3. As Antiochus was staying at Chalcis, just as the winter was beginning, two ambassadors came to visit him, Charops from Epirus, and Callistratus from Elis. The prayer of the Epirotes was that “The king would not involve them in the war with Rome, for they dwelt on the side of Greece immediately opposite Italy; but that, if he could, he would secure their safety by defending the frontier of Epirus: in that case he should be admitted into all their towns and harbours: but if he decided not to do so at present, they asked his indulgence if they shrank from a war with Rome.” The Eleans, in their turn, begged him “To send a reinforcement to their town; for as the Achaeans had voted war against them, they were in terror of an attack from the troops of the league.” The king answered the Epirotes by saying that he would send envoys to confer with them on their mutual interests; but to Elis he despatched a thousand foot soldiers under the command of Euphanes of Crete....
3. οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἠπειρῶται παρεκάλουν αὐτὸν μὴ προεμβιβάζειν σφᾶς εἰς τὸν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πόλεμον, θεωροῦντα διότι πρόκεινται πάσης τῆς Ἑλλάδος πρὸς τὴν Ἰταλίαν· ἀλλʼ εἰ μὲν αὐτὸς δύναται προκαθίσας τῆς Ἠπείρου παρασκευάζειν σφίσι τὴν ἀσφάλειαν, ἔφασαν αὐτὸν δέξασθαι καὶ ταῖς πόλεσι καὶ τοῖς λιμέσιν· εἰ δὲ μὴ κρίνει τοῦτο πράττειν κατὰ τὸ παρόν, συγγνώμην ἔχειν ἠξίουν αὐτοῖς δεδιόσι τὸν ἀπὸ Ῥωμαίων πόλεμον. οἱ δʼ Ἠλεῖοι παρεκάλουν πέμπειν τῇ πόλει βοήθειαν· ἐψηφισμένων γὰρ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν τὸν πόλεμον εὐλαβεῖσθαι τὴν τούτων ἔφοδον. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς τοῖς μὲν Ἠπειρώταις ἀπεκρίθη διότι πέμψει πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς διαλεχθησομένους αὐτοῖς ὑπὲρ τῶν κοινῇ συμφερόντων, τοῖς δʼ Ἠλείοις ἐξαπέστειλε χιλίους πεζούς, ἡγεμόνα συστήσας Εὐφάνη τὸν Κρῆτα. — ὅτι Βοιωτοὶ ἐκ πολλῶν ἤδη χρόνων καχεκτοῦντες ἦσαν καὶ μεγάλην εἶχον διαφορὰν πρὸς τὴν γεγενημένην εὐεξίαν καὶ δόξαν αὐτῶν τῆς πολιτείας.
4. The Boeotians had long been in a very depressed state, which offered a strong contrast to the former prosperity and reputation of their country. They had acquired great glory as well as great material prosperity at the time of the battle of Leuctra; but by some means or another from that time forward they steadily diminished both the one and the other under the leadership of Amaeocritus; and subsequently not only diminished them, but underwent a complete change of character, and did all that was possible to wipe out their previous reputation. For having been incited by the Achaeans to go to war with the Aetolians, they adopted the policy of the former and made an alliance with them, and thenceforth maintained a steady war with the Aetolians. But on the Aetolians invading Boeotia, they marched out with their full available force, and without waiting for the arrival of the Achaeans, who had mustered their men and were on the point of marching to their assistance, they attacked the Aetolians; and being worsted in the battle were so completely demoralised, that, from the time of that campaign, they never plucked up spirit to claim any position of honour whatever, and never shared in any enterprise or contest undertaken by the common consent of the Greeks. They devoted themselves entirely to eating and drinking, and thus became effeminate in their souls as well as in their bodies.
4. οὗτοι γὰρ μεγάλην περιποιησάμενοι καὶ δόξαν καὶ δύναμιν ἐν τοῖς Λευκτρικοῖς καιροῖς, οὐκ οἶδʼ ὅπως κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς ἐν τοῖς ἑξῆς χρόνοις ἀφῄρουν ἀμφοτέρων αἰεὶ τῶν προειρημένων, ἔχοντες στρατηγὸν Ἀβαιόκριτον. ἀπὸ δὲ τούτων τῶν καιρῶν οὐ μόνον ἀφῄρουν, ἀλλʼ ἁπλῶς εἰς τἀναντία τραπέντες καὶ τὴν πρὸ τοῦ δόξαν ἐφʼ ὅσον οἷοί τʼ ἦσαν ἠμαύρωσαν. Ἀχαιῶν γὰρ αὐτοὺς πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς ἐκπολεμωσάντων, μετασχόντες τούτοις τῆς αὐτῆς αἱρέσεως καὶ ποιησάμενοι συμμαχίαν, μετὰ ταῦτα κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς ἐπολέμουν πρὸς Αἰτωλούς. ἐμβαλόντων δὲ μετὰ δυνάμεως εἰς τὴν Βοιωτίαν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἐκστρατεύσαντες πανδημεί, καὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἡθροισμένων καὶ μελλόντων παραβοηθεῖν οὐκ ἐκδεξάμενοι τὴν τούτων παρουσίαν συνέβαλον τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς, ἡττηθέντες δὲ κατὰ τὸν κίνδυνον οὕτως ἀνέπεσον ταῖς ψυχαῖς ὥστʼ ἀπʼ ἐκείνης τῆς χρείας ἁπλῶς οὐδενὸς ἔτι τῶν καλῶν ἀμφισβητεῖν ἐτόλμησαν οὐδʼ ἐκοινώνησαν οὔτε πράξεως οὔτʼ ἀγῶνος οὐδενὸς ἔτι τοῖς Ἕλλησι μετὰ κοινοῦ δόγματος, ἀλλʼ ὁρμήσαντες πρὸς εὐωχίαν καὶ μέθας οὐ μόνον τοῖς σώμασιν ἐξελύθησαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῖς ψυχαῖς.
