16. After the victory the Romans took Sardis and its Acropolis, and there they were visited by Musaeus bringing a message from Antiochus. Being politely received by the Scipios, he announced that Antiochus wished to send envoys to treat on the terms of peace, and therefore desired that a safe conduct should be given them. This was granted and the herald returned; and some days after, Zeuxis, formerly Satrap of Lydia, and Antipater, his nephew, came as ambassadors from king Antiochus. Their first anxiety was to meet king Eumenes, because they feared that his old quarrel would cause him to be only too ready to do them a bad turn. But when they found him, contrary to their expectation, disposed to moderate and gentle methods, they at once addressed themselves to meeting the council. Being summoned to attend it they made a lengthy speech, among other things exhorting the Romans to use their victory with mildness and generosity; and alleging that such a course was still more to the interest of the Romans than of Antiochus, since Fortune had committed to them the empire and lordship of the world. Finally, they asked “What they were to do to obtain peace and the friendship of Rome?” The members of the council had already in a previous sitting discussed and agreed upon this point, and now bade Publius Scipio deliver their decision.
16. τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Πόπλιον φιλανθρώπως προσδεξαμένων αὐτόν, ἔφη βούλεσθαι τὸν Ἀντίοχον ἐξαποσταλῆναι πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς διαλεχθησομένους ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων. διόπερ ἀσφάλειαν ἠξίου δοθῆναι τοῖς παραγινομένοις. τῶν δὲ συγχωρησάντων οὗτος μὲν ἐπανῆλθεν, μετὰ δέ τινας ἡμέρας ἧκον πρέσβεις παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως Ἀντιόχου Ζεῦξις ὁ πρότερον ὑπάρχων Λυδίας σατράπης καὶ Ἀντίπατρος ἀδελφιδοῦς. οὗτοι δὲ πρῶτον μὲν ἔσπευδον ἐντυχεῖν Εὐμένει τῷ βασιλεῖ, διευλαβούμενοι μὴ διὰ τὴν προγεγενημένην παρατριβὴν φιλοτιμότερος ᾖ πρὸς τὸ βλάπτειν αὐτούς. εὑρόντες δὲ παρὰ τὴν προσδοκίαν μέτριον αὐτὸν καὶ πρᾷον, εὐθέως ἐγίνοντο περὶ τὴν κοινὴν ἔντευξιν. κληθέντες δʼ εἰς τὸ συνέδριον πολλὰ μὲν καὶ ἕτερα διελέχθησαν, παρακαλοῦντες πρᾴως χρήσασθαι καὶ μεγαλοψύχως τοῖς εὐτυχήμασι, φάσκοντες οὐχ οὕτως Ἀντιόχῳ τοῦτο συμφέρειν ὡς αὐτοῖς Ῥωμαίοις, ἐπείπερ ἡ τύχη παρέδωκεν αὐτοῖς τὴν τῆς οἰκουμένης ἀρχὴν καὶ δυναστείαν· τὸ δὲ συνέχον ἠρώτων τί δεῖ ποιήσαντας τυχεῖν τῆς εἰρήνης καὶ τῆς φιλίας τῆς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους. οἱ δʼ ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ πρότερον ἤδη συνηδρευκότες καὶ βεβουλευμένοι περὶ τούτων, τότʼ ἐκέλευον διασαφεῖν τὰ δεδογμένα τὸν Πόπλιον.
17. Scipio began by saying that victory never made the Romans more severe than before, and accordingly the envoys would receive the same answer as they had previously received when they came to the Hellespont before the battle. “They must evacuate Europe and all Asia this side Taurus: must pay the Romans fifteen thousand Euboic talents as an indemnity for the expenses of the war, five hundred at once, two thousand five hundred on the ratification of the treaty by the people, and the rest in twelve yearly instalments of a thousand talents. Further, Antiochus must pay Eumenes the four hundred talents owing to him, and the balance of the corn due in accordance with the treaty made with his father Attalus. He must at the same time deliver Hannibal the Carthaginian, Thoas the Aetolian, Mnasilochus the Acarnanian, and Philo and Eubulides the Chalcidians. As security for the fulfilment of these terms, Antiochus must at once give twenty hostages named in the treaty.” Such was the decision announced by Publius Scipio in the name of the whole Council. Antipater and Zeuxis having expressed their consent to them, it was agreed by all to send envoys to Rome to appeal to the Senate and people to confirm the treaty. The ambassadors of Antiochus departed with this understanding: and during the following days the Roman commanders divided their forces into their winter quarters; and when some few days later the hostages arrived, both Eumenes and the envoys of Antiochus started on their voyage to Rome. Nor were they alone in their mission; for Rhodes also, and Smyrna, and nearly all the nations and states on this side Taurus sent ambassadors to Rome....
17. ὁ δὲ προειρημένος ἀνὴρ οὔτε νικήσαντας ἔφη Ῥωμαίους οὐδέποτε γενέσθαι βαρυτέρους, διὸ καὶ νῦν αὐτοῖς τὴν αὐτὴν ἀπόκρισιν δοθήσεσθαι παρὰ Ῥωμαίων, ἣν καὶ πρότερον ἔλαβον, ὅτε πρὸ τῆς μάχης παρεγενήθησαν ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον. δεῖν γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἔκ τε τῆς Εὐρώπης ἐκχωρεῖν καὶ τῆς Ἀσίας τῆς ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου πάσης. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις Εὐβοϊκὰ τάλαντʼ ἐπιδοῦναι μύρια καὶ πεντακισχίλια Ῥωμαίοις ἀντὶ τῆς εἰς τὸν πόλεμον δαπάνης. τούτων δὲ πεντακόσια μὲν παραχρῆμα, δισχίλια δὲ καὶ πεντακόσια πάλιν, ἐπειδὰν ὁ δῆμος κυρώσῃ τὰς διαλύσεις, τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ τελεῖν ἐν ἔτεσι δώδεκα, διδόντα καθʼ ἕκαστον ἔτος χίλια τάλαντα. ἀποδοῦναι δὲ καὶ Εὐμένει τετρακόσια τάλαντα τὰ προσοφειλόμενα καὶ τὸν ἐλλείποντα σῖτον κατὰ τὰς πρὸς τὸν πατέρα συνθήκας. σὺν δὲ τούτοις Ἀννίβαν ἐκδοῦναι τὸν Καρχηδόνιον καὶ Θόαντα τὸν Αἰτωλὸν καὶ Μνασίλοχον Ἀκαρνᾶνα καὶ Φίλωνα καὶ Εὐβουλίδαν τοὺς Χαλκιδέας. πίστιν δὲ τούτων ὁμήρους εἴκοσι δοῦναι παραχρῆμα τὸν Ἀντίοχον τοὺς παραγραφέντας. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ Πόπλιος ἀπεφήναθʼ ὑπὲρ παντὸς τοῦ συνεδρίου. συγκαταθεμένων δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀντίπατρον καὶ Ζεῦξιν, ἔδοξε πᾶσιν ἐξαποστεῖλαι πρεσβευτὰς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην τοὺς παρακαλέσοντας τὴν σύγκλητον καὶ τὸν δῆμον ἐπικυρῶσαι τὰς συνθήκας. καὶ τότε μὲν ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐχωρίσθησαν, ταῖς δʼ ἑξῆς ἡμέραις οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι διεῖλον τὰς δυνάμεις μετὰ δέ τινας ἡμέρας παραγενομένων τῶν ὁμήρων εἰς τὴν Ἔφεσον, εὐθέως ἐγίνοντο περὶ τὸ πλεῖν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ὅ τʼ Εὐμένης οἵ τε παρʼ Ἀντιόχου πρεσβευταί, παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ παρὰ Ῥοδίων καὶ παρὰ Σμυρναίων καὶ σχεδὸν τῶν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου πάντων τῶν κατοικούντων ἐθνῶν καὶ πολιτευμάτων ἐπρέσβευον εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην.
