26. Some envoys from Epirus having visited the Roman Consul, he consulted with them as to the best way of attacking the Aetolians. They advised that he should begin by attacking Ambracia, which was at that time a member of the Aetolian league. They gave as their reasons that, if the Aetolians ventured to give battle, the neighbourhood of Ambracia was very favourable for the legions to fight in; and that if, on the other hand, the Aetolians avoided an engagement, the town was an excellent one to besiege; for the district round it would supply abundant timber for the construction of siege artillery; and the river Arachthus, which flowed right under the walls, would be of great use in conveying supplies to the army in the summer season, and serve as a protection to their works. Fulvius thought the advice good, and accordingly marched through Epirus to attack Ambracia. On his arrival there, as the Aetolians did not venture to meet him, he reconnoitred the city, and set vigorously to work on the siege. Meanwhile the Aetolian envoys that had been sent to Rome were caught off Cephallenia by Sibyrtus, son of Petraeus, and brought into Charadrus. The Epirotes first resolved to place these men at Buchetus and keep them under strict guard. But a few days afterwards they demanded a ransom of them on the ground that they were at war with the Aetolians. It happened that one of them, Alexander, was the richest man in Greece, while the others were badly off, and far inferior to Alexander in the amount of their property. At first the Epirotes demanded five talents from each. The others did not absolutely refuse this, but were willing to pay if they could, because they cared above everything to secure their own safety. But Alexander refused to consent, for it seemed a large sum of money, and he lay awake at night bewailing himself at the idea of being obliged to pay five talents. The Epirotes, however, foresaw what would happen, and were extremely alarmed lest the Romans should hear that they had detained men who were on a mission to themselves, and should send a despatch ordering their release; they, therefore, lowered their demand to three talents a-piece. The others gladly accepted the offer, gave security, and departed: but Alexander said that he would not pay more than a talent, and that was too much; and at last, giving up all thought of saving himself, remained in custody, though he was an old man, and possessed property worth more than two hundred talents; and I think he would have died rather than pay the three talents. So extraordinarily strong in some men is the passion for accumulating money. But on this occasion Fortune so favoured his greed, that the result secured all men’s praise and approval for his infatuation. For, a few days afterwards, a despatch arrived from Rome ordering the release of the ambassadors; and, accordingly, he was the only one of them that was set free without ransom. When the Aetolians learnt what had happened to him, they elected Damoteles as their ambassador to Rome; who, however, when as far as Leucas on his voyage, was informed that Marcus Fulvius was marching through Epirus upon Ambracia, and, therefore, gave up the mission as useless, and returned back to Aetolia....