5. Such were, briefly, the steps in the degeneracy of Boeotia. Immediately after the battle just mentioned they abandoned the Achaeans and joined the Aetolians. But on the latter presently going to war with Philip’s father Demetrius, they once more abandoned the Aetolians; and upon Demetrius entering Boeotia with an army, without attempting resistance they submitted completely to the Macedonians. But as a spark of their ancestral glory still survived, there were found some who disliked the existing settlement and the complete subservience to Macedonia: and they accordingly maintained a violent opposition to the policy of Ascondas and Neon, the ancestors of Brachylles, who were the most prominent in the party which favoured Macedonia. However, the party of Ascondas eventually prevailed, owing to the following circumstance. Antigonus (Doson), who, after the death of Demetrius, was Philip’s guardian, happened to be sailing on some business along the coast of Boeotia; when off Larymna he was surprised by a sudden ebb of the tide, and his ships were left high and dry. Now just at that time a rumour had been spread that Antigonus meant to make a raid upon the country; and therefore Neon, who was Hipparch at the time, was patrolling the country at the head of all the Boeotian cavalry to protect it, and came upon Antigonus in this helpless and embarrassed position: and having it thus in his power to inflict a serious blow upon the Macedonians, much to their surprise he resolved to spare them. His conduct in so doing was approved by the other Boeotians, but was not at all pleasing to the Thebans. Antigonus, however, when the tide flowed again and his ships floated, proceeded to complete the voyage to Asia on which he was bound, with deep gratitude to Neon for having abstained from attacking him in his awkward position. Accordingly, when at a subsequent period he conquered the Spartan Cleomenes and became master of Lacedaemon, he left Brachylles in charge of the town, by way of paying him for the kindness done him by his father Neon. This proved to be the beginning of a great rise in importance of the family of Brachylles. But this was not all that Antigonus did for him: from that time forward either he personally, or king Philip, continually supported him with money and influence; so that before long this family entirely overpowered the political party opposed to them in Thebes, and forced all the citizens, with very few exceptions, to join the party of Macedonia. Such was the origin of the political adherence to Macedonia of the family of Neon, and of its rise to prosperity.
5. τὰ δὲ κεφάλαια τῆς κατὰ μέρος ἀγνοίας ἐχειρίσθη παρʼ αὐτοῖς τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον. μετὰ γὰρ τὴν προειρημένην ἧτταν εὐθέως ἐγκαταλιπόντες τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς προσένειμαν Αἰτωλοῖς τὸ ἔθνος. ἀνελομένων δὲ καὶ τούτων πόλεμον μετά τινα χρόνον πρὸς Δημήτριον τὸν Φιλίππου πατέρα, πάλιν ἐγκαταλιπόντες τούτους, καὶ παραγενομένου Δημητρίου μετὰ δυνάμεως εἰς τὴν Βοιωτίαν οὐδενὸς πεῖραν λαβόντες τῶν δεινῶν, ὑπέταξαν σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ὁλοσχερῶς Μακεδόσι. βραχέος δʼ αἰθύγματος ἐγκαταλειπομένου τῆς προγονικῆς δόξης, ἦσάν τινες οἳ δυσηρεστοῦντο τῇ παρούσῃ καταστάσει καὶ τῷ πάντα πείθεσθαι Μακεδόσι. διὸ καὶ μεγάλην ἀντιπολιτείαν εἶναι συνέβαινε τούτοις πρὸς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἀσκώνδαν καὶ Νέωνα, τοὺς Βραχύλλου προγόνους· οὗτοι γὰρ ἦσαν οἱ μάλιστα τότε μακεδονίζοντες. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τέλος κατίσχυσαν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀσκώνδαν γενομένης τινὸς περιπετείας τοιαύτης. Ἀντίγονος μετὰ τὸν Δημητρίου θάνατον ἐπιτροπεύσας Φιλίππου, πλέων ἐπί τινας πράξεις πρὸς τὰς ἐσχατιὰς τῆς Βοιωτίας πρὸς Λάρυμναν, παραδόξου γενομένης ἀμπώτεως ἐκάθισαν εἰς τὸ ξηρὸν αἱ νῆες αὐτοῦ. κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον προσπεπτωκυίας φήμης ὅτι μέλλει κατατρέχειν τὴν χώραν Ἀντίγονος, Νέων, ἱππαρχῶν τότε καὶ πάντας τοὺς Βοιωτῶν ἱππεῖς μεθʼ αὑτοῦ περιαγόμενος χάριν τοῦ παραφυλάττειν τὴν χώραν, ἐπεγένετο τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀντίγονον ἀπορουμένοις καὶ δυσχρηστουμένοις διὰ τὸ συμβεβηκός, καὶ δυνάμενος μεγάλα βλάψαι τοὺς Μακεδόνας ἔδοξε φείσασθαι παρὰ τὴν προσδοκίαν αὐτῶν. τοῖς μὲν οὖν ἄλλοις Βοιωτοῖς ἤρεσκε τοῦτο πράξας, τοῖς δὲ Θηβαίοις οὐχ ὅλως εὐδόκει τὸ γεγονός. ὁ δʼ Ἀντίγονος, ἐπελθούσης μετʼ ὀλίγον τῆς πλήμης καὶ κουφισθεισῶν τῶν νεῶν, τῷ μὲν Νέωνι μεγάλην εἶχε χάριν ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ συνεπιτεθεῖσθαι σφίσι κατὰ τὴν περιπέτειαν, αὐτὸς δὲ τὸν προκείμενον ἐτέλει πλοῦν εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν. διὸ καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα, νικήσας Κλεομένη τὸν Σπαρτιάτην καὶ κύριος γενόμενος τῆς Λακεδαίμονος, ἐπιστάτην ἀπέλειπε τῆς πόλεως Βραχύλλην, ταύτην αὐτῷ χάριν ἀποδιδοὺς τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς Νέωνος εὐεργεσίας· ἐξ ὧν οὐδὲ κατὰ μικρὸν συνέβη τὴν οἰκίαν ἐπανορθωθῆναι τὴν περὶ τὸν Βραχύλλην. οὐ μόνον δὲ ταύτην αὐτῶν ἔσχε τὴν πρόνοιαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατὰ τὸ συνεχές, ὁτὲ μὲν αὐτός, ὁτὲ δὲ Φιλίππος, χορηγοῦντες καὶ συνεπισχύοντες αἰεί, ταχέως κατηγωνίσαντο τοὺς ἐν ταῖς Θήβαις αὐτοῖς ἀντιπολιτευομένους καὶ πάντας ἠνάγκασαν μακεδονίζειν πλὴν τελέως ὀλίγων τινῶν. τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ τὴν οἰκίαν τὴν Νέωνος τοιαύτην ἔλαβε τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ τῆς πρὸς Μακεδόνας συστάσεως καὶ τῆς κατὰ τὴν οὐσίαν ἐπιδόσεως·