18. At the beginning of the summer following the victory of the Romans over Antiochus, the ambassadors of that king, and those from Rhodes, as well as from the other states arrived in Rome. For, as I said, nearly all the states in Asia began sending envoys to Rome immediately after the battle, because the hopes of all as to their future position rested at that time on the Senate. All who arrived were graciously received by the Senate; but the most imposing reception was that accorded to king Eumenes, both in the complimentary processions sent out to meet him and the arrangements made for his entertainment; and next in cordiality to his reception was that given to the Rhodians. When the time for the audiences came, they first called in the king and bade him say freely what he wished to obtain at the hands of the Senate. But Eumenes at first evaded the task by saying: “If I had been desirous of obtaining any favour from others, I should have looked to the Romans for advice, that I might neither desire anything that was wrong nor ask anything unfair; but seeing that I am here to prefer my request to the Romans themselves, I think it better to leave the interests of myself and my brothers unreservedly in their hands.” And though one of the Senators rose and begged him to have no apprehension, but to speak his mind, he still adhered to this view. And so after a certain time had elapsed the king withdrew; and the Senate, remaining in the curia, debated what was to be done. Eventually it was decreed to call upon Eumenes to declare with his own mouth the objects of his visit without reserve, on the ground that he knew best what his own kingdom required, and what was the state of things in Asia. He was then called in; and, one of the Senators having informed him of the vote, he was compelled to speak on the business.
18. ὅτι ἤδη τῆς θερείας ἐνισταμένης μετὰ τὴν νίκην τῶν Ῥωμαίων τὴν πρὸς Ἀντίοχον παρῆν ὅ τε βασιλεὺς Εὐμένης οἵ τε παρʼ Ἀντιόχου πρέσβεις οἵ τε παρὰ τῶν Ῥοδίων, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων· σχεδὸν γὰρ ἅπαντες οἱ κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν εὐθέως μετὰ τὸ γενέσθαι τὴν μάχην ἔπεμπον πρεσβευτὰς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, διὰ τὸ πᾶσιν τότε καὶ πάσας τὰς ὑπὲρ τοῦ μέλλοντος ἐλπίδας ἐν τῇ συγκλήτῳ κεῖσθαι. ἅπαντας μὲν οὖν τοὺς παραγενομένους ἐπεδέχετο φιλανθρώπως ἡ σύγκλητος, μεγαλομερέστατα δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἀπάντησιν καὶ τὰς τῶν ξενίων παροχὰς Εὐμένη τὸν βασιλέα, μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον τοὺς Ῥοδίους. ἐπειδὴ δʼ ὁ τῆς ἐντεύξεως καιρὸς ἦλθεν, εἰσεκαλέσαντο πρῶτον τὸν βασιλέα καὶ λέγειν ἠξίουν μετὰ παρρησίας ὧν βούλεται τυχεῖν παρὰ τῆς συγκλήτου. τοῦ δʼ Εὐμένους φήσαντος διότι εἰ καὶ παρʼ ἑτέρων τυχεῖν τινος ἐβούλετο φιλανθρώπου, Ῥωμαίοις ἂν ἐχρήσατο συμβούλοις πρὸς τὸ μήτʼ ἐπιθυμεῖν μηδενὸς παρὰ τὸ δέον μήτʼ ἀξιοῦν μηδʼ ἓν πέρα τοῦ καθήκοντος· ὁπότε δʼ αὐτῶν πάρεστι δεόμενος Ῥωμαίων, ἄριστον εἶναι νομίζει τὸ διδόναι τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν ἐκείνοις καὶ περὶ αὑτοῦ καὶ περὶ τῶν ἀδελφῶν· τῶν δὲ πρεσβυτέρων τινὸς ἀναστάντος καὶ κελεύοντος μὴ κατορρωδεῖν, ἀλλὰ λέγειν τὸ φαινόμενον, διότι πρόκειται τῇ συγκλήτῳ πᾶν αὐτῷ χαρίζεσθαι τὸ δυνατόν, ἔμεινεν ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς γνώμης. χρόνου δʼ ἐγγινομένου ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς ἐξεχώρησεν, ἡ δὲ ἐντὸς ἐβουλεύετο τί δεῖ ποιεῖν. ἔδοξεν οὖν τὸν Εὐμένη παρακαλεῖν αὐτὸν ὑποδεικνύναι θαρροῦντα περὶ ὧν πάρεστιν· καὶ γὰρ εἰδέναι τὰ διαφέροντα τοῖς ἰδίοις πράγμασιν ἐκεῖνον ἀκριβέστερον τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν. δοξάντων δὲ τούτων εἰσεκλήθη, καὶ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων τινὸς ἀποδείξαντος τὰ δεδογμένα λέγειν ἠναγκάσθη περὶ τῶν προκειμένων.