26. τῶν δὲ πρεσβευτῶν στρατεύειν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀμβρακίαν συμβουλευόντων — συνέβαινε γὰρ τότε πολιτεύεσθαι τοὺς Ἀμβρακιώτας μετὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν — καὶ φερόντων ἀπολογισμοὺς διότι καὶ πρὸς τὸ μάχεσθαι τοῖς στρατοπέδοις, ἐὰν εἰς τοῦτο βούλωνται συγκαταβαίνειν Αἰτωλοί, καλλίστους εἶναι τόπους συμβαίνει περὶ τὴν προειρημένην πόλιν, κἂν ἀποδειλιῶσιν, εὐφυῶς αὐτὴν κεῖσθαι πρὸς πολιορκίαν· καὶ γὰρ ἀφθόνους ἔχειν τὴν χώραν τὰς χορηγίας πρὸς τὰς τῶν ἔργων παρασκευάς, καὶ τὸν Ἄρατθον ποταμὸν ῥέοντα παρὰ τὴν πόλιν συνεργήσειν πρός τε τὰς τοῦ στρατοπέδου χρείας, ἅτε θέρους ὄντος καὶ πρὸς τὴν τῶν ἔργων ἀσφάλειαν· δοξάντων δὲ τῶν πρεσβευτῶν καλῶς συμβουλεύειν, ἀναζεύξας ὁ στρατηγὸς ἦγε διὰ τῆς Ἠπείρου τὸν στρατὸν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀμβρακίαν. ἀφικόμενος δέ, καὶ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν οὐ τολμώντων ἀπαντᾶν, περιῄει κατοπτεύων τὴν πόλιν καὶ ἐνήργει τὰ τῆς πολιορκίας φιλοτίμως. καὶ οἱ μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἀποσταλέντες πρέσβεις, παρατηρηθέντες ὑπὸ Σιβύρτου τοῦ Πετραίου περὶ τὴν Κεφαλληνίαν, κατήχθησαν εἰς Χάραδρον. τοῖς δʼ Ἠπειρώταις ἔδοξεν τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς εἰς Βούχετον ἀποθέσθαι καὶ φυλάττειν ἐπιμελῶς τοὺς ἄνδρας· μετὰ δέ τινας ἡμέρας ἀπῄτουν αὐτοὺς λύτρα διὰ τὸ πόλεμον ὑπάρχειν σφίσιν πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλούς. συνέβαινε δὲ τὸν μὲν Ἀλέξανδρον πλουσιώτατον εἶναι πάντων τῶν Ἑλλήνων, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς οὐ καθυστερεῖν τοῖς βίοις, πολὺ δὲ λείπεσθαι τοῦ προειρημένου ταῖς οὐσίαις. καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐκέλευον ἕκαστον ἀποδοῦναι πέντε τάλαντα. τοῦτο δὲ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις οὐδʼ ὅλως ἀπήρεσκεν, ἀλλʼ ἐβούλοντο, περὶ πλείστου ποιούμενοι τὴν σφῶν αὐτῶν σωτηρίαν· ὁ δʼ Ἀλέξανδρος οὐκ ἂν ἔφη συγχωρῆσαι, πολὺ γὰρ εἶναι τἀργύριον [φαίνεται], καὶ τὰς νύκτας διαγρυπνῶν διωλοφύρετο πρὸς αὑτόν, εἰ δεήσει πέντε τάλαντα καταβάλλειν. οἱ δʼ Ἠπειρῶται προορώμενοι τὸ μέλλον καὶ διαγωνιῶντες μὴ γνόντες οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι διότι πρεσβεύοντας πρὸς αὐτοὺς κατεσχήκασι, κἄπειτα γράψαντες παρακαλῶσι καὶ κελεύωσιν ἀπολύειν τοὺς ἄνδρας, συγκαταβάντες τρία τάλαντα πάλιν ἀπῄτουν ἕκαστον. ἀσμένως δὲ τῶν ἄλλων προσδεξαμένων, οὗτοι μὲν διεγγυηθέντες ἐπανῆλθον, ὁ δʼ Ἀλέξανδρος οὐκ ἂν ἔφη δοῦναι πλεῖον ταλάντου· καὶ γὰρ τοῦτʼ εἶναι πολύ. καὶ τέλος ἀπογνοὺς αὑτὸν ἔμεινεν ἐν τῇ φυλακῇ, πρεσβύτερος ἄνθρωπος, πλειόνων ἢ διακοσίων ταλάντων ἔχων οὐσίαν· καί μοι δοκεῖ κἂν ἐκλιπεῖν τὸν βίον ἐφʼ ᾧ μὴ δοῦναι τὰ τρία τάλαντα. τοσαύτη τις ἐνίοις πρὸς τὸ πλεῖον ὁρμὴ παρίσταται καὶ προθυμία. τότε δʼ ἐκείνῳ καὶ ταὐτόματον συνήργησεν πρὸς τὴν φιλαργυρίαν, ὥστε παρὰ πᾶσιν ἐπαίνου καὶ συγκαταθέσεως τυχεῖν τὴν ἀλογιστίαν αὐτοῦ διὰ τὴν περιπέτειαν· μετὰ γὰρ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας γραμμάτων παραγενηθέντων ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης περὶ τῆς ἀφέσεως, αὐτὸς μόνος ἀπελύθη χωρὶς λύτρων. οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοί, γνόντες τὴν αὐτοῦ περιπέτειαν, Δαμοτέλη προεχειρίσαντο πάλιν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην πρεσβευτήν. ὃς ἐκπλεύσας μέχρι τῆς Λευκάδος καὶ γνοὺς προάγοντα διὰ τῆς Ἠπείρου μετὰ τῶν δυνάμεων Μάρκον ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀμβρακίαν, ἀπογνοὺς τὴν πρεσβείαν αὖθις ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τὴν Αἰτωλίαν. — Αἰτωλοὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ὑπάτου Μάρκου πολιορκούμενοι τῇ προσβολῇ τῶν μηχανημάτων καὶ τῶν κριῶν γενναίως ἀντιπαρετάξαντο.