6. But Boeotia as a nation had come to such a low pitch, that for nearly twenty-five years the administration of justice had been suspended in private and public suits alike. Their magistrates were engaged in despatching bodies of men to guard the country or in proclaiming national expeditions, and thus continually postponed their attendance at courts of law. Some of the Strategi also dispensed allowances to the needy from the public treasury; whereby the common people learnt to support and invest with office those who would help them to escape the penalties of their crimes and undischarged liabilities, and to be enriched from time to time with some portion of the public property obtained by official favour. No one contributed to this lamentable state of things more than Opheltas, who was always inventing some plan calculated to benefit the masses for the moment, while perfectly certain to ruin them in the future. To these evils was added another unfortunate fashion. It became the practice for those who died childless not to leave their property to the members of their family, as had been the custom of the country formerly, but to assign it for the maintenance of feasts and convivial entertainments to be shared in by the testator’s friends in common; and even many who did possess children left the larger part of their property to the members of their own club. The result was that there were many Boeotians who had more feasts to attend in the month than there were days in it. The people of Megara therefore, disliking this habit, and remembering their old connexion with the Achaean league, were inclined once more to renew their political alliance with it. For the Megarians had been members of the Achaean league since the time of Antigonus Gonatas; but upon Cleomenes blockading the Isthmus, finding themselves cut off from the Achaeans they joined the Boeotians, with the consent of the former. But a little before the time of which we are now speaking, becoming dissatisfied with the Boeotian constitution, they again joined the Achaeans. The Boeotians, incensed at what they considered acts of contempt, sallied out in full force to attack Megara; and on the Megarians declining to listen to them, they determined in their anger to besiege and assault their city. But being attacked by a panic, on a report spreading that Philopoemen was at hand at the head of a force of Achaeans, they left their scaling ladders against the walls and fled back precipitately to their own country.
6. τὰ δὲ κοινὰ τῶν Βοιωτῶν εἰς τοσαύτην παραγεγόνει καχεξίαν ὥστε σχεδὸν εἴκοσι καὶ πέντʼ ἐτῶν τὸ δίκαιον μὴ διεξῆχθαι παρʼ αὐτοῖς μήτε περὶ τῶν ἰδιωτικῶν συμβολαίων μήτε περὶ τῶν κοινῶν ἐγκλημάτων, ἀλλʼ οἱ μὲν φρουρὰς παραγγέλλοντες τῶν ἀρχόντων, οἱ δὲ στρατείας κοινάς, ἐξέκοπτον ἀεὶ τὴν δικαιοδοσίαν· ἔνιοι δὲ τῶν στρατηγῶν καὶ μισθοδοσίας ἐποίουν ἐκ τῶν κοινῶν τοῖς ἀπόροις τῶν ἀνθρώπων. ἐξ ὧν ἐδιδάχθη τὰ πλήθη τούτοις προσέχειν καὶ τούτοις περιποιεῖν τὰς ἀρχάς, διʼ ὧν ἔμελλε τῶν μὲν ἀδικημάτων καὶ τῶν ὀφειλημάτων οὐχ ὑφέξειν δίκας, προσλήψεσθαι δὲ τῶν κοινῶν αἰεί τι διὰ τὴν τῶν ἀρχόντων χάριν. πλεῖστα δὲ συνεβάλετο πρὸς τὴν τοιαύτην Ὀφέλτας, αἰεί τι προσεπινοῶν ὃ κατὰ τὸ παρὸν ἐδόκει τοὺς πολλοὺς ὠφελεῖν, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πάντας ἀπολεῖν ἔμελλεν ὁμολογουμένως. τούτοις δʼ ἠκολούθησε καὶ ἕτερος ζῆλος οὐκ εὐτυχής. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἄτεκνοι τὰς οὐσίας οὐ τοῖς κατὰ γένος ἐπιγενομένοις τελευτῶντες ἀπέλειπον, ὅπερ ἦν ἔθος παρʼ αὐτοῖς πρότερον, ἀλλʼ εἰς εὐωχίας καὶ μέθας διετίθεντο καὶ κοινὰς τοῖς φίλοις ἐποίουν· πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐχόντων γενεὰς ἀπεμέριζον τοῖς συσσιτίοις τὸ πλεῖον μέρος τῆς οὐσίας, ὥστε πολλοὺς εἶναι Βοιωτῶν οἷς ὑπῆρχε δεῖπνα τοῦ μηνὸς πλείω τῶν εἰς τὸν μῆνα διατεταγμένων ἡμερῶν. διὸ καὶ Μεγαρεῖς, μισήσαντες μὲν τὴν τοιαύτην κατάστασιν, μνησθέντες δὲ τῆς προγεγενημένης αὐτοῖς μετὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν συμπολιτείας, αὖτις ἀπένευσαν πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς καὶ τὴν ἐκείνων αἵρεσιν. Μεγαρεῖς γὰρ ἐξ ἀρχῆς μὲν ἐπολιτεύοντο μετὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἀπὸ τῶν κατʼ Ἀντίγονον τὸν Γονατᾶν χρόνων· ὅτε δὲ Κλεομένης εἰς τὸν Ἰσθμὸν προεκάθισεν, διακλεισθέντες προσέθεντο τοῖς Βοιωτοῖς μετὰ τῆς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν γνώμης. βραχὺ δὲ πρὸ τῶν νῦν λεγομένων καιρῶν δυσαρεστήσαντες τῇ πολιτείᾳ τῶν Βοιωτῶν αὖτις ἀπένευσαν πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιούς. οἱ δὲ Βοιωτοὶ διοργισθέντες ἐπὶ τῷ καταφρονεῖσθαι δοκεῖν ἐξῆλθον ἐπὶ τοὺς Μεγαρεῖς πανδημεὶ σὺν τοῖς ὅπλοις. οὐδένα δὲ ποιουμένων λόγον τῶν Μεγαρέων τῆς παρουσίας αὐτῶν, οὕτω θυμωθέντες πολιορκεῖν ἐπεβάλοντο καὶ προσβολὰς ποιεῖσθαι τῇ πόλει. πανικοῦ δʼ ἐμπεσόντος αὐτοῖς καὶ φήμης ὅτι πάρεστιν Φιλοποίμην τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἔχων, ἀπολιπόντες πρὸς τῷ τείχει τὰς κλίμακας ἔφυγον προτροπάδην εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν.