19. He said therefore that “He would not say another word on his own concerns, but would adhere strictly to his resolution of leaving the decision as to them entirely in the hands of the Romans. But there was one subject on which he felt anxiety, namely, the policy of Rhodes; and it was this that induced him to address the Senate on the present occasion. These Rhodians had come to Rome to further the interests of their own country, and their own prosperity, quite as much as he had come to promote those of his own kingdom at that moment; but their professions were entirely at variance with their real purpose. And it was easy to satisfy one’s self of this: for, when they enter the Senate house, they will say that they come neither to ask anything for themselves nor to thwart Eumenes in any way whatever; but are ambassadors for the liberty of the Greek inhabitants of Asia. ‘to secure this,’ they will say, ‘is not so much a favour to themselves as an act incumbent on the Romans, and in consonance with their former achievements.’ Such will be their specious professions; but the real truth of the case will be wholly different. For if these cities are once set free, the result will be that their dominion will be many times increased, while his own would be in a manner entirely broken up. For the attractive name of liberty and autonomy would draw from his rule not only the cities to be freed at present, but those also which had been under his rule from of old, directly it is made apparent that the Senate has adopted that policy, and would add them to the dominion of Rhodes. That was the natural course for things to take. Imagining that they owed their freedom to Rhodes, those cities would become in name its allies, but in reality entirely subservient, owing to the heavy obligation under which they will find themselves. He begged the Senators, therefore, to be on their guard on that point: lest they should find that they had unwittingly aggrandised one friendly nation too much, and disproportionately weakened another; or even that they were benefiting men who had once been their foes, to the neglect and contempt of their genuine friends.”
19. ἔφασκεν οὖν ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν ἂν εἰπεῖν περὶ τῶν καθʼ αὑτόν, ἀλλὰ μεῖναι τελέως διδοὺς ἐκείνοις τὴν ἐξουσίαν· ἕνα δὲ τόπον ἀγωνιᾶν τὸν κατὰ τοὺς Ῥοδίους· διὸ καὶ προῆχθαι νῦν εἰς τὸ λέγειν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐνεστώτων. ἐκείνους γὰρ παρεῖναι μὲν οὐδὲν ἧττον ὑπὲρ τῆς σφετέρας πατρίδος συμφερόντως σπουδάζοντας ἤπερ αὑτοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἰδίας ἀρχῆς φιλοτιμεῖσθαι κατὰ τὸ παρόν· τοὺς δὲ λόγους αὐτῶν τὴν ἐναντίαν ἔμφασιν ἔχειν τῇ προθέσει τῇ κατὰ τὴν ἀλήθειαν. τοῦτο δʼ εἶναι ῥᾴδιον καταμαθεῖν. ἐρεῖν μὲν γὰρ αὐτούς, ἐπειδὰν εἰσπορευθῶσιν, διότι πάρεισιν οὔτε παρʼ ὑμῶν αἰτούμενοι τὸ παράπαν οὐδὲν οὔθʼ ἡμᾶς βλάπτειν θέλοντες κατʼ οὐδένα τρόπον, πρεσβεύονται δὲ περὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας τῶν τὴν Ἀσίαν κατοικούντων Ἑλλήνων. " τοῦτο δʼ οὐχ οὕτως αὐτοῖς εἶναι κεχαρισμένον φήσουσιν ὡς ὑμῖν καθῆκον καὶ τοῖς γεγονόσιν ἔργοις ἀκόλουθον. ἡ μὲν οὖν διὰ τῶν λόγων φαντασία τοιαύτη τις αὐτῶν ἔσται· τὰ δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἀλήθειαν τὴν ἐναντίαν ἔχοντα τούτοις εὑρεθήσεται διάθεσιν. τῶν γὰρ πόλεων ἐλευθερωθεισῶν, ὡς αὐτοὶ παρακαλοῦσιν, τὴν μὲν τούτων συμβήσεται δύναμιν αὐξηθῆναι πολλαπλασίως, τὴν δʼ ἡμετέραν τρόπον τινὰ καταλυθῆναι. τὸ γὰρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ὄνομα καὶ τῆς αὐτονομίας ἡμῖν μὲν ἄρδην ἀποσπάσει πάντας οὐ μόνον τοὺς νῦν ἐλευθερωθησομένους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς πρότερον ἡμῖν ὑποταττομένους, ἐπειδὰν ὑμεῖς ἐπὶ ταύτης ὄντες φανεροὶ γένησθε τῆς προαιρέσεως, τούτοις δὲ προσθήσει πάντας. τὰ γὰρ πράγματα φύσιν ἔχει τοιαύτην· δόξαντες γὰρ ἠλευθερῶσθαι διὰ τούτους ὀνόματι μὲν ἔσονται σύμμαχοι τούτων, τῇ δʼ ἀληθείᾳ πᾶν ποιήσουσι τὸ κελευόμενον ἑτοίμως, τῇ μεγίστῃ χάριτι γεγονότες ὑπόχρεοι. διόπερ, ὦ ἄνδρες, ἀξιοῦμεν ὑμᾶς τοῦτον τὸν τόπον ὑπιδέσθαι, μὴ λάθητε τοὺς μὲν παρὰ τὸ δέον αὔξοντες, τοὺς δʼ ἐλαττοῦντες τῶν φίλων ἀλόγως, ἅμα δὲ τούτοις τοὺς μὲν πολεμίους γεγονότας εὐεργετοῦντες, τοὺς δʼ ἀληθινοὺς φίλους παρορῶντες καὶ κατολιγωροῦντες τούτων.
20. “For myself,” he continued, “though in every other point I would yield, if it were necessary, to my neighbours, yet in the matter of your friendship and of my goodwill towards you I will never, if I can help it, yield to any one alive. And I think that my father, if he had been living, would have said the same: for as he was the first to become your friend and ally, so of all the inhabitants of Asia and Greece he was the most nobly loyal to you to the last day of his life, not only in heart but in deed. For he took his part in all your wars in Greece, and furnished the largest contingents of men and ships of all your allies; contributed the largest share of supplies; and faced the most serious dangers: and to sum up all, ended his life actually engaged in the war with Philip, while employed in urging the Boeotians to join your alliance. I, too, when I succeeded to his kingdom, while fully maintaining my father’s views, for it was impossible to do more, have yet gone even beyond him in actual achievements: for the state of the times brought me to a more fiery test than they did him. Antiochus offered me his daughter and a share in his whole kingdom: offered me immediate restoration of all the cities that had been before wrested from me: and finally promised me any price I chose if I would join him in his war with you. But so far from accepting any one of these offers, I joined you in your struggle against Antiochus with the largest military and naval contingents of any of your allies; contributed the largest share of supplies at the time of your utmost need; and exposed myself unreservedly to every danger along with your generals. Finally, I submitted to being invested in Pergamos itself, and risked my life as well as my crown in my loyalty to your people.”