27. The Aetolians being besieged by the consul Marcus Fulvius, offered a gallant resistance to the assault of the siege artillery and battering rams. Marcus having first strongly secured his camp began the siege on an extensive scale; he opened three separate parallel works across the plain against the Pyrrheium, and a fourth opposite the temple of Asclepius, and a fifth directed against the Acropolis. And the attack being pushed on energetically at all these points at once, the besieged became terribly alarmed at the prospect before them. Still, as the rams vigorously battered the walls, and the long poles with their iron sickles tore off the battlements, they tried to invent machines to baffle them, letting down huge masses of lead and stones and oak logs by means of levers upon the battering rams; and putting iron hooks upon the sickles and hauling them inside the walls, so that the poles to which they were fastened broke against the battlements, and the sickles fell into their hands. Moreover they made frequent sallies, in which they fought with great courage: sometimes making a descent by night upon the pickets quartered at the works, and at others attacking in broad daylight the day-parties of the besiegers: and by these means they managed to protract the siege.... Nicander was outside the city, and sent five hundred horse into it. They carried the intervening entrenchment of the enemy and forced their way into the town. With these he had fixed on a day on which they were to sally out, and he was to be ready to support them. They accordingly made the sally with great courage and fought gallantly; but either from fear of the danger, or because he conceived that what he was engaged upon at the time could not be neglected, Nicander failed to come up to time, and accordingly the attempt failed....
27. οὗτος γὰρ ἀσφαλισάμενος τὰ κατὰ τὰς στρατοπεδείας συνίστατο μεγαλομερῶς τὴν πολιορκίαν καὶ τρία μὲν ἔργα κατὰ τὸ Πύρρειον προσῆγεν διὰ τῶν ἐπιπέδων [τόπων], διεστῶτα μὲν ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων, παράλληλα δέ, τέταρτον δὲ κατὰ τὸ Ἀσκληπιεῖον, πέμπτον δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν. γινομένης δὲ τῆς προσαγωγῆς ἐνεργοῦ κατὰ πάντας ἅμα τοὺς τόπους, ἐκπληκτικὴν συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι τοῖς ἔνδον τὴν τοῦ μέλλοντος προσδοκίαν. τῶν δὲ κριῶν τυπτόντων ἐνεργῶς τὰ τείχη, καὶ τῶν δορυδρεπάνων ἀποσυρόντων τὰς ἐπάλξεις, ἐπειρῶντο μὲν οἱ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἀντιμηχανᾶσθαι πρὸς ταῦτα, τοῖς μὲν κριοῖς διὰ κεραιῶν ἐνιέντες σηκώματα μολιβδᾶ καὶ λίθους καὶ στύπη δρύινα· τοῖς δὲ δρεπάνοις σιδηρᾶς περιτιθέντες ἀγκύρας καὶ κατασπῶντες ταῦτʼ ἔσω τοῦ τείχους, ὥστʼ ἐπὶ τὴν ἔπαλξιν συντριβέντος τοῦ δόρατος ἐγκρατεῖς γίνεσθαι τῶν δρεπάνων. τὸ δὲ πλεῖον ἐπεξιόντες ἐμάχοντο γενναίως, ποτὲ μὲν ἐπιτιθέμενοι νύκτωρ τοῖς ἐπικοιτοῦσιν ἐπὶ τῶν ἔργων, ποτὲ δὲ τοῖς ἐφημερεύουσι μεθʼ ἡμέραν προφανῶς ἐγχειροῦντες, καὶ τριβὴν ἐνεποίουν τῇ πολιορκίᾳ. — τοῦ γὰρ Νικάνδρου ἐκτὸς ἀναστρεφομένου καὶ πέμψαντος πεντακοσίους ἱππεῖς εἰς τὴν πόλιν, οἳ καὶ παραβιασάμενοι τὸν μεταξὺ χάρακα τῶν πολεμίων εἰσέφρησαν εἰς τὴν πόλιν, παραγγείλας, καθʼ ἣν ἐτάξαντο ἡμέραν, αὐτοὺς μὲν ἐξελθόντας ποιήσασθαι, συνεπιλαβέσθαι δὲ αὐτὸν τούτοις τοῦ κινδύνου. αὐτῶν μὲν εὐψύχως τῆς πόλεως ἐξορμησάντων καὶ γενναίως ἀγωνισαμένων, τοῦ δὲ Νικάνδρου καθυστερήσαντος, εἴτε καταπλαγέντος τὸν κίνδυνον εἴτε καὶ ἀναγκαῖα νομίσαντος τὰ ἐν οἷς διέτριβε πράγμασιν, ἡττήθησαν τῆς ἐπιβολῆς. — οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι συνεχῶς ἐνεργοῦντες τοῖς κριοῖς ἀεί τι παρέλυον τῶν τειχῶν·