7. Such being the state of Boeotian politics, it was only by extraordinary good fortune that they evaded destruction in the dangerous periods of the wars of Philip and Antiochus. But in the succeeding period they did not escape in the same way. Fortune, on the contrary, seemed determined to make them pay for their former good luck by a specially severe retribution, as I shall relate hereafter.... Many of the Boeotians defended their alienation from the Romans by alleging the assassination of Brachylles, and the expedition made by Flamininus upon Coronea owing to the murders of Romans on the roads. But the real reason was their moral degeneracy, brought about by the causes I have mentioned. For as soon as the king approached, the Boeotian magistrates went out to meet him, and after holding a friendly conversation with him conducted him into Thebes....
7. τοιαύτην δʼ ἔχοντες οἱ Βοιωτοὶ τὴν διάθεσιν τῆς πολιτείας, εὐτυχῶς πως διώλισθον καὶ τοὺς κατὰ Φίλιππον καὶ τοὺς κατʼ Ἀντίοχον καιρούς. ἔν γε μὴν τοῖς ἑξῆς οὐ διέφυγον, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδες ἀνταπόδοσιν ἡ τύχη ποιουμένη βαρέως ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς ἐπεμβαίνειν· ὑπὲρ ὧν ἡμεῖς ἐν τοῖς ἑξῆς ποιησόμεθα μνήμην. — ὅτι οἱ πολλοὶ πρόφασιν μὲν εἶχον τῆς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἀλλοτριότητος τὴν ἐπαναίρεσιν τὴν Βραχύλλου καὶ τὴν στρατείαν, ἣν ἐποιήσατο Τίτος ἐπὶ Κορώνειαν διὰ τοὺς ἐπιγινομένους φόνους ἐν ταῖς ὁδοῖς τῶν Ῥωμαίων, τῇ δʼ ἀληθείᾳ καχεκτοῦντες ἦσαν ταῖς ψυχαῖς διὰ τὰς προειρημένας αἰτίας. καὶ γὰρ τοῦ βασιλέως συνεγγίζοντος ἐξῄεσαν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀπάντησιν οἱ τῶν Βοιωτῶν ἄρξαντες· συμμίξαντες δὲ καὶ φιλανθρώπως ὁμιλήσαντες ἦγον αὐτὸν εἰς τὰς Θήβας. — Ἀντίοχος δὲ ὁ μέγας ἐπικαλούμενος, ὃν Ῥωμαῖοι καθεῖλον, ὡς ἱστορεῖ Πολύβιος ἐν τῇ εἰκοστῇ, παρελθὼν εἰς Χαλκίδα τῆς Εὐβοίας συνετέλει γάμους, πεντήκοντα μὲν ἔτη γεγονὼς καὶ δύο τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἔργων ἀνειληφώς, τήν τε τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθέρωσιν, ὡς αὐτὸς ἐπηγγέλλετο, καὶ τὸν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πόλεμον.
8. Antiochus the Great came to Chalcis in Euboea, and there completed his marriage, when he was fifty years old, and had already undertaken his two most important labours, the liberation of Greece—as he called it—and the war with Rome. However, having fallen in love with a young lady of Chalcis, he was bent on marrying her, though the war was still going on; for he was much addicted to wine and delighted in excesses. The lady was a daughter of Cleoptolemus, a man of rank, and was possessed of extraordinary beauty. He remained in Chalcis all the winter occupied in marriage festivities, utterly regardless of the pressing business of the time. He gave the girl the name of Euboea, and after his defeat fled with his bride to Ephesus....
8. ἐρασθεὶς οὖν παρθένου Χαλκιδικῆς κατὰ τὸν τοῦ πολέμου καιρὸν ἐφιλοτιμήσατο γῆμαι αὐτήν, οἰνοπότης ὢν καὶ μέθαις χαίρων. ἦν δʼ αὕτη Κλεοπτολέμου μὲν θυγάτηρ, ἑνὸς τῶν ἐπιφανῶν, κάλλει δὲ πάσας ὑπερβάλλουσα. καὶ τοὺς γάμους συντελῶν ἐν τῇ Χαλκίδι αὐτόθι διέτριψε τὸν χειμῶνα, τῶν ἐνεστώτων οὐδʼ ἡντινοῦν ποιούμενος πρόνοιαν, ἔθετο δὲ καὶ τῇ παιδὶ ὄνομα Εὔβοιαν. ἡττηθεὶς οὖν τῷ πολέμῳ ἔφυγεν εἰς Ἔφεσον μετὰ τῆς νεογάμου. νεξ πραετερ θυινγεντος, θυι ξιρξα ρεγεμ φυερυντ, εχ τοτο εχερξιτυ θυισθυαμ εφφυγιτ, ετιαμ εχ δεξεμ μιλιβυς μιλιτυμ, θυος πολψβιο αυξτορε τραιεξισσε σεξυμ ρεγεμ ιν γραεξιαμ σξριπσιμυς, εχιγυυς νυμερυς.
