1. AT this time also it happened that the embassy, which the Lacedaemonians had sent to Rome, returned disappointed. The subject of their mission was the hostages and the villages. As to the villages the Senate answered that they would give instructions to envoys sent by themselves; and as to the hostages they desired to consider further. But as to the exiles of past times, they said that they wondered why they were not recalled, now that Sparta had been freed from her tyrants....
1. ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον συνέβη καὶ τὴν ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης πρεσβείαν, ἣν ἀπέστειλαν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, παραγενέσθαι διεψευσμένην τῶν ἐλπίδων. ἐπρέσβευον μὲν γὰρ περὶ τῶν ὁμήρων καὶ τῶν κωμῶν· ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος περὶ μὲν τῶν κωμῶν ἔφησεν ἐντολὰς δώσειν τοῖς παρʼ αὐτῶν ἀποστελλομένοις πρέσβεσιν, περὶ δὲ τῶν ὁμήρων ἔτι βουλεύσασθαι θέλειν. περὶ δὲ τῶν φυγάδων τῶν ἀρχαίων θαυμάζειν ἔφησαν, πῶς οὐ κατάγουσιν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, ἠλευθερωμένης τῆς Σπάρτης. — ὅτι τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις τῆς κατὰ τὴν ναυμαχίαν νίκης ἄρτι προσηγγελμένης, πρῶτον μὲν τῷ δήμῳ παρήγγειλαν ἐλινύας ἄγειν ἡμέρας ἐννέα — τοῦτο δʼ ἔστιν σχολάζειν πανδημεὶ καὶ θύειν τοῖς θεοῖς χαριστήρια τῶν εὐτυχημάτων — μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τοὺς παρὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν πρέσβεις καὶ τοὺς παρὰ τοῦ Μανίου προσῆγον τῇ συγκλήτῳ.
2. At the same period the Senate dealt with the ambassadors from Philip. They had come to set forth the loyalty and zeal of the king, which he had shown to the Romans in the war against Antiochus. On hearing what the envoys had to say, the Senate released the king’s son Demetrius from his position as hostage at once, and promised that they would also remit part of the yearly indemnity, if he kept faith with Rome in future. The Senate likewise released the Lacedaemonian hostages, except Armenas, son of Nabis; who subsequently fell ill and died....
2. γενομένων δὲ πλειόνων παρʼ ἀμφοῖν λόγων, ἔδοξε τῷ συνεδρίῳ δύο προτείνειν γνώμας τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς, ἢ διδόναι τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν περὶ πάντων τῶν καθʼ αὑτοὺς ἢ χίλια τάλαντα παραχρῆμα δοῦναι καὶ τὸν αὐτὸν ἐχθρὸν καὶ φίλον νομίζειν Ῥωμαίοις. τῶν δʼ Αἰτωλῶν ἀξιούντων διασαφῆσαι ῥητῶς ἐπὶ τίσι δεῖ διδόναι τὴν ἐπιτροπήν, οὐ προσδέχεται τὴν διαστολὴν ἡ σύγκλητος. διὸ καὶ τούτοις γέγονε κατάμονος ὁ πόλεμος. — ὅτι κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς ἡ σύγκλητος ἐχρημάτισε τοῖς παρὰ Φιλίππου πρεσβευταῖς·
3. Directly the news of the victory at sea reached Rome, the Senate first decreed a public supplicatio for nine days,—which means a public and universal holiday, accompanied by the sacrifice of thank offerings to the gods for the happy success,—and next gave audience to the envoys from Aetolia and Manius Acilius. When both parties had pleaded their cause at some length, the Senate decreed to offer the Aetolians the alternative of committing their when cause unconditionally to the arbitration of the Senate, or of paying a thousand talents down and making an offensive and defensive alliance with Rome. But on the Aetolians desiring the Senate to state definitely on what points they were to submit to such arbitration, the Senate refused to define them. Accordingly the war with the Aetolians went on....
3. ἧκον γὰρ παρʼ αὐτοῦ πρέσβεις ἀπολογιζόμενοι τὴν εὔνοιαν καὶ προθυμίαν, ἣν παρέσχηται Ῥωμαίοις ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐν τῷ πρὸς Ἀντίοχον πολέμῳ. ὧν διακούσασα τὸν μὲν υἱὸν Δημήτριον ἀπέλυσε τῆς ὁμηρείας παραχρῆμα· ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τῶν φόρων ἐπηγγείλατο παραλύσειν, διαφυλάξαντος αὐτοῦ τὴν πίστιν ἐν τοῖς ἐνεστῶσι καιροῖς. παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ὁμήρους ἀφῆκε πλὴν Ἀρμένα τοῦ Νάβιδος υἱοῦ· τοῦτον δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα συνέβη νόσῳ μεταλλάξαι τὸν βίον. ὅτι καὶ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα, πρεσβείας παραγενομένης εἰς Ἀχαΐαν παρʼ Εὐμένους τοῦ βασιλέως ὑπὲρ συμμαχίας, ἁθροισθέντες εἰς ἐκκλησίαν οἱ πολλοὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν τήν τε συμμαχίαν ἐπεκύρωσαν καὶ νεανίσκους ἐξαπέστειλαν, πεζοὺς μὲν χιλίους ἱππεῖς δʼ ἑκατόν, ὧν ἡγεῖτο Διοφάνης ὁ Μεγαλοπολίτης. — ὅτι πολιορκουμένων τῶν Ἀμφισσέων ὑπὸ Μανίου τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοῦ, κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ὁ τῶν Ἀθηναίων δῆμος, πυνθανόμενος τήν τε τῶν Ἀμφισσέων ταλαιπωρίαν καὶ τὴν τοῦ Ποπλίου παρουσίαν, ἐξαπέστειλε πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἐχέδημον, ἐντειλάμενος ἅμα μὲν ἀσπάσασθαι τοὺς περὶ τὸν Λεύκιον καὶ Πόπλιον, ἅμα δὲ καταπειράζειν τῆς πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς διαλύσεως.