28. By assiduously working the battering rams the Romans were always breaking down this or that part of the wall. But yet they could not succeed in storming any of these breaches, because the besieged were energetic in raising counter walls, and the Aetolians fought with determined gallantry on the debris. They, therefore, in despair had recourse to mines and underground tunnels. Having safely secured the central one of their three works, and carefully concealed the shaft with wattle screens, they erected in front of it a covered walk or stoa about two hundred feet long, parallel with the wall; and beginning their digging from that, they carried it on unceasingly day and night, working in relays. For a considerable number of days the besieged did not discover them carrying the earth away through the shaft; but when the heap of earth thus brought out became too high to be concealed from those inside the city, the commanders of the besieged garrison set to work vigorously digging a trench inside, parallel to the wall and to the stoa which faced the towers. When the trench was made to the required depth, they next placed in a row along the side of the trench nearest the wall a number of brazen vessels made very thin; and, as they walked along the bottom of the trench past these, they listened for the noise of the digging outside. Having marked the spot indicated by any of these brazen vessels, which were extraordinarily sensitive and vibrated to the sound outside, they began digging from within, at right angles to the trench, another underground tunnel leading under the wall, so calculated as to exactly hit the enemy’s tunnel. This was soon accomplished, for the Romans had not only brought their mine up to the wall, but had under-pinned a considerable length of it on either side of their mine; and thus the two parties found themselves face to face. At first they conducted this underground fighting with their spears: but as neither side could do much good, because both parties protected themselves with shields and wattles, some one suggested another plan to the defenders. Putting in front of them an earthenware jar, made to the width of the mine, they bored a hole in its bottom, and, inserting an iron funnel of the same length as the depth of the vessel, they filled the jar itself with fine feathers, and putting a little fire in it close to the mouth of the jar, they clapped on an iron lid pierced full of holes. They carried this without accident through the mine with its mouth towards the enemy. When they got near the besiegers they stopped up the space all round the rim of the jar, leaving only two holes on each side through which they thrust spears to prevent the enemy coming near the jar. They then took a pair of bellows such as blacksmiths use, and, having attached them to the orifice of the funnel, they vigorously blew up the fire placed on the feathers near the mouth of the jar, continually withdrawing the funnel in proportion as the feathers became ignited lower down. The plan was successfully executed; the volume of smoke created was very great, and, from the peculiar nature of feathers, exceedingly pungent, and was all carried into the faces of the enemy. The Romans, therefore, found themselves in a very distressing and embarrassing position, as they could neither stop nor endure the smoke in the mines. The siege being thus still further protracted the Aetolian commander determined to send an envoy to the Consul....