20. ἐγὼ δὲ περὶ μὲν τῶν ἄλλων, ὅτου δέοι, παντὸς ἂν παραχωρήσαιμι τοῖς πέλας ἀφιλονίκως, περὶ δὲ τῆς ὑμετέρας φιλίας καὶ τῆς εἰς ὑμᾶς εὐνοίας ἁπλῶς οὐδέποτʼ ἂν οὐδενὶ τῶν ὄντων ἐκχωρήσαιμι κατὰ δύναμιν. δοκῶ δὲ καὶ τὸν πατέρα τὸν ἡμέτερον, εἴπερ ἔζη, τὴν αὐτὴν ἂν προέσθαι φωνὴν ἐμοί. καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνος, πρῶτος μετασχὼν τῆς ὑμετέρας φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας, σχεδὸν πάντων τῶν [κατὰ] τὴν Ἀσίαν καὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα νεμομένων, εὐγενέστατα διεφύλαξε ταύτην ἕως τῆς τελευταίας ἡμέρας, οὐ μόνον κατὰ τὴν προαίρεσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατὰ τὰς πράξεις. πάντων γὰρ ὑμῖν ἐκοινώνησε τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα πολέμων καὶ πλείστας μὲν εἰς τούτους καὶ πεζικὰς καὶ ναυτικὰς δυνάμεις παρέσχετο τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων, πλείστην δὲ συνεβάλετο χορηγίαν καὶ μεγίστους ὑπέμεινε κινδύνους· τέλος δʼ εἰπεῖν, κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον ἐν αὐτοῖς τοῖς ἔργοις κατὰ τὸν Φιλιππικὸν πόλεμον, παρακαλῶν Βοιωτοὺς εἰς τὴν ὑμετέραν φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν. ἐγὼ δὲ διαδεξάμενος τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν μὲν προαίρεσιν τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς διεφύλαξα — ταύτην γὰρ οὐχ οἷόν τʼ ἦν ὑπερθέσθαι — τοῖς δὲ πράγμασιν ὑπερεθέμην. οἱ γὰρ καιροὶ τὴν ἐκ πυρὸς βάσανον ἐμοὶ μᾶλλον ἢ ʼκείνῳ προσῆγον. Ἀντιόχου γὰρ σπουδάζοντος ἡμῖν θυγατέρα δοῦναι καὶ συνοικειωθῆναι τοῖς ὅλοις, διδόντος δὲ παραχρῆμα μὲν τὰς πρότερον ἀπηλλοτριωμένας ἀφʼ ἡμῶν πόλεις, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πᾶν ὑπισχνουμένου ποιήσειν, εἰ μετάσχοιμεν τοῦ πρὸς ὑμᾶς πολέμου, τοσοῦτον ἀπέσχομεν τοῦ προσδέξασθαί τι τούτων, ὡς πλείσταις μὲν καὶ πεζικαῖς καὶ ναυτικαῖς δυνάμεσιν τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων ἠγωνίσμεθα μεθʼ ὑμῶν πρὸς Ἀντίοχον, πλείστας δὲ χορηγίας συμβεβλήμεθα πρὸς τὰς ὑμετέρας χρείας ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις καιροῖς, εἰς πάντας δὲ τοὺς κινδύνους δεδώκαμεν αὑτοὺς ἀπροφασίστως μετά γε τῶν ὑμετέρων ἡγεμόνων. τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον ὑπεμείναμεν συγκλεισθέντες εἰς αὐτὸν τὸν Πέργαμον πολιορκεῖσθαι καὶ κινδυνεύειν ἅμα περὶ τοῦ βίου καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸν ὑμέτερον δῆμον εὔνοιαν.
21. “Therefore, men of Rome, as many of you have been eye-witnesses of the truth of my words, and all of you know it, it is but just that you should have a corresponding regard for my interests. You have made Massanissa king of the greater part of Libya, though he had once been your enemy and at last deserted to your side accompanied only by a few horsemen, only because he kept faith with you in one war: you have raised Pleuratus to the first position among the princes of Illyria, though he had done absolutely nothing for you beyond keeping loyal; it would be the height of inconsistency if you should neglect me and my family, who from generation to generation have co-operated in your most important and glorious undertakings. What is it, then, that I am asking you to do, and what do I claim at your hands? I will tell you openly, since you have called upon me to speak my mind to you. If you decide, then, to continue holding certain parts of Asia which are on this side Taurus, and were formerly subject to Antiochus, that is what I should wish to see best of all: for I consider that the security of my realm would best be secured by having you for neighbours, and especially by my sharing in your prestige. But if you decide not to do this, but to evacuate Asia entirely, there is no one to whom you may with greater justice surrender the prizes you have won in the field than to me. But it may be said, it is a more honourable thing still to set the enslaved free. Yes! if they had not ventured to join Antiochus in the war against you. But since they had the hardihood to do so, it is a much more honourable course to make a proper return to your sincere friends, than to benefit those who have shown themselves your enemies.”
21. ὥσθʼ ὑμᾶς, ἄνδρες Ῥωμαῖοι, πολλοὺς μὲν γεγονότας αὐτόπτας, πάντας δὲ γινώσκοντας διότι λέγομεν ἀληθῆ, δίκαιόν ἐστι τὴν ἁρμόζουσαν πρόνοιαν ποιήσασθαι περὶ ἡμῶν. καὶ γὰρ ἂν πάντων γένοιτο δεινότατον, εἰ Μασαννάσαν μὲν τὸν οὐ μόνον ὑπάρξαντα πολέμιον ὑμῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ τελευταῖον καταφυγόντα πρὸς ὑμᾶς μετά τινων ἱππέων, τοῦτον, ὅτι καθʼ ἕνα πόλεμον τὸν πρὸς Καρχηδονίους ἐτήρησε τὴν πίστιν, βασιλέα τῶν πλείστων μερῶν τῆς Λιβύης πεποιήκατε, Πλευρᾶτον δέ, πράξαντα μὲν ἁπλῶς οὐδέν, διαφυλάξαντα δὲ μόνον τὴν πίστιν, μέγιστον τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα δυναστῶν ἀναδεδείχατε, ἡμᾶς δὲ τοὺς διὰ προγόνων τὰ μέγιστα καὶ κάλλιστα τῶν ἔργων ὑμῖν συγκατειργασμένους παρʼ οὐδὲν ποιήσεσθε. τί οὖν ἐστιν ὃ παρακαλῶ, καὶ τίνος φημὶ δεῖν ἡμᾶς τυγχάνειν παρʼ ὑμῶν; ἐρῶ μετὰ παρρησίας, ἐπείπερ ἡμᾶς ἐξεκαλέσασθε πρὸς τὸ λέγειν ὑμῖν τὸ φαινόμενον. εἰ μὲν αὐτοὶ κρίνετέ τινας τόπους διακατέχειν τῆς Ἀσίας τῶν ὄντων μὲν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου, ταττομένων δὲ πρότερον ὑπʼ Ἀντίοχον, τοῦτο καὶ μάλιστα βουλοίμεθʼ ἂν ἰδεῖν γενόμενον· καὶ γὰρ ἀσφαλέστατα βασιλεύσειν ὑμῖν γειτνιῶντες ὑπολαμβάνομεν καὶ μάλιστα μετέχοντες τῆς ὑμετέρας ἐξουσίας. εἰ δὲ τοῦτο μὴ κρίνετε ποιεῖν, ἀλλʼ ἐκχωρεῖν τῆς Ἀσίας ὁλοσχερῶς, οὐδενί φαμεν δικαιότερον εἶναι παραχωρεῖν ὑμᾶς τῶν ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου γεγονότων ἄθλων ἤπερ ἡμῖν. νὴ Δίʼ, ἀλλὰ κάλλιόν ἐστι τοὺς δουλεύοντας ἐλευθεροῦν. εἴγε μὴ μετʼ Ἀντιόχου πολεμεῖν ὑμῖν ἐτόλμησαν. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦθʼ ὑπέμειναν, πολλῷ κάλλιον τὸ τοῖς ἀληθινοῖς φίλοις τὰς ἁρμοζούσας χάριτας ἀποδιδόναι μᾶλλον ἢ τοὺς πολεμίους γεγονότας εὐεργετεῖν."