4. While Amphissa was still being besieged by Manius Acilius, the Athenians, hearing at that time both of the distress of the Amphissians and of the arrival of Publius Scipio, despatched Echedemus and others on an embassy to him, with instructions to pay their respects to both Lucius and Publius Scipio, and at the same time to try what could be done to get peace for the Aetolians. On their arrival, Publius welcomed them gladly and treated them with great courtesy; because he saw that they would be of assistance to him in carrying out his plans. For he was very desirous of effecting a settlement in Aetolia on good terms; but had resolved that, if the Aetolians refused to comply, he would at all hazards relinquish that business for the present, and cross to Asia: for he was well aware that the ultimate object of the war and of the entire expedition was not to reduce the Aetolian nation to obedience, but to conquer Antiochus and take possession of Asia. Therefore, directly the Athenians mentioned the pacification, he accepted their suggestion with eagerness, and bade them sound the Aetolians also. Accordingly, Echedemus and his colleagues, having sent a preliminary deputation to Hypata, presently followed in person, and entered into a discussion with the Aetolian magistrates on the subject of a pacification. They, too, readily acquiesced in the suggestion, and certain envoys were appointed to meet the Romans. They found Publius and the army encamped sixty stades from Amphissa, and there discoursed at great length on their previous services to Rome. Publius Scipio adopted in reply a still milder and more conciliatory style, quoting his own conduct in Iberia and Libya, and explaining how he had treated all who in those countries had confided to his honour: and finally expressing an opinion that they had better put themselves in his hands. At first, all who were present felt very sanguine that the pacification was about to be accomplished. But when, in answer to the Aetolian demand to know on what terms they were to make the peace, Lucius Scipio explained that they had two alternatives—to submit their entire case unconditionally to the arbitrament of Rome, or to pay a thousand talents down and to make an offensive and defensive alliance with her—the Aetolians present were thrown into the state of the most painful perplexity at the inconsistency of this announcement with the previous talk: but finally they said that they would consult the Aetolians on the terms imposed.
4. ὧν παραγενομένων ἀσμένως ἀποδεξάμενος ὁ Πόπλιος ἐφιλανθρώπει τοὺς ἄνδρας, θεωρῶν ὅτι παρέξονται χρείαν αὐτῷ πρὸς τὰς προκειμένας ἐπιβολάς. ὁ γὰρ προειρημένος ἀνὴρ ἐβούλετο θέσθαι μὲν καλῶς τὰ κατὰ τοὺς Αἰτωλούς· εἰ δὲ μὴ συνυπακούοιεν, πάντως διειλήφει παραλιπὼν ταῦτα διαβαίνειν εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν, σαφῶς γινώσκων διότι τὸ τέλος ἐστὶ τοῦ πολέμου καὶ τῆς ὅλης ἐπιβολῆς οὐκ ἐν τῷ χειρώσασθαι τὸ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἔθνος, ἀλλʼ ἐν τῷ νικήσαντας τὸν Ἀντίοχον κρατῆσαι τῆς Ἀσίας. διόπερ ἅμα τῷ μνησθῆναι τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ὑπὲρ τῆς διαλύσεως, ἑτοίμως προσδεξάμενος τοὺς λόγους ἐκέλευσε παραπλησίως πειράζειν αὐτοὺς καὶ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἐχέδημον, προδιαπεμψάμενοι καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα πορευθέντες εἰς τὴν Ὑπάταν αὐτοί, διελέγοντο περὶ τῆς διαλύσεως τοῖς ἄρχουσι τῶν Αἰτωλῶν. ἑτοίμως δὲ κἀκείνων συνυπακουόντων κατεστάθησαν οἱ συμμίξοντες τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις· οἳ καὶ παραγενόμενοι πρὸς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Πόπλιον, καταλαβόντες αὐτοὺς στρατοπεδεύοντας ἐν ἑξήκοντα σταδίοις ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀμφίσσης, πολλοὺς διετίθεντο λόγους, ἀναμιμνήσκοντες τῶν γεγονότων σφίσι φιλανθρώπων πρὸς Ῥωμαίους. ἔτι δὲ πρᾳότερον καὶ φιλανθρωπότερον ὁμιλήσαντος τοῦ Ποπλίου καὶ προφερομένου τάς τε κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν καὶ τὴν Λιβύην πράξεις καὶ διασαφοῦντος τίνα τρόπον κέχρηται τοῖς κατʼ ἐκείνους τοὺς τόπους αὐτῷ πιστεύσασιν καὶ τέλος οἰομένου δεῖν ἐγχειρίζειν σφᾶς αὑτῷ καὶ πιστεύειν, τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς ἅπαντες οἱ παρόντες εὐέλπιδες ἐγενήθησαν, ὡς αὐτίκα μάλα τελεσιουργηθησομένης τῆς διαλύσεως· ἐπεὶ δέ, πυθομένων τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἐπὶ τίσι δεῖ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν εἰρήνην, ὁ Λεύκιος διεσάφησεν διότι δυεῖν προκειμένων αὐτοῖς αἵρεσις ὑπάρχει — δεῖν γὰρ ἢ τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν διδόναι περὶ πάντων τῶν καθʼ αὑτοὺς ἢ χίλια τάλαντα παραχρῆμα καὶ τὸν αὐτὸν ἐχθρὸν αἱρεῖσθαι καὶ φίλον Ῥωμαίοις — ἐδυσχρήστησαν μὲν οἱ παρόντες τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα διὰ τὸ μὴ γίνεσθαι τὴν ἀπόφασιν ἀκόλουθον τῇ προγενομένῃ λαλιᾷ, πλὴν ἐπανοίσειν ἔφασαν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐπιταττομένων τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς.
5. On the return of the Aetolian envoys for the purpose of consulting their countrymen, Echedemus and his colleagues joined the council of the apocleti in their deliberations on this subject. One of the alternatives was impossible owing to the amount of money demanded, and the other was rendered alarming in their eyes by the deception they had experienced before, when, after submitting to the surrender, they had narrowly escaped being thrown into chains. Being then much perplexed and quite unable to decide, they sent the same envoys back to beg the Scipios that they would either abate part of the money, so as to be within their power to pay, or except from the surrender the persons of citizens, men and women. But upon their arrival in the Roman camp and delivering their message, Lucius Scipio merely replied that “The only terms on which he was commissioned by the Senate to treat were those which he had recently stated.” They therefore returned once more, and were followed by Echedemus and his colleagues to Hypata, who advised the Aetolians that “Since there was at present a hitch in the negotiations for peace, they should ask for a truce; and, having thus at least delayed the evils threatening them, should send an embassy to the Senate. If they obtained their request, all would be well; but, if they did not, they must trust to the chapter of accidents: for their position could not be worse than it was now, but for many reasons might not impossibly be better.” The advice of Echedemus was thought sound, and the Aetolians accordingly voted to send envoys to obtain a truce; who, upon reaching Lucius Scipio, begged that for the present a truce of six months might be granted them, that they might send an embassy to the Senate. Publius Scipio, who had for some time past been anxious to begin the campaign in Asia, quickly persuaded his brother to grant their request. The agreement therefore was reduced to writing, and thereupon Manius Acilius handed over his army to Lucius Scipio, and returned with his military tribunes to Rome....
5. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἐπανῄεσαν βουλευσόμενοι περὶ τῶν προειρημένων· οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἐχέδημον συμμίξαντες τοῖς ἀποκλήτοις ἐβουλεύοντο περὶ τῶν προειρημένων. ἦν δὲ τῶν ἐπιταττομένων τὸ μὲν ἀδύνατον διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν χρημάτων, τὸ δὲ φοβερὸν διὰ τὸ πρότερον αὐτοὺς ἀπατηθῆναι, καθʼ ὃν καιρὸν ἐπινεύσαντες ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐπιτροπῆς παρὰ μικρὸν εἰς τὴν ἅλυσιν ἐνέπεσον. διόπερ ἀπορούμενοι καὶ δυσχρηστούμενοι περὶ ταῦτα πάλιν ἐξέπεμπον τοὺς αὐτοὺς δεησομένους ἢ τῶν χρημάτων ἀφελεῖν, ἵνα δύνωνται τελεῖν, ἢ τῆς ἐπιτροπῆς ἐκτὸς ποιῆσαι τοὺς πολιτικοὺς ἄνδρας καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας. οἳ καὶ συμμίξαντες τοῖς περὶ τὸν Πόπλιον διεσάφουν τὰ δεδογμένα. τοῦ δὲ Λευκίου φήσαντος ἐπὶ τούτοις ἔχειν παρὰ τῆς συγκλήτου τὴν ἐξουσίαν, ἐφʼ οἷς ἀρτίως εἶπεν, οὗτοι μὲν αὖθις ἐπανῆλθον, οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἐχέδημον ἐπακολουθήσαντες εἰς τὴν Ὑπάταν συνεβούλευσαν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς, ἐπεὶ τὰ τῆς διαλύσεως ἐμποδίζοιτο κατὰ τὸ παρόν, ἀνοχὰς αἰτησαμένους καὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων κακῶν ὑπέρθεσιν ποιησαμένους πρεσβεύειν πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον, κἂν μὲν ἐπιτυγχάνωσι περὶ τῶν ἀξιουμένων· εἰ δὲ μή, τοῖς καιροῖς ἐφεδρεύειν. χείρω μὲν γὰρ ἀδύνατον γενέσθαι τῶν ὑποκειμένων τὰ περὶ σφᾶς, βελτίω γε μὴν οὐκ ἀδύνατον διὰ πολλὰς αἰτίας. φανέντων δὲ καλῶς λέγειν τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἐχέδημον, ἔδοξε πρεσβεύειν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀνοχῶν. ἀφικόμενοι δὲ πρὸς τὸν Λεύκιον ἐδέοντο συγχωρηθῆναι σφίσι κατὰ τὸ παρὸν ἑξαμήνους ἀνοχάς, ἵνα πρεσβεύσωσι πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον. ὁ δὲ Πόπλιος, πάλαι πρὸς τὰς κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν πράξεις παρωρμημένος, ταχέως ἔπεισε τὸν ἀδελφὸν ὑπακοῦσαι τοῖς ἀξιουμένοις. γραφεισῶν δὲ τῶν ὁμολογιῶν, ὁ μὲν Μάνιος, λύσας τὴν πολιορκίαν καὶ παραδοὺς ἅπαν τὸ στράτευμα καὶ τὰς χορηγίας τοῖς περὶ τὸν Λεύκιον, εὐθέως ἀπηλλάττετο μετὰ τῶν χιλιάρχων εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην.
6. Factions became rife at Phocaea, partly because they suffered from the Romans left with the ships being quartered on them, and partly because they were annoyed at the tribute imposed on them.... Then the Phocaean magistrates, alarmed at the state of popular excitement caused by the dearth of corn, and the agitation kept up by the partisans of Antiochus, sent envoys to Seleucus, who was on their frontiers, ordering him not to approach the town, as they were resolved to remain neutral and await the final decision of the quarrel, and then obey orders. Of these ambassadors the partisans of Seleucus and his faction were Aristarchus, Cassander, and Rhodon; those, on the contrary, who inclined to Rome were Hegias and Gelias. On their arrival Seleucus at once showed every attention to Aristarchus and his partisans, but treated Hegias and Gelias with complete neglect. But when he was informed of the state of popular feeling, and the shortness of provisions in Phocaea, he threw aside all negotiation or discussion with the envoys, and marched towards the town.... Two Galli, with sacred images and figures on their breasts, advanced from the town, and besought them not to adopt any extreme measures against the city....
6. οἱ δὲ Φωκαιεῖς, τὰ μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀπολειφθέντων Ῥωμαίων ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐπισταθμευόμενοι, τὰ δὲ τὰς ἐπιταγὰς δυσχερῶς φέροντες, ἐστασίαζον. — ὅτι κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους οἱ τῶν Φωκαιέων ἄρχοντες, δεδιότες τάς τε τῶν πολλῶν ὁρμὰς διὰ τὴν σιτοδείαν καὶ τὴν τῶν Ἀντιοχιστῶν φιλοτιμίαν, ἐξέπεμψαν πρεσβευτὰς πρὸς Σέλευκον, ὄντα πρὸς τοῖς ὅροις τῆς χώρας αὐτῶν, ἀξιοῦντες μὴ πελάζειν τῆς πόλεως, ὅτι πρόκειται σφίσι τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν καὶ καραδοκεῖν τὴν τῶν ὅλων κρίσιν, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πειθαρχεῖν τοῖς εἰρημένοις. ἦσαν δὲ τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἴδιοι μὲν τοῦ Σελεύκου καὶ ταύτης τῆς ὑποθέσεως Ἀρίσταρχος καὶ Κάσσανδρος καὶ Ῥόδων, ἐναντίοι δὲ καὶ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἀπονενευκότες Ἡγίας καὶ Γελίας. ὧν συμμιξάντων ὁ Σέλευκος εὐθέως τοὺς μὲν περὶ τὸν Ἀρίσταρχον ἀνὰ χεῖρας εἶχε, τοὺς δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἡγίαν παρεώρα. πυθόμενος δὲ τὴν ὁρμὴν τῶν πολλῶν καὶ τὴν σπάνιν τοῦ σίτου, παρεὶς τὸν χρηματισμὸν καὶ τὴν ἔντευξιν τῶν παραγεγονότων προῆγε πρὸς τὴν πόλιν. — ἐξελθόντες μὲν Γάλλοι δύο μετὰ τύπων καὶ προστηθιδίων ἐδέοντο μηδὲν ἀνήκεστον βουλεύεσθαι περὶ τῆς πόλεως. — πυρφόρος, ᾧ ἐχρήσατο Παυσίστρατος ὁ τῶν Ῥοδίων ναύαρχος.
7. The fire-carrier used by Pausistratus, the navarch of the Rhodians, was a scoop or basket. On either side of the prow two staples were fixed into the inner part of the two sides of the ship, into which poles were fitted with their extremities extending out to sea. To the end of these the scoop filled with fire was attached by an iron chain, in such a way that in charging the enemy’s ship, whether on the prow or the broadside, fire was thrown upon it, while it was kept a long way off from his own ship by the slope of the poles.... The Rhodian admiral Pamphilidas was thought to be better capable than Pausistratus of adapting himself to all possible contingencies, because his character was more remarkable for its depth and solidity than for its boldness. For most men judge not from any fixed principle but by results. Thus, though they had recently elected Pausistratus to the command, on the ground of his possessing these very qualities of energy and boldness, their opinions at once underwent a complete revolution when he met with his disaster....