9. When the Romans took Heracleia, Phaeneas the Aetolian Strategus, in view of the danger threatening Aetolia, and seeing what would happen to the other towns, determined to send an embassy to Manius Acilius to demand a truce and treaty of peace. With this purpose he despatched Archidamus, Pantaleon and Chalesus, who on meeting the Roman consul were intending to enter upon a long argument, but were interrupted in the middle of their speech and prevented from finishing it. For Acilius remarked that “For the present he had no leisure to attend to them, being much engaged with the distribution of the spoils of Heracleia: he would, however, grant a ten days’ truce and send Lucius Valerius Flaccus with them, with instructions as to what he was to say.” The truce being thus made, and Valerius having come to Hypata, a lengthened discussion took place on the state of affairs. The Aetolians sought to establish their case by referring to their previous services to Rome. But Valerius cut this line of argument short by saying that “Such justification did not apply to the present circumstances; for as these old friendly relations had been broken off by them, and the existing hostility was owing entirely to the Aetolians themselves, the services of the past could be of no assistance to them in the present. They must therefore abandon all idea of justification, and adopt a tone of supplication, and beseech the consul’s pardon for their transgressions.” After a long discussion on various details, the Aetolians eventually decided to leave the whole matter to Acilius, and commit themselves without reserve to the good faith of the Romans. They had no comprehension of what this really involved; but they were misled by the word “faith” into supposing that the Romans would thereby be more inclined to grant them terms. But with the Romans for a man “to commit himself to their good faith” is held to be equivalent to “surrendering unconditionally.”
9. ὅτι οἱ περὶ τὸν Φαινέαν τὸν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν στρατηγὸν μετὰ τὸ γενέσθαι τὴν Ἡράκλειαν ὑποχείριον τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις, ὁρῶντες τὸν περιεστῶτα καιρὸν τὴν Αἰτωλίαν καὶ λαμβάνοντες πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν τὰ συμβησόμενα ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσιν, ἔκριναν διαπέμπεσθαι πρὸς τὸν Μάνιον ὑπὲρ ἀνοχῶν καὶ διαλύσεως. ταῦτα δὲ διαλαβόντες ἐξαπέστειλαν Ἀρχέδαμον καὶ Πανταλέοντα καὶ Χάλεπον· οἳ συμμίξαντες τῷ στρατηγῷ τῶν Ῥωμαίων προέθεντο μὲν καὶ πλείους ποιεῖσθαι λόγους, μεσολαβηθέντες δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἔντευξιν ἐκωλύθησαν. ὁ γὰρ Μάνιος κατὰ μὲν τὸ παρὸν οὐκ ἔφασκεν εὐκαιρεῖν, περισπώμενος ὑπὸ τῆς τῶν ἐκ τῆς Ἡρακλείας λαφύρων οἰκονομίας· δεχημέρους δὲ ποιησάμενος ἀνοχὰς ἐκπέμψειν ἔφη μετʼ αὐτῶν Λεύκιον, πρὸς ὃν ἐκέλευε λέγειν ὑπὲρ ὧν ἂν δέοιντο. γενομένων δὲ τῶν ἀνοχῶν, καὶ τοῦ Λευκίου συνελθόντος εἰς τὴν Ὑπάταν, ἐγένοντο λόγοι καὶ πλείους ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐνεστώτων. οἱ μὲν οὖν Αἰτωλοὶ συνίσταντο τὴν δικαιολογίαν ἀνέκαθεν προφερόμενοι τὰ προγεγονότα σφίσι φιλάνθρωπα πρὸς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους· ὁ δὲ Λεύκιος ἐπιτεμὼν αὐτῶν τὴν ὁρμὴν οὐκ ἔφη τοῖς παροῦσι καιροῖς ἁρμόζειν τοῦτο τὸ γένος τῆς δικαιολογίας· λελυμένων γὰρ τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς φιλανθρώπων διʼ ἐκείνους, καὶ τῆς ἐνεστώσης ἔχθρας διʼ Αἰτωλοὺς γεγενημένης, οὐδὲν ἔτι συμβάλλεσθαι τὰ τότε φιλάνθρωπα πρὸς τοὺς νῦν καιρούς. διόπερ ἀφεμένους τοῦ δικαιολογεῖσθαι συνεβούλευε τρέπεσθαι πρὸς τὸν ἀξιωματικὸν λόγον καὶ δεῖσθαι τοῦ στρατηγοῦ συγγνώμης τυχεῖν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἡμαρτημένοις. οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοὶ καὶ πλείω λόγον ποιησάμενοι περὶ τῶν ὑποπιπτόντων ἔκριναν ἐπιτρέπειν τὰ ὅλα Μανίῳ, δόντες αὑτοὺς εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων πίστιν, οὐκ εἰδότες τίνα δύναμιν ἔχει τοῦτο, τῷ δὲ τῆς πίστεως ὀνόματι πλανηθέντες, ὡς ἂν διὰ τοῦτο τελειοτέρου σφίσιν ἐλέους ὑπάρξοντος. παρὰ δὲ Ῥωμαίοις ἰσοδυναμεῖ τό τʼ εἰς τὴν πίστιν αὑτὸν ἐγχειρίσαι καὶ τὸ τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν δοῦναι περὶ αὑτοῦ τῷ κρατοῦντι.