22. After the delivery of this effective speech Eumenes retired. The Senate received both the king himself and the speech with every mark of favour, and were enthusiastic for doing everything in their power to gratify him. They wished to call in the Rhodians next after him; but one of the Rhodian ambassadors not being there in time, they called in those from Smyrna, who delivered a long disquisition on the goodwill and zeal which they had displayed towards Rome during the late war. But as there are no two opinions about the fact of their having been, of all the autonomous states in Asia, the most strenuous in the cause, I do not think it necessary to set forth their speech in detail. But next to them came in the Rhodians: who, after a short preamble as to their services to the Romans, quickly came to the discussion of the position of their own country. They said that “It was a very great embarrassment to them, in the discharge of their ambassadorial duties, to find themselves placed by the necessities of the case in opposition to a sovereign with whom their public and private relations were of the most friendly description. It was the opinion of their countrymen that the most honourable course, and the one which above all others would redound to the credit of Rome, was, that the Greeks in Asia should be set free, and should recover that possession dearest to all mankind—autonomy: but this was the last thing to suit Eumenes and his brothers. It was the nature of monarchy to hate equality, and to endeavour to have everybody, or at least as many as possible, subject and obedient. But though that was the case now, still they felt convinced that they should gain their object, not because they had greater influence with the Romans than Eumenes, but because they would be shown to be suggesting a course more just in itself and more indisputably advantageous to all concerned. If, indeed, the only way the Romans could requite Eumenes was by handing over to him the autonomous towns, they might reasonably be at a loss to determine what to do; for they would have had to decide between neglecting a sincere friend and disregarding their own honour and duty, and thus entirely obscuring and degrading the glory of their great achievements. But if, on the other hand, it were possible adequately to consult for both these objects at the same time, who could doubt about the matter any longer? Yet the fact was that, as in a costly banquet, there was enough and to spare for all. Lycaonia, Phrygia on the Hellespont, and Pisidia, the Chersonese also and the districts bordering on it, were at the disposal of the Romans to give to whom they chose; only a few of which added to the kingdom of Eumenes would double its present extent, while if all, or even the great part were assigned to him, it would become second to that of no other prince in Asia.”
22. ὁ μὲν οὖν Εὐμένης ἱκανῶς εἰπὼν ἀπηλλάγη, τὸ δὲ συνέδριον αὐτόν τε τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τὰ ῥηθέντα φιλοφρόνως ἀπεδέχετο καὶ πᾶν τὸ δυνατὸν προθύμως εἶχεν αὐτῷ χαρίζεσθαι. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον ἐβούλοντο μὲν εἰσάγειν Ῥοδίους. ἀφυστεροῦντος δέ τινος τῶν πρεσβευτῶν εἰσεκαλέσαντο τοὺς Σμυρναίους. οὗτοι δὲ πολλοὺς μὲν ἀπολογισμοὺς εἰσήνεγκαν περὶ τῆς αὑτῶν εὐνοίας καὶ προθυμίας, ἣν παρέσχηνται Ῥωμαίοις κατὰ τὸν ἐνεστῶτα πόλεμον· οὔσης δὲ τῆς περὶ αὐτῶν δόξης ὁμολογουμένης, διότι γεγόνασι πάντων ἐκτενέστατοι τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας αὐτονομουμένων, οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον ἡγούμεθʼ εἶναι τοὺς κατὰ μέρος ἐκτίθεσθαι λόγους. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις εἰσῆλθον οἱ Ῥόδιοι καὶ βραχέα προενεγκάμενοι περὶ τῶν κατʼ ἰδίαν σφίσι πεπραγμένων εἰς Ῥωμαίους, ταχέως εἰς τὸν περὶ τῆς πατρίδος ἐπανῆλθον λόγον. ἐν ᾧ μέγιστον αὑτοῖς ἔφασαν γεγονέναι σύμπτωμα κατὰ τὴν πρεσβείαν, πρὸς ὃν οἰκειότατα διάκεινται βασιλέα καὶ κοινῇ καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν, πρὸς τοῦτον αὐτοῖς ἀντιπεπτωκέναι τὴν φύσιν τῶν πραγμάτων. τῇ μὲν γὰρ αὑτῶν πατρίδι δοκεῖν τοῦτο κάλλιστον εἶναι καὶ μάλιστα πρέπον Ῥωμαίοις, τὸ τοὺς ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας Ἕλληνας ἐλευθερωθῆναι καὶ τυχεῖν τῆς αὐτονομίας τῆς ἅπασιν ἀνθρώποις προσφιλεστάτης, Εὐμένει δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἥκιστα τοῦτο συμφέρειν· φύσει γὰρ πᾶσαν μοναρχίαν τὸ μὲν ἴσον ἐχθαίρειν, ζητεῖν δὲ πάντας, εἰ δὲ μή γʼ ὡς πλείστους, ὑπηκόους εἶναι σφίσι καὶ πειθαρχεῖν. ἀλλὰ καίπερ τοιούτων ὄντων τῶν πραγμάτων, ὅμως ἔφασαν πεπεῖσθαι διότι καθίξονται τῆς προθέσεως, οὐ τῷ πλεῖον Εὐμένους δύνασθαι παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις, ἀλλὰ τῷ δικαιότερα φαίνεσθαι λέγοντες καὶ συμφορώτερα πᾶσιν ὁμολογουμένως. εἰ μὲν γὰρ μὴ δυνατὸν ἦν ἄλλως Εὐμένει χάριν ἀποδοῦναι Ῥωμαίους, εἰ μὴ παραδοῖεν αὐτῷ τὰς αὐτονομουμένας πόλεις, ἀπορεῖν εἰκὸς ἦν περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων· ἢ γὰρ φίλον ἀληθινὸν ἔδει παριδεῖν, ἢ τοῦ καλοῦ καὶ καθήκοντος αὑτοῖς ὀλιγωρῆσαι καὶ τὸ τέλος τῶν ἰδίων πράξεων ἀμαυρῶσαι καὶ καταβαλεῖν. "εἰ δʼ ἀμφοτέρων τούτων ἱκανῶς ἔξεστιν προνοηθῆναι, τίς ἂν ἔτι περὶ τούτου διαπορήσειεν; καὶ μὴν ὥσπερ ἐν δείπνῳ πολυτελεῖ, πάντʼ ἔνεστιν ἱκανὰ πᾶσιν καὶ πλείω τῶν ἱκανῶν. καὶ γὰρ Λυκαονίαν καὶ Φρυγίαν τὴν ἐφʼ Ἑλλησπόντου καὶ τὴν Πισιδικήν, πρὸς δὲ ταύταις Χερρόνησον καὶ τὰ προσοροῦντα ταύτῃ τῆς Εὐρώπης ἔξεστιν ὑμῖν οἷς ἂν βούλησθε προστεθέντα πρὸς τὴν Εὐμένους βασιλείαν δεκαπλασίαν αὐτὴν δύναται ποιεῖν τῆς νῦν ὑπαρχούσης· πάντων δὲ τούτων ἢ τῶν πλείστων αὐτῇ προσμερισθέντων, οὐδεμιᾶς ἂν γένοιτο τῶν ἄλλων δυναστειῶν καταδεεστέρα.