7. ἦν δὲ κημός· ἐξ ἑκατέρου δὲ τοῦ μέρους τῆς πρώρρας ἀγκύλαι δύο παρέκειντο παρὰ τὴν ἐντὸς ἐπιφάνειαν τῶν τοίχων, εἰς ἃς ἐνηρμόζοντο κοντοὶ προτείνοντες τοῖς κέρασιν εἰς θάλατταν. ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ τούτων ἄκρον ὁ κημὸς ἁλύσει σιδηρᾷ προσήρτητο πλήρης πυρός, ὥστε κατὰ τὰς ἐμβολὰς καὶ παραβολὰς εἰς μὲν τὴν πολεμίαν ναῦν ἐκτινάττεσθαι πῦρ, ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς οἰκείας πολὺν ἀφεστάναι τόπον διὰ τὴν ἔγκλισιν. — ὅτι Παμφιλίδας ὁ τῶν Ῥοδίων ναύαρχος ἐδόκει πρὸς πάντας τοὺς καιροὺς εὐαρμοστότερος εἶναι τοῦ Παυσιστράτου διὰ τὸ βαθύτερος τῇ φύσει καὶ στασιμώτερος μᾶλλον ἢ τολμηρότερος ὑπάρχειν. ἀγαθοὶ γὰρ οἱ πολλοὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων οὐκ ἐκ τῶν κατὰ λόγον, ἀλλʼ ἐκ τῶν συμβαινόντων ποιεῖσθαι τὰς διαλήψεις. ἄρτι γὰρ διʼ αὐτὸ τοῦτο προκεχειρισμένοι τὸν Παυσίστρατον, διὰ τὸ πρᾶξιν ἔχειν τινὰ καὶ τόλμαν, παραχρῆμα μετέπιπτον εἰς τἀναντία ταῖς γνώμαις διὰ τὴν περιπέτειαν. — ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον εἰς τὴν Σάμον προσέπεσε γράμματα τοῖς περὶ τὸν Λεύκιον καὶ τὸν Εὐμένη παρά τε τοῦ Λευκίου τοῦ τὴν ὕπατον ἀρχὴν ἔχοντος καὶ παρὰ Ποπλίου Σκιπίωνος, δηλοῦντα τὰς πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς γεγενημένας συνθήκας ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀνοχῶν καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον πορείαν τῶν πεζικῶν στρατοπέδων.
8. At this time a letter arrived at Samos for Lucius Aemilius and Eumenes from the consul Lucius Scipio, announcing the agreement made with the Aetolians for the truce, and the approaching advance of the land forces to the Hellespont. Another to the same effect was sent to Antiochus and Seleucus from the Aetolians....
8. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀντίοχον καὶ Σέλευκον ταῦτα διεσαφεῖτο παρὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν. — ὅτι Διοφάνης ὁ Μεγαλοπολίτης μεγάλην ἕξιν εἶχεν ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς διὰ τὸ πολυχρονίου γεγονότος τοῦ πρὸς Νάβιν πολέμου τοῖς Μεγαλοπολίταις ἀστυγείτονος πάντα συνεχῶς τὸν χρόνον ὑπὸ τὸν Φιλοποίμενα τεταγμένος τριβὴν ἐσχηκέναι τῶν κατὰ πόλεμον ἔργων ἀληθινήν.
9. An embassy from King Eumenes having arrived in Achaia proposing an alliance, the Achaeans met in public assembly and ratified it, and sent out some soldiers, a thousand foot and a hundred horse, under the command of Diophanes of Megalopolis.... Diophanes was a man of great experience in war; for during the protracted hostilities with Nabis in the neighbourhood of Megalopolis, he had served throughout under Philopoemen, and accordingly had gained a real familiarity with the operations of actual warfare. And besides this advantage, his appearance and physical prowess were impressive; and, most important of all, he was a man of personal courage and exceedingly expert in the use of arms....
9. χωρίς τε τούτων κατὰ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν καὶ κατὰ τὴν σωματικὴν χρείαν ἦν ὁ προειρημένος ἀνὴρ δυνατὸς καὶ καταπληκτικός. τὸ δὲ κυριώτατον, πρὸς πόλεμον ὑπῆρχεν ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς καὶ τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐχρῆτο διαφερόντως. — ὅτι Ἀντίοχος ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς τὸν Πέργαμον ἐμβαλών, πυθόμενος δὲ τὴν παρουσίαν Εὐμένους τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ θεωρῶν οὐ μόνον τὰς ναυτικάς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς πεζικὰς δυνάμεις ἐπʼ αὐτὸν παραγινομένας, ἐβουλεύετο λόγους ποιήσασθαι περὶ διαλύσεως ὁμοῦ πρός τε Ῥωμαίους καὶ τὸν Εὐμένη καὶ τοὺς Ῥοδίους.
10. King Antiochus had already penetrated into the territory of Pergamum; but when he heard that king Eumenes was close at hand, and saw that the land forces as well as the fleet were ready to attack him, he began to consider the propriety of proposing a pacification with the Romans, Eumenes, and the Rhodians at once. He therefore removed with his whole army to Elaea, and having seized a hill facing that town, he encamped his infantry upon it, while he entrenched his cavalry, amounting to over six thousand, close under the walls of the town. He took up his own position between these two, and proceeded to send messengers to Lucius Aemilius in the town, proposing a peace. The Roman imperator thereupon called Eumenes and the Rhodians to a meeting, and desired them to give their opinions on the proposal. Eudemus and Pamphilidas were not averse to making terms; but the king said that “To make peace at the present moment was neither honourable nor possible. How could it be an honourable conclusion of the war that they should make terms while confined within the walls of a town? And how was it possible to give validity to those terms without waiting for the Consul and obtaining his consent? Besides, even if they did give any indication of coming to an agreement with Antiochus, neither the naval nor military forces could of course return home until the Senate and people had ratified the terms of it. All that would be left for them to do would be to spend the winter where they were, waiting idly for the decision from home, doing nothing, and exhausting the wealth and resources of their allies. And then, if the Senate withheld its approval of the terms, they would have to begin the war all over again, having let the opportunity pass, which, with God’s help, would have enabled them to put a period to the whole war.” Such was the speech of king Eumenes. Lucius Aemilius accepted the advice, and answered the envoys of Antiochus that the peace could not possibly be made until the Proconsul arrived. On hearing this Antiochus immediately began devastating the territory of Elaea; and subsequently, while Seleucus remained in occupation of that district, Antiochus continued his march through the country as far as the plain of Thebe, and having there entered upon an exceedingly fertile and wealthy district, he gorged his army with spoil of every description....