10. Having come to this resolution, Phaeneas despatched legates with Valerius to announce the decision of the Aetolians to Acilius. On being admitted to the presence of the Consul, these legates, after once more entering upon a plea of self-justification, ended by announcing that the Aetolians had decided to commit themselves to the good faith of the Romans. Hereupon Acilius interrupted them by saying, “Is this really the case, men of Aetolia?” And upon their answering in the affirmative, he said: “Well then, the first condition is that none of you, individually or collectively, must cross to Asia; the second is that you must surrender Menestratus the Epirote” (who happened at that time to be at Naupactus, where he had come to the assistance of the Aetolians), “and also King Amynander, with such of the Athamanians as accompanied him in his desertion to your side.” Here Phaeneas interrupted him by saying: “But it is neither just nor consonant with Greek customs, O Consul, to do what you order.” To which Acilius replied,—not so much because he was angry, as because he wished to show him the dangerous position in which he stood, and to thoroughly frighten him,— “Do you still presume to talk to me about Greek customs, and about honour and duty, after having committed yourselves to my good faith? Why, I might if I chose put you all in chains and commit you to prison!” With these words he ordered his men to bring a chain and an iron collar and put it on the neck of each of them. Thereupon Phaeneas and his companions stood in speechless amazement, as though bereft of all power of thought or motion, at this unexpected turn of affairs. But Valerius and some others who were present besought Acilius not to inflict any severity upon the Aetolians then before him, as they were in the position of ambassadors. And on his yielding to these representations, Phaeneas broke silence by saying that “He and the Apocleti were ready to obey the injunctions, but they must consult the general assembly if they were to be confirmed.” Upon Acilius agreeing to this, he demanded a truce of ten days to be granted. This also having been conceded, they departed with these terms, and on arrival at Hypata told the Apocleti what had been done and the speeches that had been made. This report was the first thing which made their error, and the compulsion under which they were placed, clear to the Aetolians. It was therefore decided to write round to the various cities and call the Aetolians together, to consult on the injunctions imposed upon them. When the news of the reception Phaeneas had met with was noised abroad, the Aetolian people were so infuriated that no one would even attend the meeting to discuss the matter at all. It was thus impossible to hold the discussion. They were further encouraged by the arrival of Nicander, who just at that time sailed into Phalara, on the Malian gulf, from Asia, bringing news of the warm reception given him by Antiochus, and the promises for the future which the king had made; they therefore became quite indifferent as to the noncompletion of the peace. Thus when the days of the truce had elapsed the Aetolians found themselves still at war with Rome.
10. πλὴν ταῦτα κρίναντες ἐξέπεμψαν ἅμα τῷ Λευκίῳ τοὺς περὶ Φαινέαν διασαφήσοντας τὰ δεδογμένα τῷ Μανίῳ κατὰ σπουδήν· οἳ καὶ συμμίξαντες τῷ στρατηγῷ καὶ πάλιν ὁμοίως δικαιολογηθέντες ὑπὲρ αὑτῶν, ἐπὶ καταστροφῆς εἶπαν διότι κέκριται τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐγχειρίζειν εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων πίστιν. ὁ δὲ Μάνιος μεταλαβών "οὐκοῦν οὕτως ἔχει ταῦτα," φησίν, " ὦ ἄνδρες Αἰτωλοί;" τῶν δὲ κατανευσάντων, "τοιγαροῦν πρῶτον μὲν δεήσει μηδένα διαβαίνειν ὑμῶν εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν, μήτε κατʼ ἰδίαν μήτε μετὰ κοινοῦ δόγματος, δεύτερον Δικαίαρχον ἔκδοτον δοῦναι καὶ Μενέστρατον τὸν Ἠπειρώτην," ὃς ἐτύγχανε τότε παραβεβοηθηκὼς εἰς Ναύπακτον, "σὺν δὲ τούτοις Ἀμύνανδρον τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τῶν Ἀθαμάνων τοὺς ἅμα τούτῳ συναποχωρήσαντας πρὸς αὐτούς. " ὁ δὲ Φαινέας μεσολαβήσας "ἀλλʼ οὔτε δίκαιον," ἔφησεν, "οὔθʼ Ἑλληνικόν ἐστιν, ὦ στρατηγέ, τὸ παρακαλούμενον." ὁ δὲ Μάνιος οὐχ οὕτως ὀργισθεὶς ὡς βουλόμενος εἰς ἔννοιαν αὐτοὺς ἀγαγεῖν τῆς περιστάσεως καὶ καταπλήξασθαι τοῖς ὅλοις, "ἔτι γὰρ ὑμεῖς ἑλληνοκοπεῖτε" φησὶ "καὶ περὶ τοῦ πρέποντος καὶ καθήκοντος ποιεῖσθε λόγον, δεδωκότες ἑαυτοὺς εἰς τὴν πίστιν; οὓς ἐγὼ δήσας εἰς τὴν ἅλυσιν ἀπάξω πάντας, ἂν τοῦτʼ ἐμοὶ δόξῃ. " ταῦτα λέγων φέρειν ἅλυσιν ἐκέλευσε καὶ σκύλακα σιδηροῦν ἑκάστῳ περιθεῖναι περὶ τὸν τράχηλον. οἱ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὸν Φαινέαν ἔκθαμβοι γεγονότες ἕστασαν ἄφωνοι πάντες, οἱονεὶ παραλελυμένοι καὶ τοῖς σώμασι καὶ ταῖς ψυχαῖς διὰ τὸ παράδοξον τῶν ἀπαντωμένων· ὁ δὲ Λεύκιος καί τινες ἕτεροι τῶν συμπαρόντων χιλιάρχων ἐδέοντο τοῦ Μανίου μηδὲν βουλεύσασθαι δυσχερὲς ὑπὲρ τῶν παρόντων ἀνδρῶν, ἐπεὶ τυγχάνουσιν ὄντες πρεσβευταί. τοῦ δὲ συγχωρήσαντος ἤρξατο λέγειν ὁ Φαινέας· ἔφη γὰρ αὑτὸν καὶ τοὺς ἀποκλήτους ποιήσειν τὰ προσταττόμενα, προσδεῖσθαι δὲ καὶ τῶν πολλῶν, εἰ μέλλει κυρωθῆναι τὰ παραγγελλόμενα. τοῦ δὲ Μανίου φήσαντος αὐτὸν ὀρθῶς λέγειν, ἠξίου πάλιν ἀνοχὰς αὑτοῖς δοθῆναι δεχημέρους. συγχωρηθέντος δὲ καὶ τούτου, τότε μὲν ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐχωρίσθησαν· παραγενόμενοι δʼ εἰς τὴν Ὑπάταν διεσάφουν τοῖς ἀποκλήτοις τὰ γεγονότα καὶ τοὺς ῥηθέντας λόγους. ὧν ἀκούσαντες τότε πρῶτον ἔννοιαν ἔλαβον Αἰτωλοὶ τῆς αὑτῶν ἀγνοίας καὶ τῆς ἐπιφερομένης αὐτοῖς ἀνάγκης. διὸ γράφειν ἔδοξεν εἰς τὰς πόλεις καὶ συγκαλεῖν τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς χάριν τοῦ βουλεύσασθαι περὶ τῶν προσταττομένων. διαδοθείσης δὲ τῆς φήμης ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀπηντημένων τοῖς περὶ τὸν Φαινέαν, οὕτως ἀπεθηριώθη τὸ πλῆθος ὥστʼ οὐδʼ ἀπαντᾶν οὐδεὶς ἐπεβάλετο πρὸς τὸ διαβούλιον. τοῦ δʼ ἀδυνάτου κωλύσαντος βουλεύσασθαι περὶ τῶν ἐπιταττομένων, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τοῦ Νικάνδρου κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον καταπλεύσαντος ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας εἰς τὰ Φάλαρα τοῦ κόλπου τοῦ Μηλιέως, ὅθεν καὶ τὴν ὁρμὴν ἐποιήσατο, καὶ διασαφοῦντος τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς αὑτὸν προθυμίαν καὶ τὰς εἰς τὸ μέλλον ἐπαγγελίας, ἔτι μᾶλλον ὠλιγώρησαν, τοῦ μηδὲν γενέσθαι πέρας ὑπὲρ τῆς εἰρήνης. ὅθεν ἅμα τῷ διελθεῖν τὰς ἐν ταῖς ἀνοχαῖς ἡμέρας κατάμονος αὖθις ὁ πόλεμος ἐγεγόνει τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς.