23. “It was therefore in the power of the Romans to strengthen their friends very materially without destroying the glory of their own policy. For the end which they proposed to themselves in their war was not the same as that of other nations, but widely different. The rest of the world all entered upon war with the view of conquering and seizing cities, wealth, or ships: but heaven had ordained that they should want none of these things, by having put everything in the whole world under their rule. What was it, then, that they had still occasion to wish for, and to take the securest means to obtain? Plainly praise and glory among mankind; which it was difficult indeed to gain, but most difficult of all to preserve when gained. Their war with Philip might show them their meaning. That war they had, as they professed, undertaken with the sole object of liberating Greece; and that was in fact the only prize they gained in it, and no other whatever: yet the glory they got by it was greater than that which the tribute of the Carthaginians had brought them. And justly so: for money is a possession common to all mankind, but honour and praise and glory are attributes of the gods and of those men who approach nearest to them. Therefore, the most glorious of all their achievements was the liberation of Greece; and if they now completed that work their fame would receive its consummation: but if they neglected to do so, even what they had already accomplished would lose its lustre.” They finally wound up by saying, “As for us, gentlemen, having once deliberately adopted this policy and joined with you in the severest battles and in genuine dangers, we do not now propose to abandon the part of friends; but have not hesitated to say openly what we believe to be for your honour and your interests alike, with no ulterior design whatever, and with a single eye to our duty as the highest earthly object.”
23. ἔξεστιν οὖν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ῥωμαῖοι, καὶ τοὺς φίλους μεγαλομερῶς σωματοποιῆσαι καὶ τὸ τῆς ἰδίας ὑποθέσεως λαμπρὸν μὴ καταβαλεῖν. οὐ γάρ ἐστιν ὑμῖν καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις ταὐτὸν τέλος τῶν ἔργων, ἀλλʼ ἕτερον. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἄλλοι πάντες ὁρμῶσιν πρὸς τὰς πράξεις ὀρεγόμενοι τοῦ καταστρέψασθαι καὶ προσλαβεῖν πόλεις, χορηγίαν, ναῦς· ὑμᾶς δὲ πάντων τούτων ἀπροσδεήτους οἱ θεοὶ πεποιήκασι, πάντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην τεθεικότες [μὲν] ὑπὸ τὴν ὑμετέραν ἐξουσίαν. τίνος οὖν ἔτι προσδεῖσθε, καὶ τίνος ἂν ἔτι δέοι πρόνοιαν ὑμᾶς ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἰσχυροτάτην; δῆλον ὡς ἐπαίνου καὶ δόξης παρʼ ἀνθρώποις, ἃ καὶ κτήσασθαι μέν ἐστι δυσχερές, δυσχερέστερον δὲ κτησαμένους διαφυλάξαι. γνοίητε δʼ ἂν τὸ λεγόμενον οὕτως. ἐπολεμήσατε πρὸς Φίλιππον καὶ πᾶν ὑπεμείνατε χάριν τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίας· τοῦτο γὰρ προέθεσθε, καὶ τοῦθʼ ὑμῖν ἆθλον ἐξ ἐκείνου τοῦ πολέμου περιγέγονεν, ἕτερον δʼ ἁπλῶς οὐδέν. ἀλλʼ ὅμως εὐδοκεῖτε τούτῳ μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς παρὰ Καρχηδονίων φόροις· καὶ μάλα δικαίως· τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἀργύριόν ἐστι κοινόν τι πάντων ἀνθρώπων κτῆμα, τὸ δὲ καλὸν καὶ πρὸς ἔπαινον καὶ τιμὴν ἀνῆκον θεῶν καὶ τῶν ἔγγιστα τούτοις πεφυκότων ἀνδρῶν ἐστιν. τοιγαροῦν σεμνότατον τῶν ὑμετέρων ἔργων ἡ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθέρωσις. τούτῳ νῦν ἐὰν μὲν προσθῆτε τἀκόλουθον, τελειωθήσεται τὰ τῆς ὑμετέρας δόξης. ἐὰν δὲ παρίδητε, καὶ τὰ πρὶν ἐλαττωθήσεται φανερῶς. ἡμεῖς μὲν οὖν, ὦ ἄνδρες, καὶ τῆς προαιρέσεως γεγονότες αἱρετισταὶ καὶ τῶν μεγίστων ἀγώνων καὶ κινδύνων ἀληθινῶς ὑμῖν μετεσχηκότες, καὶ νῦν οὐκ ἐγκαταλείπομεν τὴν τῶν φίλων τάξιν, ἀλλʼ ἅ γε νομίζομεν ὑμῖν καὶ πρέπειν καὶ συμφέρειν, οὐκ ὠκνήσαμεν ὑπομνῆσαι μετὰ παρρησίας, οὐδενὸς στοχασάμενοι τῶν ἄλλων οὐδὲ περὶ πλείονος οὐδὲν ποιησάμενοι τοῦ καθήκοντος αὑτοῖς." οἱ μὲν οὖν Ῥόδιοι ταῦτʼ εἰπόντες πᾶσιν ἐδόκουν μετρίως καὶ καλῶς διειλέχθαι περὶ τῶν προκειμένων.