10. ἐξάρας οὖν ἅπαντι τῷ στρατεύματι παρῆν πρὸς τὴν Ἐλαίαν καὶ λαβὼν λόφον τινὰ καταντικρὺ τῆς πόλεως τὸ μὲν πεζικὸν ἐπὶ τούτου κατέστησε, τοὺς δʼ ἱππεῖς παρʼ αὐτὴν τὴν πόλιν παρενέβαλε, πλείους ὄντας ἑξακισχιλίων. αὐτὸς δὲ μεταξὺ τούτων γενόμενος διεπέμπετο πρὸς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Λεύκιον εἰς τὴν πόλιν ὑπὲρ διαλύσεων. ὁ δὲ στρατηγὸς ὁ τῶν Ῥωμαίων συναγαγὼν τούς τε Ῥοδίους καὶ τὸν Εὐμένην ἠξίου λέγειν περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων τὸ φαινόμενον. οἱ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὸν Εὔδαμον καὶ Παμφιλίδαν οὐκ ἀλλότριοι τῆς διαλύσεως ἦσαν· ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς οὔτʼ εὐσχήμονα τὴν διάλυσιν οὔτε δυνατὴν ἔφησε κατὰ τὸ παρὸν εἶναι. "εὐσχήμονα γάρ" ἔφη "πῶς οἷόν τε γίνεσθαι τὴν ἔκβασιν, ἐὰν τειχήρεις ὄντες ποιώμεθα τὰς διαλύσεις; " καὶ μὴν οὐδὲ δυνατὴν ἔφησε κατὰ τὸ παρόν· "πῶς γὰρ ἐνδέχεται, μὴ προσδεξαμένους ὕπατον, ἄνευ τῆς ἐκείνου γνώμης βεβαιῶσαι τὰς ὁμολογηθείσας συνθήκας; χωρίς τε τούτων, ἐὰν ὅλως γένηταί τι σημεῖον ὁμολογίας πρὸς Ἀντίοχον, οὔτε τὰς ναυτικὰς δυνάμεις δυνατὸν ἐπανελθεῖν δήπουθεν εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν οὔτε τὰς πεζικάς, ἐὰν μὴ πρότερον ὅ τε δῆμος ἥ τε σύγκλητος ἐπικυρώσῃ τὰ δοχθέντα. λείπεται δὴ καραδοκοῦντας τὴν ἐκείνων ἀπόφασιν παραχειμάζειν ἐνθάδε καὶ πράττειν μὲν μηδέν, ἐκδαπανᾶν δὲ τὰς τῶν ἰδίων συμμάχων χορηγίας καὶ παρασκευάς· ἔπειτʼ, ἂν μὴ σφίσι παρῇ τῇ συγκλήτῳ διαλύεσθαι, καινοποιεῖν πάλιν ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς τὸν πόλεμον, παρέντας τοὺς ἐνεστῶτας καιρούς, ἐν οἷς δυνάμεθα θεῶν βουλομένων πέρας ἐπιθεῖναι τοῖς ὅλοις. " ὁ μὲν οὖν Εὐμένης ταῦτʼ εἶπεν· ὁ δὲ Λεύκιος ἀποδεξάμενος τὴν συμβουλίαν, ἀπεκρίθη τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀντίοχον ὅτι πρὸ τοῦ τὸν ἀνθύπατον ἐλθεῖν οὐκ ἐνδέχεται γενέσθαι τὰς διαλύσεις. ὧν ἀκούσαντες οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀντίοχον παραυτίκα μὲν ἐδῄουν τὴν τῶν Ἐλαϊτῶν χώραν· ἑξῆς δὲ τούτοις Σέλευκος μὲν ἐπὶ τούτων ἔμεινε τῶν τόπων, Ἀντίοχος δὲ κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς ἐπιπορευόμενος ἐνέβαλεν εἰς τὸ Θήβης καλούμενον πεδίον, καὶ παραβεβληκὼς εἰς χώραν εὐδαίμονα καὶ γέμουσαν ἀγαθῶν ἐπλήρου τὴν στρατιὰν παντοδαπῆς λείας. — ὅτι Ἀντίοχος ὁ βασιλεὺς παραγενόμενος εἰς τὰς Σάρδεις ἀπὸ τῆς προρρηθείσης στρατείας διεπέμπετο συνεχῶς πρὸς Προυσίαν, παρακαλῶν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν σφετέραν συμμαχίαν.
11. On his arrival at Sardis after this expedition, Antiochus at once sent to Prusias to urge him to an alliance. Now in former times Prusias had by no means been disinclined to join Antiochus, because he was much alarmed lest the Romans should cross over to Asia for the purpose of putting down all crowned heads. But the perusal of a letter received from Lucius and Publius Scipio had served to a great extent to relieve his anxiety, and give him a tolerably correct forecast of the result of the war. For the Scipios had put the case with great clearness in their letter, and had supported their assertions by numerous proofs. They entered not only upon a defence of the policy adopted by themselves, but of that also of the Roman people generally; by which they showed that, so far from depriving any of the existing kings of their sovereignties, they had themselves been the authors in some cases of their establishment, in others of the extension of their powers and the large increase of their dominions. To prove this they quoted the instances of Andobales and Colichas in Iberia, of Massanissa in Libya, and of Pleuratus in Illyria, all of whom they said they had raised from petty and insignificant princes to the position of undisputed royalty. They further mentioned the cases of Philip and Nabis in Greece. As to Philip, they had conquered him in war and reduced him to the necessity of giving hostages and paying tribute: yet, after receiving a slight proof of his good disposition, they had restored his son and the young men who were hostages with him, had remitted the tribute, and given him back several of the towns that had been taken in the course of war. While as for Nabis, though they might have utterly destroyed him, they had not done so, but had spared him, tyrant as he was, on receiving the usual security for his good faith. With these facts before his eyes they urged Prusias in their letter not to be in any fear for his kingdom, but to adopt the Roman alliance without misgiving, for he would never have reason to regret his choice. This letter worked an entire change in the feelings of Prusias; and when, besides, Caius Livius and the other legates arrived at his court, after conversation with them, he entirely relinquished all ideas of looking for support from Antiochus. Foiled, therefore, of hope in this quarter, Antiochus retired to Ephesus: and being convinced on reflection that the only way of preventing the transport of the enemy’s army, and in fact of repelling an invasion of Asia at all, was to keep a firm mastery of the sea, he determined to fight a naval battle and leave the issue of the struggle to be decided by his success in that....