28. οὐ μὴν εἴς γε τὴν πόλιν ἐδύναντο βιάσασθαι διὰ τῶν πτωμάτων, τῷ καὶ τὴν ἀντοικοδομίαν ὑπὸ τῶν ἔνδον ἐνεργὸν εἶναι καὶ μάχεσθαι γενναίως ἐπὶ τοῦ πίπτοντος μέρους τοὺς Αἰτωλούς. διόπερ ἀπορούμενοι κατήντησαν ἐπὶ τὸ μεταλλεύειν καὶ χρῆσθαι τοῖς ὀρύγμασιν ὑπὸ γῆς. ἀσφαλισάμενοι δὲ τὸ μέσον ἔργον τῶν τριῶν τῶν προϋπαρχόντων καὶ σκεπάσαντες ἐπιμελῶς [τὴν σύριγγα] τοῖς γέρροις, προεβάλοντο στοὰν παράλληλον τῷ τείχει σχεδὸν ἐπὶ δύο πλέθρα. καὶ λαβόντες ἀρχὴν ἐκ ταύτης ὤρυττον ἀδιαπαύστως καὶ τὴν νύκτα καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκ διαδοχῆς. ἐφʼ ἱκανὰς μὲν οὖν ἡμέρας ἐλάνθανον τοὺς ἔνδον φέροντες ἔξω τὸν χοῦν διὰ τῆς σύριγγος. ὡς δὲ μέγας ὁ σωρὸς ἐγένετο τῆς ἐκφερομένης γῆς καὶ σύνοπτος τοῖς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, οἱ προεστῶτες τῶν πολιορκουμένων ὤρυττον τάφρον ἔσωθεν ἐνεργῶς παράλληλον τῷ τείχει καὶ τῇ στοᾷ τῇ πρὸ τῶν πύργων. ἐπειδὴ δὲ βάθος ἔσχεν ἱκανόν, ἑξῆς ἔθηκαν παρὰ τὸν ἕνα τοῖχον τῆς τάφρου τὸν ἐγγὺς τῷ τείχει χαλκώματα συνεχῆ, λεπτότατα ταῖς κατασκευαῖς, καὶ παρὰ ταῦτα διὰ τῆς τάφρου παριόντες ἠκροῶντο τοῦ ψόφου τῶν ὀρυττόντων ἔξωθεν. ἐπεὶ δʼ ἐσημειώσαντο τὸν τόπον, καθʼ ὃν ἐδήλου τινὰ τῶν χαλκωμάτων διὰ τῆς συμπαθείας, ὤρυττον ἔσωθεν ἐπικαρσίαν πρὸς τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν ἄλλην κατὰ γῆς τάφρον ὑπὸ τὸ τεῖχος, στοχαζόμενοι τοῦ συμπεσεῖν ἐναντίοι τοῖς πολεμίοις. ταχὺ δὲ τούτου γενομένου, διὰ τὸ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους μὴ μόνον ἀφῖχθαι πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος ὑπὸ γῆς, ἀλλὰ καὶ διεστυλωκέναι τόπον ἱκανὸν τοῦ τείχους ἐφʼ ἑκάτερον τὸ μέρος τοῦ μετάλλου, συνέπεσον ἀλλήλοις. καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐμάχοντο ταῖς σαρίσαις ὑπὸ γῆν· ἐπεὶ δʼ οὐδὲν ἠδύναντο μέγα ποιεῖν διὰ τὸ προβάλλεσθαι θυρεοὺς καὶ γέρρα πρὸ αὑτῶν ἀμφότεροι, τὸ τηνικάδʼ ὑπέθετό τις τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις πίθον προθεμένους ἁρμοστὸν κατὰ τὸ πλάτος τῷ μετάλλῳ τρυπῆσαι τὸν πυθμένα καὶ διώσαντας αὐλίσκον σιδηροῦν ἴσον τῷ τεύχει πλῆσαι τὸν πίθον ὅλον πτίλων λεπτῶν καὶ πυρὸς παντελῶς μικρὸν ἐμβαλεῖν ὑπʼ αὐτὸ τὸ τοῦ πίθου περιστόμιον· κἄπειτα σιδηροῦν πῶμα τρημάτων πλῆρες τῷ στόματι περιθέντας ἀσφαλῶς εἰσάγειν διὰ τοῦ μετάλλου, νεύοντι τῷ στόματι πρὸς τοὺς ὑπεναντίους· ὁπότε δʼ ἐγγίσαιεν τοῖς πολεμίοις, περισάξαντας τὰ χείλη τοῦ πίθου πανταχόθεν τρήματα δύο καταλιπεῖν ἐξ ἑκατέρου τοῦ μέρους, διʼ ὧν διωθοῦντες τὰς σαρίσας οὐκ ἐάσουσι προσιέναι τῷ πίθῳ τοὺς ὑπεναντίους· μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα λαβόντας ἀσκόν, ᾧπερ οἱ χαλκεῖς χρῶνται, καὶ προσαρμόσαντας πρὸς τὸν αὐλὸν τὸν σιδηροῦν φυσᾶν ἐνεργῶς τὸ πρὸς τῷ στόματι πῦρ ἐν τοῖς πτίλοις ἐγκείμενον, κατὰ τοσοῦτον ἐπαγομένους ἀεὶ τὸν αὐλὸν ἐκτός, καθʼ ὅσον ἂν ἐκκάηται τὰ πτίλα. γενομένων δὲ πάντων καθάπερ προείρηται, τό τε πλῆθος τοῦ καπνοῦ συνέβαινε πολὺ γίνεσθαι καὶ τῇ δριμύτητι διαφέρον διὰ τὴν φύσιν τῶν πτίλων, φέρεσθαί τε πᾶν εἰς τὸ τῶν πολεμίων μέταλλον. ὥστε καὶ λίαν κακοπαθεῖν καὶ δυσχρηστεῖσθαι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, οὔτε κωλύειν οὔθʼ ὑπομένειν δυναμένους ἐν τοῖς ὀρύγμασι τὸν καπνόν. τοιαύτην δὲ λαμβανούσης τριβὴν τῆς πολιορκίας ὁ στρατηγὸς τῶν Αἰτωλῶν πρεσβεύειν ἔγνω πρὸς τὸν στρατηγὸν τῶν Ῥωμαίων. — ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον οἱ παρὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ τῶν Ῥοδίων πρέσβεις ἧκον ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν Ῥωμαίων, συνεπιληψόμενοι τῶν διαλύσεων.