24. This speech of the Rhodians was universally regarded as temperate and fair. The Senate next caused Antipater and Zeuxis, the ambassadors of Antiochus, to be introduced: and on their speaking in a tone of entreaty and supplication, an approval of the agreement made by him with Scipio in Asia was voted. A few days later the people also ratified it, and oaths were accordingly interchanged with Antipater and his colleague. This done, the other ambassadors from Asia were introduced into the Senate: but a very brief hearing was given to each, and the same answer was returned to all; namely, that ten commissioners would be sent to decide on all points of dispute between the cities. The Senate then appointed ten commissioners, to whom they gave the entire settlement of particulars; while as a general principle they decided that of Asia this side Taurus such inhabitants as had been subject to Antiochus were to be assigned to Eumenes, except Lycia and Caria up to the Maeander, which were to belong to the Rhodians; while of the Greek cities, such of them as had been accustomed to pay tribute to Attalus were to pay the same to Eumenes; and only those who had done so to Antiochus were to be relieved of tribute altogether. Having given the ten commissioners these outlines of the general settlement, they sent them out to join the consul, Cnaeus Manlius Vulso, in Asia. After these arrangements had been completed, the Rhodian envoys came to the Senate again with a request in regard to Soli in Cilicia, alleging that they were called upon by ties of kindred to think of the interests of that city; for the people of Soli were, like the Rhodians, colonists from Argos. Having listened to what they had to say, the Senate invited the attendance of the ambassadors from Antiochus, and at first were inclined to order Antiochus to evacuate the whole of Cilicia; but upon these ambassadors resisting this order, on the ground of its being contrary to the treaty, they once more discussed the case of Soli by itself. The king’s ambassadors still vehemently maintaining their rights, the Senate dismissed them and called in the Rhodians. Having informed them of the opposition raised by Antipater, they added that they were ready to go any length in the matter, if the Rhodians, on a review of the whole case, determined to push their claim. The Rhodian envoys, however, were much gratified by the spirit shown by the Senate, and said that they would ask nothing more. This question, therefore, was left as it was; and just as the ten commissioners and the other ambassadors were on the point of starting, the two Scipios, and Lucius Aemilius, the victor in the sea fight with Antiochus, arrived at Brundisium; and after certain days all three entered Rome in triumph.
24. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις εἰσήγαγον τοὺς παρʼ Ἀντιόχου πρεσβευτὰς Ἀντίπατρον καὶ Ζεῦξιν. ὧν μετʼ ἀξιώσεως καὶ παρακλήσεως ποιησαμένων τοὺς λόγους, εὐδόκησαν ταῖς γεγενημέναις ὁμολογίαις πρὸς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Σκιπίωνα κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν, καὶ μετά τινας ἡμέρας τοῦ δήμου συνεπικυρώσαντος ἔτεμον ὅρκια περὶ τούτων πρὸς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἀντίπατρον. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους εἰσῆγον, ὅσοι παρῆσαν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀσίας πρεσβεύοντες· ὧν ἐπὶ βραχὺ μὲν διήκουσαν, ἅπασιν δὲ τὴν αὐτὴν ἔδωκαν ἀπόκρισιν. αὕτη δʼ ἦν ὅτι δέκα πρεσβεύοντας ἐξαποστελοῦσι τοὺς ὑπὲρ ἁπάντων τῶν ἀμφισβητουμένων ταῖς πόλεσι διαγνωσομένους. δόντες δὲ ταύτας τὰς ἀποκρίσεις μετὰ ταῦτα κατέστησαν δέκα πρεσβευτάς, οἷς περὶ μὲν τῶν κατὰ μέρος ἔδωκαν τὴν ἐπιτροπήν, περὶ δὲ τῶν ὅλων αὐτοὶ διέλαβον ὅτι δεῖ τῶν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου κατοικούντων, ὅσοι μὲν ὑπʼ Ἀντίοχον ἐτάττοντο, τούτους Εὐμένει δοθῆναι πλὴν Λυκίαν καὶ Καρίας τὰ μέχρι τοῦ Μαιάνδρου ποταμοῦ, ταῦτα δὲ Ῥοδίων ὑπάρχειν, τῶν δὲ πόλεων τῶν Ἑλληνίδων ὅσαι μὲν Ἀττάλῳ φόρον ὑπετέλουν, ταύτας τὸν αὐτὸν Εὐμένει τελεῖν, ὅσαι δʼ Ἀντιόχῳ, μόνον ταύταις ἀφεῖσθαι τὸν φόρον. δόντες δὲ τοὺς τύπους τούτους ὑπὲρ τῆς ὅλης διοικήσεως, ἐξέπεμπον τοὺς δέκα πρὸς Γνάιον τὸν ὕπατον εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν. ἤδη δὲ τούτων διῳκημένων, προσῆλθον αὖθις οἱ Ῥόδιοι πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον, ἀξιοῦντες περὶ Σόλων τῶν Κιλικίων· διὰ γὰρ τὴν συγγένειαν ἔφασαν καθήκειν αὑτοῖς προνοεῖσθαι τῆς πόλεως ταύτης. εἶναι γὰρ Ἀργείων ἀποίκους Σολεῖς, καθάπερ καὶ Ῥοδίους· ἐξ ὧν ἀδελφικὴν οὖσαν ἀπεδείκνυον τὴν συγγένειαν πρὸς ἀλλήλους. ὧν ἕνεκα δίκαιον ἔφασαν εἶναι τυχεῖν αὐτοὺς τῆς ἐλευθερίας ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων διὰ τῆς Ῥοδίων χάριτος. ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος διακούσασα περὶ τούτων εἰσεκαλέσατο τοὺς παρʼ Ἀντιόχου πρεσβευτάς, καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐπέταττε πάσης Κιλικίας ἐκχωρεῖν τὸν Ἀντίοχον· οὐ προσδεχομένων δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀντίπατρον διὰ τὸ παρὰ τὰς συνθήκας εἶναι, πάλιν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν Σόλων ἐποιοῦντο τὸν λόγον. φιλοτίμως δὲ πρὸς τοῦτο διερειδομένων τῶν πρεσβευτῶν, τούτους μὲν ἀπέλυσαν, τοὺς δὲ Ῥοδίους εἰσκαλεσάμενοι διεσάφουν τὰ συναντώμενα παρὰ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀντίπατρον καὶ προσεπέλεγον ὅτι πᾶν ὑπομενοῦσιν, εἰ πάντως τοῦτο κέκριται Ῥοδίοις. τῶν δὲ πρεσβευτῶν εὐδοκουμένων τῇ φιλοτιμίᾳ τῆς συγκλήτου καὶ φασκόντων οὐδὲν ἔτι πέρα ζητεῖν, ταῦτα μὲν ἐπὶ τῶν ὑποκειμένων ἔμεινεν. ἤδη δὲ πρὸς ἀναζυγὴν τῶν δέκα καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πρεσβευτῶν ὄντων, κατέπλευσαν τῆς Ἰταλίας εἰς Βρεντέσιον οἵ τε περὶ τὸν Σκιπίωνα καὶ Λεύκιον οἱ τῇ ναυμαχίᾳ νικήσαντες τὸν Ἀντίοχον· οἳ καὶ μετά τινας ἡμέρας εἰσελθόντες εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἦγον θριάμβους.