11. ὁ δὲ Προυσίας κατὰ μὲν τοὺς ἀνώτερον χρόνους οὐκ ἀλλότριος ἦν τοῦ κοινωνεῖν τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀντίοχον· πάνυ γὰρ ἐδεδίει τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, μὴ ποιῶνται τὴν εἰς Ἀσίαν διάβασιν ἐπὶ καταλύσει πάντων τῶν δυναστῶν. παραγενομένης δʼ ἐπιστολῆς αὐτῷ παρά τε Λευκίου καὶ Ποπλίου τῶν ἀδελφῶν, κομισάμενος ταύτην καὶ διαναγνοὺς ἐπὶ ποσὸν ἔστη τῇ διανοίᾳ καὶ προείδετο τὸ μέλλον ἐνδεχομένως, ἅτε τῶν περὶ τὸν Πόπλιον ἐναργέσι κεχρημένων καὶ πολλοῖς μαρτυρίοις πρὸς πίστιν διὰ τῶν ἐγγράπτων. οὐ γὰρ μόνον ὑπὲρ τῆς ἰδίας προαιρέσεως ἔφερον ἀπολογισμούς, ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ τῆς κοινῆς ἁπάντων Ῥωμαίων, διʼ ὧν παρεδείκνυον οὐχ οἷον ἀφῃρημένοι τινὸς τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς βασιλέων τὰς δυναστείας, ἀλλὰ τινὰς μὲν καὶ προσκατεσκευακότες αὐτοὶ δυνάστας, ἐνίους δʼ ηὐξηκότες καὶ πολλαπλασίους αὐτῶν τὰς ἀρχὰς πεποιηκότες. ὧν κατὰ μὲν τὴν Ἰβηρίαν Ἀνδοβάλην καὶ Κολίχαντα προεφέροντο, κατὰ δὲ τὴν Λιβύην Μασαννάσαν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα τόποις Πλευρᾶτον· οὓς ἅπαντας ἔφασαν ἐξ ἐλαφρῶν καὶ τῶν τυχόντων δυναστῶν πεποιηκέναι βασιλεῖς ὁμολογουμένως. ὁμοίως κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα Φίλιππον καὶ Νάβιν, ὧν Φίλιππον μὲν καταπολεμήσαντες καὶ συγκλείσαντες εἰς ὅμηρα καὶ φόρους, βραχεῖαν αὐτοῦ νῦν λαβόντες ἀπόδειξιν εὐνοίας ἀποκαθεστακέναι μὲν αὐτῷ τὸν υἱὸν καὶ τοὺς ἅμα τούτῳ συνομηρεύοντας νεανίσκους, ἀπολελυκέναι δὲ τῶν φόρων, πολλὰς δὲ τῶν πόλεων ἀποδεδωκέναι τῶν ἁλουσῶν κατὰ πόλεμον· Νάβιν δὲ δυνηθέντες ἄρδην ἐπανελέσθαι, τοῦτο μὲν οὐ ποιῆσαι, φείσασθαι δʼ αὐτοῦ, καίπερ ὄντος τυράννου, λαβόντες πίστεις τὰς εἰθισμένας. εἰς ἃ βλέποντα παρεκάλουν τὸν Προυσίαν διὰ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς μὴ δεδιέναι περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς, θαρροῦντα δʼ αἱρεῖσθαι τὰ Ῥωμαίων· ἔσεσθαι γὰρ ἀμεταμέλητον αὐτῷ τὴν τοιαύτην προαίρεσιν. ὧν ὁ Προυσίας διακούσας ἐπʼ ἄλλης ἐγένετο γνώμης. ὡς δὲ καὶ παρεγενήθησαν πρὸς αὐτὸν πρέσβεις οἱ περὶ τὸν Γάιον Λίβιον, τελέως ἀπέστη τῶν κατὰ τὸν Ἀντίοχον ἐλπίδων, συμμίξας τοῖς προειρημένοις ἀνδράσιν. Ἀντίοχος δὲ ταύτης ἀποπεσὼν τῆς ἐλπίδος παρῆν εἰς Ἔφεσον καὶ συλλογιζόμενος ὅτι μόνως ἂν οὕτω δύναιτο κωλῦσαι τὴν τῶν πεζικῶν στρατοπέδων διά βασιν καὶ καθόλου τὸν πόλεμον ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀσίας ἀποτρίβεσθαι βεβαίως κρατοίη τῆς θαλάττης, προέθετο ναυμαχεῖν καὶ κρίνειν τὰ πράγματα διὰ τῶν κατὰ θάλατταν κινδύνων. — Πολύβιος·
12. When the pirates saw that the Roman fleet was coming they turned and fled.... After sustaining this defeat at sea, Antiochus remained in Sardis, neglecting to avail himself of such opportunities as he had left, and taking no steps whatever to prosecute the war; and when he learnt that the enemy had crossed into Asia he lost all heart, and determined in despair to send an envoy to Lucius and Publius Scipio to treat of peace. He selected Heracleides of Byzantium for this purpose, and despatched him with instructions to offer to surrender the territories of Lampsacus and Smyrna as well as Alexandria (Troas), which were the original cause of the war, and any other cities in Aeolis and Ionia of which they might wish to deprive him, as having embraced their side in the war; and in addition to this to promise an indemnity of half the expenses they had incurred in their quarrel with him. Such were the offers which the envoy was instructed to make in his public audience; but, besides these, there were others to be committed to Publius Scipio’s private ear, of which I will speak in detail later on. On his arrival at the Hellespont the envoy found the Romans still occupying the camp which they had constructed immediately after crossing. At first he was much cheered by this fact, for he thought it would materially aid his negotiation that the enemy were exactly where they were at first, and had not as yet taken any further action. But when he learnt that Publius Scipio was still on the other side of the water he was much disturbed, because the turn which his negotiations were to take depended principally on Scipio’s view of the matter. The reason of the army being still in their first camp, and of Publius Scipio’s absence from the army, was that he was one of the Salii. These are, as I have before stated, one of the three colleges of priests by whom the most important sacrifices to the gods are offered at Rome. And it is the law that, at the time of these sacrifices, they must not quit the spot for thirty days in which it happens to find them. This was the case at the present time with Publius Scipio; for just as the army was on the point of crossing this season arrived, and prevented him from changing his place of abode. Thus it came about that he was separated from the legions and remained in Europe, while, though the army crossed, it remained encamped, and could take no further step, because they were waiting for him.
