑπεναντίους κίνημα παρηλλαγμένον τῆς συνηθείας, ἐπὶ πολὺ διηπορεῖτο δυσχρηστούμενος καὶ συννοῆσαι τὸ γινόμενον οὐδαμῶς δυνάμενος. πλὴν ὅμως ἐξαπέστειλε τοὺς ἀπαντήσοντας εἰς τὴν πύλην· ὧν διὰ στενῆς καὶ κρημνώδους ποιουμένων τὴν κατάβασιν βραδεῖαν συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι τὴν ἐπικουρίαν. ὁ δʼ ἐπὶ τῆς πόλεως τεταγμένος Ἀρίβαζος ἀκάκως ὥρμησε πρὸς τὰς πύλας, αἷς ἑώρα προσβάλλοντα τὸν Ἀντίοχον, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἀνεβίβαζε, τοὺς δὲ διὰ τῆς πύλης ἀφιεὶς εἴργειν τοὺς συνεγγίζοντας καὶ συμπλέκεσθαι παρεκελεύετο τοῖς πολεμίοις.
18. Meanwhile Lagoras, Theodotus, Dionysius, and their men had climbed the rocks and had arrived at the gate nearest them; and some of them were engaged in fighting the troops sent from the citadel to oppose them, while others were cutting through the bars; and at the same time the party outside told off for that service were doing the same. The gates having thus been quickly forced open, the two thousand entered and occupied the area round the theatre. On this all the men from the walls, and from the Persian gate, to which Aribazus had already led a relieving force, rushed in hot haste to pass the word to attack the enemy within the gates. The result was that, the gate having been opened as they retreated, some of the king’s army rushed in along with the retiring garrison; and, when they had thus taken possession of the gate, they were followed by an unbroken stream of their comrades; some of whom poured through the gate, while others employed themselves in bursting open other gates in the vicinity. Aribazus and all the men in the city, after a brief struggle against the enemy who had thus got within the walls, fled with all speed to the citadel. After that, Theodotus and Lagoras and their party remained on the ground near the theatre, determining with great good sense and soldier-like prudence to form a reserve until the whole operation was completed; while the main body rushed in on every side and occupied the town. And now by dint of some putting all they met to the sword, others setting fire to the houses, others devoting themselves to plunder and taking booty, the destruction and sacking of the town was completed. Thus did Antiochus become master of Sardis....
18. κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον οἱ περὶ τὸν Λαγόραν καὶ Θεόδοτον καὶ Διονύσιον ὑπερβάντες τοὺς κρημνοὺς ἧκον ἐπὶ τὴν ὑποκειμένην πύλην. καὶ τινὲς μὲν αὐτῶν διεμάχοντο πρὸς τοὺς ἀπαντῶντας, οἱ δὲ διέκοπτον τοὺς μοχλούς. ἅμα δὲ τούτοις προσπεσόντες ἔξωθεν οἱ τεταγμένοι πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος τὸ παραπλήσιον ἐποίουν. ταχὺ δὲ τῶν πυλῶν ἀνοιχθεισῶν, εἰσελθόντες οἱ δισχίλιοι κατελάβοντο τὴν τοῦ θεάτρου στεφάνην. οὗ γινομένου πάντες ὥρμησαν ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν καὶ τῆς Περσίδος προσαγορευομένης πύλης, ἐφʼ ἣν πρότερον ἐβοήθησαν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀρίβαζον, σπεύδοντες παρεγγυᾶν ἐπὶ τοὺς εἰσπεπτωκότας. τούτου δὲ συμβαίνοντος, κατὰ τὴν ἀποχώρησιν ἀνεῳγμένης τῆς πύλης, συνεισέπεσόν τινες τῶν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως, ἑπόμενοι τοῖς ὑποχωροῦσιν. ὧν κρατησάντων τῆς πύλης, ἤδη τούτοις κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς οἱ μὲν εἰσέπιπτον, οἱ δὲ τὰς παρακειμένας διέκοπτον πύλας. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἀρίβαζον καὶ πάντες οἱ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐπὶ βραχὺ διαγωνισάμενοι πρὸς τοὺς εἰσεληλυθότας ὥρμησαν φεύγειν πρὸς τὴν ἄκραν. οὗ συμβάντος οἱ μὲν περὶ τὸν Θεόδοτον καὶ Λαγόραν ἔμενον ἐπὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸ θέατρον τόπων, νουνεχῶς καὶ πραγματικῶς ἐφεδρεύοντες τοῖς ὅλοις, ἡ δὲ λοιπὴ δύναμις εἰσπεσοῦσα πανταχόθεν ἅμα κατειλήφει τὴν πόλιν. καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἤδη, τῶν μὲν φονευόντων τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας, τῶν δὲ τὰς οἰκήσεις ἐμπιπρώντων, ἄλλων δὲ πρὸς τὰς ἁρπαγὰς καὶ τὰς ὠφελείας ὡρμηκότων, ἐγίνετο παντελὴς ἡ τῆς πόλεως καταφθορὰ καὶ διαρπαγή. καὶ Σάρδεων μὲν τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἐγένετο κύριος Ἀντίοχος. [ξοδ. υρβ. φολ. 98 μεδ. εχξ. αντ. π. 194.]