25. Amynandrus, king of the Athamanes, thinking that he had now permanently recovered his kingdom, sent envoys to Rome and to the Scipios in Asia, for they were still in the neighbourhood of Ephesus, partly to excuse himself for having, as it appeared, secured his recall by the help of the Aetolians, but chiefly to entreat that he might be received again into the Roman alliance. But the Aetolians, imagining that they had now a good opportunity of once more annexing Amphilochia and Aperantia, determined on an expedition against those countries; and when Nicander their Strategus had mustered the league army, they invaded Amphilochia. Finding most of the people willing to join them, they advanced into Aperantia; and the Aperantians also willingly yielding to them, they continued their expedition into Dolopia. The Dolopians for a time made a show of resistance, and of keeping loyal to, Philip; but on considering what had happened to the Athamanes, and the check which Philip had received there, they quickly changed their minds and gave in their adhesion to the Aetolians. After this successful issue of his expedition Nicander led his army home, believing that Aetolia was secured by the subjection of these tribes and places, against the possibility of any one injuring its territory. But immediately after these events, and when the Aetolians were still in the full elation of their successes, a report reached them of the battle in Asia, in which they learnt that Antiochus had been utterly defeated. This caused a great revulsion of feeling; and when presently Damoteles came from Rome and announced that a continuation of the war was decreed against them, and that Marcus Fulvius and an army had crossed to attack them, they were reduced to a state of complete despair; and not knowing how to meet the danger which was impending over them, they resolved to send to Rhodes and Athens, begging them to despatch envoys to Rome to intercede in their behalf, and, by softening the anger of the Romans, to find some means of averting the evils that threatened Aetolia. They also sent ambassadors of their own to Rome once more, Alexander, Isius, and Phaeneas, accompanied by Callippus of Ambracia and Lycopus.
25. ὅτι Ἀμύνανδρος ὁ τῶν Ἀθαμάνων βασιλεύς, δοκῶν ἤδη τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀνειληφέναι βεβαίως, εἰς Ῥώμην ἐξέπεμπε πρεσβευτὰς καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Σκιπίωνας εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν — ἔτι γὰρ ἦσαν περὶ τοὺς κατὰ τὴν Ἔφεσον τόπους — τὰ μὲν ἀπολογούμενος τῷ δοκεῖν διʼ Αἰτωλῶν πεποιῆσθαι τὴν κάθοδον, τὰ δὲ κατηγορῶν τοῦ Φιλίππου, τὸ δὲ πολὺ παρακαλῶν προσδέξασθαι πάλιν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν συμμαχίαν. οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοὶ νομίσαντες ἔχειν εὐφυῆ καιρὸν πρὸς τὸ τὴν Ἀμφιλοχίαν καὶ τὴν Ἀπεραντίαν ἀνακτήσασθαι, προέθεντο στρατεύειν εἰς τοὺς προειρημένους τόπους. ἁθροίσαντος δὲ Νικάνδρου τοῦ στρατηγοῦ πάνδημον στρατιάν, ἐνέβαλον εἰς τὴν Ἀμφιλοχίαν. τῶν δὲ πλείστων αὐτοῖς ἐθελοντὴν προσχωρησάντων μετῆλθον εἰς τὴν Ἀπεραντίαν. καὶ τούτων δὲ προσθεμένων ἑκουσίως ἐστράτευσαν εἰς τὴν Δολοπίαν. οὗτοι δὲ βραχὺν μέν τινα χρόνον ὑπέδειξαν ὡς ἀντιποιησόμενοι, τηρήσαντες τὴν πρὸς Φίλιππον πίστιν· λαβόντες δὲ πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν τὰ περὶ τοὺς Ἀθαμᾶνας καὶ τὴν τοῦ Φιλίππου, ταχέως μετενόησαν καὶ προσέθεντο πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλούς. γενομένης δὲ τῆς τῶν πραγμάτων εὐροίας τοιαύτης, ἀπήγαγε τὴν στρατιὰν ὁ Νίκανδρος εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, δοκῶν ἠσφαλίσθαι τὰ κατὰ τὴν Αἰτωλίαν τοῖς προειρημένοις ἔθνεσι καὶ τόποις τοῦ μηδένα δύνασθαι κακοποιεῖν τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν. ἄρτι δὲ τούτων συμβεβηκότων καὶ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς γεγονόσι φρονηματιζομένων, προσέπεσε φήμη περὶ τῆς κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν μάχης, ἐν ᾗ γνόντες ἡττημένον ὁλοσχερῶς τὸν Ἀντίοχον αὖθις ἀνετράπησαν ταῖς ψυχαῖς. ὡς δὲ παραγενηθεὶς ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης ὁ Δαμοτέλης τόν τε πόλεμον ἀνήγγειλε διότι μένει κατάμονος, καὶ τὴν τοῦ Μάρκου καὶ τῶν δυνάμεων διάβασιν ἐπʼ αὐτούς, τότε δὴ παντελῶς εἰς ἀμηχανίαν ἐνέπιπτον καὶ διηπόρουν πῶς δεῖ χρήσασθαι τοῖς ἐπιφερομένοις πράγμασιν. ἔδοξεν οὖν αὐτοῖς πρός τε Ῥοδίους πέμπειν καὶ πρὸς Ἀθηναίους, ἀξιοῦντας καὶ παρακαλοῦντας πρεσβεῦσαι περὶ αὐτῶν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην καὶ παραιτησαμένους τὴν ὀργὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων ποιήσασθαί τινα λύσιν τῶν περιεστώτων κακῶν τὴν Αἰτωλίαν. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ παρʼ αὑτῶν ἐξέπεμψαν πάλιν πρεσβευτὰς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, Ἀλέξανδρον τὸν Ἴσιον ἐπικαλούμενον καὶ Φαινέαν, σὺν δὲ τούτοις Χάλεπον. ἔτι δʼ Ἄλυπον τὸν Ἀμβρακιώτην καὶ Λύκωπον. — ὅτι παραγενομένων πρὸς τὸν στρατηγὸν τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐξ ἠπείρου πρεσβευτῶν, ἐκοινολογεῖτο τούτοις περὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς στρατείας.