11. But I ought not to omit to describe the subsequent career and fate of Nicander. He arrived back at Phalara on the twelfth day after leaving Ephesus, and found the Romans still engaged in Heracleia, and the Macedonians having already evacuated Lamia, but encamped at no great distance from the town: he thereupon conveyed his money unexpectedly into Lamia, and attempted himself to make his way between the two camps into Hypata. But, falling into the hands of the Macedonian pickets, he was taken to Philip, while his evening party was still at the midst of their entertainment, greatly alarmed lest he should meet with rough treatment from having incurred Philip’s resentment, or should be handed over to the Romans. But when the matter was reported to the king, he at once gave orders that the proper officers should offer Nicander refreshments, and show him every politeness and attention. After a time he got up from table and went personally to visit him; and after enlarging at great length on “the folly of the Aetolians, for having first brought the Romans into Greece, and afterwards Antiochus,” he still, even at this hour, urged that “they should forget their past, adhere to their loyalty to himself, and not show a disposition to take advantage of each other’s difficulties.” He bade Nicander convey this message to the leaders of the Aetolians, and exhorting him personally to remember the favours which he had received at his hands, he despatched him with a sufficient escort, which he ordered to see him safe into Hypata. This result was far beyond Nicander’s hopes or expectations. He was restored in due course to his friends, and from the moment of this adventure remained devoted to the royal family of Macedonia. Thus, in the subsequent period of the war with Perseus, the obligations which this favour had imposed upon him caused him to offer such an unwilling and lukewarm opposition to the designs of Perseus, that he exposed himself to suspicion and denunciation, and at last was summoned to Rome and died there....
11. περὶ δὲ τῆς συμβάσης τῷ Νικάνδρῳ περιπετείας οὐκ ἄξιον παρασιωπῆσαι. παρεγενήθη μὲν γὰρ ἐκ τῆς Ἐφέσου δωδεκαταῖος εἰς τὰ Φάλαρα πάλιν, ἀφʼ ἧς ὥρμηθʼ ἡμέρας· καταλαβὼν δὲ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἔτι περὶ τὴν Ἡράκλειαν, τοὺς δὲ Μακεδόνας ἀφεστῶτας μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς Λαμίας, οὐ μακρὰν δὲ στρατοπεδεύοντας τῆς πόλεως, τὰ μὲν χρήματʼ εἰς τὴν Λαμίαν διεκόμισε παραδόξως, αὐτὸς δὲ τῆς νυκτὸς ἐπεβάλετο κατὰ τὸν μεταξὺ τόπον τῶν στρατοπέδων διαπεσεῖν εἰς τὴν Ὑπάταν. ἐμπεσὼν δʼ εἰς τοὺς προκοίτους τῶν Μακεδόνων ἀνήγετο πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον ἔτι τῆς συνουσίας ἀκμαζούσης, προσδοκῶν πείσεσθαί τι δεινὸν πεσὼν ὑπὸ τοῦ Φιλίππου τὸν θυμὸν ἢ παραδοθήσεσθαι τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις. τοῦ δὲ πράγματος ἀγγελθέντος τῷ βασιλεῖ, ταχέως ἐκέλευσε τοὺς ἐπὶ τούτων ὄντας θεραπεῦσαι τὸν Νίκανδρον καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν ἐπιμέλειαν αὐτοῦ ποιήσασθαι φιλάνθρωπον. μετὰ δέ τινα χρόνον αὐτὸς ἐξαναστὰς συνέμιξε τῷ Νικάνδρῳ καὶ πολλὰ καταμεμψάμενος τὴν κοινὴν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἄγνοιαν, ἐξ ἀρχῆς μέν, ὅτι Ῥωμαίους ἐπαγάγοιεν τοῖς Ἕλλησι, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πάλιν Ἀντίοχον, ὅμως ἔτι καὶ νῦν παρεκάλει λήθην ποιησαμένους τῶν προγεγονότων ἀντέχεσθαι τῆς πρὸς αὑτὸν εὐνοίας καὶ μὴ θελῆσαι συνεπεμβαίνειν τοῖς κατʼ ἀλλήλων καιροῖς. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν παρῄνει τοῖς προεστῶσι τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἀναγγέλλειν· αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν Νίκανδρον παρακαλέσας μνημονεύειν τῆς εἰς αὐτὸν γεγενημένης εὐεργεσίας ἐξέπεμπε μετὰ προπομπῆς ἱκανῆς, παραγγείλας τοῖς ἐπὶ τούτῳ τεταγμένοις ἀσφαλῶς εἰς τὴν Ὑπάταν αὐτὸν ἀποκαταστῆσαι. ὁ δὲ Νίκανδρος, τελέως ἀνελπίστου καὶ παραδόξου φανείσης αὐτῷ τῆς ἀπαντήσεως, τότε μὲν ἀνεκομίσθη πρὸς τοὺς οἰκείους, κατὰ δὲ τὸν ἑξῆς χρόνον ἀπὸ ταύτης τῆς συστάσεως εὔνους ὢν διετέλει τῇ Μακεδόνων οἰκίᾳ. διὸ καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα κατὰ τοὺς Περσικοὺς καιροὺς ἐνδεδεμένος τῇ προειρημένῃ χάριτι καὶ δυσχερῶς ἀντιπράττων ταῖς τοῦ Περσέως ἐπιβολαῖς, εἰς ὑποψίας καὶ διαβολὰς ἐμπεσὼν καὶ τέλος ἀνακληθεὶς εἰς Ῥώμην ἐκεῖ μετήλλαξε τὸν βίον. — κόραξ, ὄρος μεταξὺ Καλλιπόλεως καὶ Ναυπάκτου. Πολύβιος εἰκοστῷ. — Ἀπεράντεια, πόλις Θεσσαλίας. Πολύβιος εἰκοστῷ. — ἐξ αὑτῶν τὸν ἐροῦντα περὶ τούτων πρὸς αὐτόν·