12. οἱ δὲ πειραταὶ θεασάμενοι τὸν ἐπίπλουν τῶν Ῥωμαϊκῶν πλοίων, ἐκ μεταβολῆς ἐποιοῦντο τὴν ἀναχώρησιν. — ὅτι ὁ Ἀντίοχος μετὰ τὴν κατὰ τὴν ναυμαχίαν γενομένην ἧτταν ἐν ταῖς Σάρδεσιν παριεὶς τοὺς καιροὺς καὶ καταμέλλων ἐν τοῖς ὅλοις, ἅμα τῷ πυθέσθαι τῶν πολεμίων τὴν διάβασιν συντριβεὶς τῇ διανοίᾳ καὶ δυσελπιστήσας ἔκρινεν διαπέμπεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Λεύκιον καὶ Πόπλιον ὑπὲρ διαλύσεων. προχειρισάμενος οὖν Ἡρακλείδην τὸν Βυζάντιον ἐξέπεμψε, δοὺς ἐντολὰς ὅτι παραχωρεῖ τῆς τε τῶν Λαμψακηνῶν καὶ Σμυρναίων, ἔτι δὲ τῆς Ἀλεξανδρέων πόλεως, ἐξ ὧν ὁ πόλεμος ἔλαβε τὰς ἀρχάς· ὁμοίως δὲ κἄν τινας ἑτέρας ὑφαιρεῖσθαι βούλωνται τῶν κατὰ τὴν Αἰολίδα καὶ τὴν Ἰωνίαν, ὅσαι τἀκείνων ᾕρηνται κατὰ τὸν ἐνεστῶτα πόλεμον. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ὅτι τὴν ἡμίσειαν δώσει τῆς γεγενημένης σφίσι δαπάνης εἰς τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν διαφοράν. ταύτας μὲν οὖν ὁ πεμπόμενος εἶχε τὰς ἐντολὰς πρὸς τὴν κατὰ κοινὸν ἔντευξιν, ἰδίᾳ δὲ πρὸς τὸν Πόπλιον ἑτέρας, ὑπὲρ ὧν τὰ κατὰ μέρος ἐν τοῖς ἑξῆς δηλώσομεν. ἀφικόμενος δʼ εἰς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ὁ προειρημένος πρεσβευτὴς καὶ καταλαβὼν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους μένοντας ἐπὶ τῆς στρατοπεδείας, οὗ πρῶτον κατεσκήνωσαν ἀπὸ τῆς διαβάσεως, τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς ἥσθη, νομίζων αὑτῷ συνεργὸν εἶναι πρὸς τὴν ἔντευξιν τὸ μένειν ἐπὶ τῶν ὑποκειμένων καὶ πρὸς μηδὲν ὡρμηκέναι τῶν ἑξῆς τοὺς ὑπεναντίους, πυθόμενος δὲ τὸν Πόπλιον ἔτι μένειν ἐν τῷ πέραν ἐδυσχρήστησε διὰ τὸ τὴν πλείστην ῥοπὴν κεῖσθαι τῶν πραγμάτων ἐν τῇ ʼκείνου προαιρέσει. αἴτιον δʼ ἦν καὶ τοῦ μένειν τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐπὶ τῆς πρώτης παρεμβολῆς καὶ τοῦ κεχωρίσθαι τὸν Πόπλιον ἀπὸ τῶν δυνάμεων τὸ σάλιον εἶναι τὸν προειρημένον ἄνδρα. τοῦτο δʼ ἔστιν, καθάπερ ἡμῖν ἐν τοῖς περὶ τῆς πολιτείας εἴρηται, τῶν τριῶν ἓν σύστημα, διʼ ὧν συμβαίνει τὰς ἐπιφανεστάτας θυσίας ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ συντελεῖσθαι τοῖς θεοῖς· τριακονθήμερον μὴ μεταβαίνειν κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τῆς θυσίας, ἐν ᾗ ποτʼ ἂν χώρᾳ καταληφθῶσιν [οἱ σάλιοι οὗτοι]. ὃ καὶ τότε συνέβη γενέσθαι Ποπλίῳ· τῆς γὰρ δυνάμεως μελλούσης περαιοῦσθαι κατέλαβεν αὐτὸν οὗτος ὁ χρόνος, ὥστε μὴ δύνασθαι μεταβαλεῖν τὴν χώραν. διὸ συνέβη τόν τε Σκιπίωνα χωρισθῆναι τῶν στρατοπέδων καὶ μεῖναι κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην, τὰς δὲ δυνάμεις περαιωθείσας μένειν ἐπὶ τῶν ὑποκειμένων καὶ μὴ δύνασθαι πράττειν τῶν ἑξῆς μηθέν, προσαναδεχομένας τὸν προειρημένον ἄνδρα.
14. However, Publius arrived a few days afterwards, and Heracleides being summoned to attend the Council, delivered the message with which he was charged, announcing that Antiochus abandoned Lampsacus, Smyrna, and Alexandria; and also all such towns in Aeolis and Ionia as had sided with Rome; and that he offered, further, an indemnity of half their expenses in the present war. He added many arguments besides, urging the Romans “Not to tempt fortune too far, as they were but men; nor to extend their empire indefinitely, but rather to keep it within limits, if possible those of Europe,—for even then they would have an enormous and unprecedented dominion, such as no nation before them had attained;—but if they were determined at all hazards to grasp parts of Asia also, let them say definitely what parts those were, for the king would go to the utmost stretch of his power to meet their wishes.” After the delivery of this speech the council decided that the Consul should answer that “It was only fair that Antiochus should pay, not the half, but the whole expense of the war, seeing that he, and not they, had originally begun it; and as to the cities, he must not only liberate those in Aeolis and Ionia, but must surrender his whole dominion on this side of Mount Taurus.” On receiving this answer from the council, conveying demands which went far beyond his instructions, the envoy, without answering a word, abstained from a public audience thenceforth, but exerted himself to conciliate Publius Scipio.
14. ὁ δʼ Ἡρακλείδης, μετά τινας ἡμέρας παραγενομένου τοῦ Ποπλίου, κληθεὶς πρὸς τὸ συνέδριον εἰς ἔντευξιν διελέγετο περὶ ὧν εἶχε τὰς ἐντολάς, φάσκων τῆς τε τῶν Λαμψακηνῶν καὶ Σμυρναίων, ἔτι δὲ τῆς τῶν Ἀλεξανδρέων πόλεως ἐκχωρεῖν τὸν Ἀντίοχον, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν Αἰολίδα καὶ τὴν Ἰωνίαν, ὅσαι τυγχάνουσιν ᾑρημέναι τὰ Ῥωμαίων· πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τὴν ἡμίσειαν ἀναδέχεσθαι τῆς γεγενημένης αὐτοῖς δαπάνης εἰς τὸν ἐνεστῶτα πόλεμον. πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἕτερα πρὸς ταύτην τὴν ὑπόθεσιν διελέχθη, παρακαλῶν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους μήτε τὴν τύχην λίαν ἐξελέγχειν ἀνθρώπους ὑπάρχοντας, μήτε τὸ μέγεθος τῆς αὑτῶν ἐξουσίας ἀόριστον ποιεῖν, ἀλλὰ περιγράφειν, μάλιστα μὲν τοῖς τῆς Εὐρώπης ὅροις· καὶ γὰρ ταύτην μεγάλην ὑπάρχειν καὶ παράδοξον διὰ τὸ μηδένα καθῖχθαι τῶν προγεγονότων αὐτῆς· εἰ δὲ πάντως καὶ τῆς Ἀσίας βούλονταί τινα προσεπιδράττεσθαι, διορίσαι ταῦτα· πρὸς πᾶν γὰρ τὸ δυνατὸν προσελεύσεσθαι τὸν βασιλέα. ῥηθέντων δὲ τούτων, ἔδοξε τῷ συνεδρίῳ τὸν στρατηγὸν ἀποκριθῆναι διότι τῆς μὲν δαπάνης οὐ τὴν ἡμίσειαν, ἀλλὰ πᾶσαν δίκαιόν ἐστιν Ἀντίοχον ἀποδοῦναι· φῦναι γὰρ τὸν πόλεμον ἐξ ἀρχῆς οὐ διʼ αὑτούς, ἀλλὰ διʼ ἐκεῖνον· τῶν δὲ πόλεων μὴ τὰς κατὰ τὴν Αἰολίδα καὶ τὴν Ἰωνίαν μόνον ἐλευθεροῦν, ἀλλὰ πάσης τῆς ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου δυναστείας ἐκχωρεῖν. ὁ μὲν οὖν πρεσβευτὴς ταῦτʼ ἀκούσας παρὰ τοῦ συνεδρίου, διὰ τὸ πολὺ τῶν ἀξιουμένων τὰς ἐπιταγὰς ὑπεραίρειν οὐδένα λόγον ποιησάμενος, τῆς μὲν κοινῆς ἐντεύξεως ἀπέστη, τὸν δὲ Πόπλιον ἐθεράπευσε φιλοτίμως.