12. The Spartans could not find one of their own citizens willing to address Philopoemen on this subject. To men who for the most part undertake work for what they can get by it there are plenty of people to offer such rewards, and to regard them as the means of founding and consolidating friendship: but in the case of Philipoemen no one could be found willing to convey this offer to him at all. Finally, being completely at a loss, they elected Timolaus to do it, as being his ancestral guest-friend and very intimate with him. Timolaus twice journeyed to Megalopolis for this express purpose, without daring to say a word to Philopoemen about it. But having goaded himself to making a third attempt, he at length plucked up courage to mention the proposed gifts. Much to his surprise Philopoemen received the suggestion with courtesy; and Timolaus was overjoyed by the belief that he had attained his object. Philopoemen, however, remarked that he would come to Sparta himself in the course of the next few days; for he wished to offer all the magistrates his thanks for this favour. He accordingly came, and, being invited to attend the Senate, he said: “He had long been aware of the kindness with which the Lacedaemonians regarded him; but was more convinced than ever by the compliments and extraordinary mark of honour they now offered him. But while gratefully accepting their intention, he disliked the particular manner of its exhibition. They should not bestow such honour and rewards on their friends, the poison of which would indelibly infect the receiver, but rather upon their enemies; that the former might retain their freedom of speech and the confidence of the Achaeans when proposing to offer assistance to Sparta; while the latter, by swallowing the bait, might be compelled either to support their cause, or at any rate to keep silence and do them no harm....” To see an operation with one’s own eyes is not like merely hearing a description of it. It is, indeed, quite another thing; and the confidence which such vivid experience gives is always greatly advantageous....
12. ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν πλείστων ἐργολαβοῦσι πολλοὶ προσφέρουσι τὰς τοιαύτας χάριτας καὶ ταύτην ἀρχὴν ποιοῦνται φιλίας καὶ συστάσεως, οὕτως ἐπὶ Φιλοποίμενος ὁ προσοίσων ταύτην τὴν χάριν ἑκὼν οὐχ εὑρίσκετο τὸ παράπαν, ἕως [ἂν] ἐξαπορήσαντες ψήφῳ προεχειρίσαντο Τιμόλαον, ὃς ὑπάρχων καὶ ξένος πατρικὸς καὶ συνήθης ἐπὶ πολὺ τῷ Φιλοποίμενι, δὶς εἰς τὴν Μεγάλην πόλιν ἐκδημήσας αὐτοῦ τούτου χάριν οὐκ ἐτόλμησε φθέγξασθαι περὶ τούτων οὐδέν, μέχρις ὅτε μυωπίσας ἑαυτὸν καὶ τρίτον ἐλθὼν ἐθάρρησε μνησθῆναι τῆς δωρεᾶς. τοῦ δὲ Φιλοποίμενος παραδόξως αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀποδεξαμένου καὶ φιλανθρώπως, ὁ μὲν Τιμόλαος περιχαρὴς ἦν, ὑπολαβὼν καθῖχθαι τῆς ἐπιβολῆς, ὁ δὲ Φιλοποίμην ἥξειν ἔφη μετʼ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας εἰς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα· θέλειν γὰρ εὐχαριστῆσαι πᾶσι τοῖς ἄρχουσι περὶ τούτων. ἐλθὼν δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ κληθεὶς εἰς τὸ συνέδριον πάλαι μὲν ἔφη γινώσκειν τὴν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων πρὸς αὑτὸν εὔνοιαν, μάλιστα δʼ ἐκ τοῦ νῦν προτεινομένου στεφάνου καὶ τῆς τοιαύτης τιμῆς. τὴν μὲν οὖν προαίρεσιν αὐτῶν ἔφησεν ἀποδέχεσθαι, τῷ δὲ χειρισμῷ δυσωπεῖσθαι. δεῖν γὰρ οὐ τοῖς φίλοις δίδοσθαι τὰς τοιαύτας τιμὰς καὶ τοὺς στεφάνους, ἐξ ὧν ὁ περιθέμενος οὐδέποτε μὴ τὸν ἰὸν ἐκνίψηται, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον τοῖς ἐχθροῖς, ἵνʼ οἱ μὲν φίλοι τηροῦντες τὴν παρρησίαν πιστεύωνται παρὰ τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς, ἐπὰν προθῶνται τῇ πόλει βοηθεῖν, οἱ δʼ ἐχθροὶ καταπιόντες τὸ δέλεαρ ἢ συνηγορεῖν αὐτοῖς ἀναγκάζωνται ἢ σιωπῶντες μηδὲν δύνωνται βλάπτειν. ὅτι οὐχ ὅμοιόν ἐστιν ἐξ ἀκοῆς περὶ πραγμάτων διαλαμβάνειν καὶ γενόμενον αὐτόπτην, ἀλλὰ καὶ μεγάλα διαφέρει, πολὺ δέ τι συμβάλλεσθαι πέφυκεν ἑκάστοις ἡ κατὰ τὴν ἐνάργειαν πίστις.