15. Having at length got a suitable opportunity, he disclosed to him the offers with which he was charged. These were that the king would first restore his son without ransom, who had been taken prisoner in the early part of the war; and was prepared, secondly, to pay him any sum of money he might name, and thenceforth share with him the wealth of his kingdom, if he would only support the acceptance of the terms offered by the king. Publius replied that the promise as to his son he accepted, and would feel under an obligation to the king if he fulfilled it; but as to the rest he assured him that the king, among his other delusions, was under a complete mistake as to the course demanded by his own interests. “For if he had made these offers while still master of Lysimacheia and the entrance into the Chersonese, he would at once have got what he asked: and so too, even after evacuating these places, if he had appeared with his army at the Hellespont and shown that he meant to prevent our crossing, and then had sent his envoys, he might even thus have obtained his demands. But when he comes with his proposals of equitable terms, after allowing our troops to set foot in Asia, and having so not only submitted to the bridle, but allowed the rider to mount, he must expect to fail and be disappointed of his hopes. Therefore, I advise him to adopt wiser measures, and look at the facts in their true light. In return for his promise in regard to my son, I will give him a hint which is well worth the favour he offers me: make any concession, do anything, rather than fight with the Romans.” With this answer Heracleides returned and told the king everything. And Antiochus, considering that no severer terms could be imposed on him if he were beaten in the field, abandoned all idea of negotiation, and began making preparations of all sorts and in every direction for the battle....
15. λαβὼν δὲ καιρὸν ἁρμόζοντα διελέγετο περὶ ὧν εἶχε τὰς ἐντολάς. αὗται δʼ ἦσαν διότι πρῶτον μὲν χωρὶς λύτρων ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτῷ τὸν υἱὸν ἀποδώσει συνέβαινε γὰρ ἐν ἀρχαῖς τοῦ πολέμου τὸν υἱὸν τὸν τοῦ Σκιπίωνος γεγονέναι τοῖς περὶ Ἀντίχον ὑποχείριον· δεύτερον δὲ διότι καὶ κατὰ τὸ παρὸν ἕτοιμός ἐστιν ὁ βασιλεὺς ὅσον ἂν ἀποδείξῃ διδόναι πλῆθος χρημάτων καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα κοινὴν ποιεῖν τὴν ἐκ τῆς βασιλείας χορηγίαν, ἐὰν συνεργήσῃ ταῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως προτεινομέναις διαλύσεσιν. ὁ δὲ Πόπλιος τὴν μὲν κατὰ τὸν υἱὸν ἐπαγγελίαν ἔφη δέχεσθαι καὶ μεγάλην χάριν ἕξειν ἐπὶ τούτοις, ἐὰν βεβαιώσῃ τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν· περὶ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων ἀγνοεῖν αὐτὸν ἔφη καὶ παραπαίειν ὁλοσχερῶς τοῦ σφετέρου συμφέροντος οὐ μόνον κατὰ τὴν πρὸς αὑτὸν ἔντευξιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸ συνέδριον. εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἔτι Λυσιμαχείας καὶ τῆς εἰς τὴν Χερρόνησον εἰσόδου κύριος ὑπάρχων ταῦτα προύτεινε, ταχέως ἂν αὐτὸν ἐπιτυχεῖν. ὁμοίως, εἰ καὶ τούτων ἐκχωρήσας παραγεγόνει πρὸς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ δῆλος ὢν ὅτι κωλύσει τὴν διάβασιν ἡμῶν ἐπρέσβευε περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν τούτων, ἦν ἂν οὕτως αὐτὸν ἐφικέσθαι τῶν ἀξιουμένων. ὅτε δʼ ἐάσας ἐπιβῆναι τῆς Ἀσίας τὰς ἡμετέρας δυνάμεις καὶ προσδεξάμενος οὐ μόνον τὸν χαλινόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν ἀναβάτην παραγίνεται πρεσβεύων περὶ διαλύσεων ἴσων, εἰκότως αὐτὸν ἀποτυγχάνειν καὶ διεψεῦσθαι τῶν ἐλπίδων. διόπερ αὐτῷ παρῄνει βέλτιον βουλεύεσθαι περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων καὶ βλέπειν τοὺς καιροὺς ἀληθινῶς. ἀντὶ δὲ τῆς κατὰ τὸν υἱὸν ἐπαγγελίας ὑπισχνεῖτο δώσειν αὐτῷ συμβουλίαν ἀξίαν τῆς προτεινομένης χάριτος· παρεκάλει γὰρ αὐτὸν εἰς πᾶν συγκαταβαίνειν, μάχεσθαι δὲ κατὰ μηδένα τρόπον Ῥωμαίοις. ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἡρακλείδης ταῦτʼ ἀκούσας ἐπανῆλθε καὶ συμμίξας διεσάφει τῷ βασιλεῖ τὰ κατὰ μέρος· Ἀντίοχος δὲ νομίσας οὐδὲν ἂν βαρύτερον αὑτῷ γενέσθαι πρόσταγμα τῶν νῦν ἐπιταττομένων, εἰ λειφθείη μαχόμενος, τῆς μὲν περὶ τὰς διαλύσεις ἀσχολίας ἀπέστη, τὰ δὲ πρὸς ἀγῶνα πάντα καὶ πανταχόθεν ἡτοίμαζεν. — ὅτι μετὰ τὴν νίκην οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν αὑτῶν πρὸς Ἀντίοχον παρειληφότες καὶ τὰς Σάρδεις καὶ τὰς ἀκροπόλεις ἄρτι ἧκε Μουσαῖος ἐπικηρυκευόμενος παρʼ Ἀντιόχου.