29. About this time the ambassadors from Athens and Rhodes came to the Roman camp for the purpose of furthering, if they could, the conclusion of a peace. The Athamanian king, Amynandrus, also arrived, very eager to relieve the Ambraciots from their miserable position, and having received a safe conduct from Marcus Fulvius in consideration of the urgent nature of the business: For he had a very friendly feeling towards the Ambraciots, from having passed most of the time of his exile in that town. A few days afterwards also some Acarnanians arrived, bringing Damoteles and his fellow envoys. For Marcus Fulvius, having been informed of their misfortunes, had written to the people of Thyreum to bring the men to him. All these various persons, therefore, having assembled, the negotiations for peace were pushed on energetically. For his part, Amynandrus was urgent in his advice to the Ambraciots to save themselves from the destruction which would not be long in coming to them unless they adopted wiser counsels. On his coming again and again up to the wall and conversing with them on this subject, the Ambraciots decided to invite him inside the town. The consul having given the king leave to enter the walls, he went in and discussed the situation with the inhabitants. Meanwhile the Athenian and Rhodian envoys got hold oof the consul and tried by ingenious arguments to mollify his anger. Some one also suggested to Damoteles and Phaeneas to apply to Caius Valerius and endeavour to win him over. He was the son of that Marcus Valerius Laevinus who made the first alliance with the Aetolians; and half brother, by the mother’s side, of the consul Marcus Fulvius, and being a young man of vigorous character enjoyed the greatest confidence of the consul. Being appealed to by Damoteles, and thinking that in a way he had a family interest in the matter, and was bound to undertake the patronage of the Aetolians, he exerted himself with the greatest zeal and enthusiasm to rescue that people from their perilous position. The matter then being vigorously pushed forward on all sides at once was at length accomplished. For the Ambraciots, by the persuasion of the king, surrendered to the consul unreservedly as far as they themselves were concerned, and gave up the town, on the one condition that the Aetolian garrison should march out under truce. This primary exception they made that they might keep faith with their allies.
29. ὅ τε βασιλεὺς τῶν Ἀθαμάνων Ἀμύνανδρος παρεγένετο σπουδάζων ἐξελέσθαι τοὺς Ἀμβρακιώτας ἐκ τῶν περιεστώτων κακῶν, δοθείσης αὐτῷ τῆς ἀσφαλείας ὑπὸ τοῦ Μάρκου διὰ τὸν καιρόν· πάνυ γὰρ οἰκείως εἶχε πρὸς τοὺς Ἀμβρακιώτας διὰ τὸ καὶ πλείω χρόνον ἐν τῇ πόλει ταύτῃ διατετριφέναι κατὰ φυγήν. ἧκον δὲ καὶ παρὰ τῶν Ἀκαρνάνων μετʼ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας ἄγοντές τινες τοὺς περὶ Δαμοτέλην· ὁ γὰρ Μάρκος πυθόμενος τὴν περιπέτειαν αὐτῶν ἔγραψε τοῖς Θυρρειεῦσιν ἀνακομίζειν τοὺς ἄνδρας ὡς αὑτόν. πάντων δὲ τούτων ἡθροισμένων ἐνηργεῖτο φιλοτίμως τὰ πρὸς τὰς διαλύσεις. ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἀμύνανδρος κατὰ τὴν αὑτοῦ πρόθεσιν εἴχετο τῶν Ἀμβρακιωτῶν, παρακαλῶν σῴζειν σφᾶς αὐτούς εἶναι δὲ τοῦτον οὐ μακράν, ἐὰν μὴ βουλεύσωνται βέλτιον περὶ αὑτῶν. πλεονάκις δὲ προσπελάζοντος αὐτοῦ τῷ τείχει καὶ διαλεγομένου περὶ τούτων, ἔδοξε τοῖς Ἀμβρακιώταις εἰσκαλέσασθαι τὸν Ἀμύνανδρον εἰς τὴν πόλιν. τοῦ δὲ στρατηγοῦ συγχωρήσαντος τῷ βασιλεῖ τὴν εἴσοδον, οὗτος μὲν εἰσελθὼν διελέγετο τοῖς Ἀμβρακιώταις περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων, οἱ δὲ παρὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ τῶν Ῥοδίων πρέσβεις λαμβάνοντες εἰς τὰς χεῖρας τὸν στρατηγὸν τῶν Ῥωμαίων καὶ ποικίλως ὁμιλοῦντες, πραΰνειν ἐπειρῶντο τὴν ὀργὴν αὐτοῦ. τοῖς δὲ περὶ τὸν Δαμοτέλη καὶ Φαινέαν ὑπέθετό τις ἔχεσθαι καὶ θεραπεύειν τὸν Γάιον Οὐαλέριον· οὗτος δʼ ἦν Μάρκου μὲν υἱὸς τοῦ πρώτου συνθεμένου πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς τὴν συμμαχίαν, Μάρκου δὲ τοῦ τότε στρατηγοῦντος ἀδελφὸς ἐκ μητρός· ἄλλως δὲ πρᾶξιν ἔχων νεανικὴν ἦν μάλιστα παρὰ τῷ στρατηγῷ πιστευόμενος. ὃς παρακληθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ τὸν Δαμοτέλη καὶ νομίσας ἴδιον εἶναι τὸ πρᾶγμα καὶ καθήκειν αὑτῷ τὸ προστατῆσαι τῶν Αἰτωλῶν, πᾶσαν εἰσεφέρετο σπουδὴν καὶ φιλοτιμίαν, ἐξελέσθαι σπουδάζων τὸ ἔθνος ἐκ τῶν περιεστώτων κακῶν. ἐνεργῶς δὲ πανταχόθεν προσαγομένης τῆς φιλοτιμίας, ἔλαβε τὸ πρᾶγμα συντέλειαν. οἱ μὲν γὰρ Ἀμβρακιῶται πεισθέντες ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπέτρεψαν τὰ καθʼ αὑτοὺς τῷ στρατηγῷ τῶν Ῥωμαίων καὶ παρέδωκαν τὴν πόλιν ἐφʼ ᾧ τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ὑποσπόνδους ἀπελθεῖν· τοῦτο γὰρ ὑφείλοντο πρῶτον, τη ροῦντες τὴν πρὸς τοὺς συμμάχους πίστιν.
30. So the consul agreed to grant the Aetolians peace on condition of receiving two hundred Euboic talents down, and three hundred in six yearly instalments of fifty: of the restoration to the Romans of all prisoners and deserters within six months without ransom: of their retaining no city in their league, nor thenceforth admitting any fresh one, of such as had been captured by the Romans, or had voluntarily embraced their friendship since Titus Quinctius crossed into Greece: the Cephallenians not to be included in these terms. Such was the sketch in outline of the main points of the treaty. But it required first the consent of the Aetolians, and then to be referred to Rome: and meanwhile the Athenian and Rhodian envoys remained where they were, waiting for the decision of the Aetolians. On being informed by Damoteles and his colleagues on their return of the nature of the terms that had been granted them, the Aetolians consented to the general principle—for they were in fact much better than they had expected,—but in regard to the towns formerly included in their league they hesitated for some time; finally, however, they acquiesced. Marcus Fulvius accordingly took over Ambracia, and allowed the Aetolian garrison to depart under terms; but removed from the town the statues and pictures, of which there was a great number, owing to the fact of Ambracia having been a royal residence of Pyrrhus. He was also presented with a crown weighing one hundred and fifty talents. After this settlement of affairs he directed his march into the interior of Aetolia, feeling surprised at meeting with no communication from the Aetolians. But on arriving at Amphilochian Argos, a hundred and eighty stades from Ambracia, he pitched his camp; and being there met by Damoteles and his colleagues with the information that the Aetolians had resolved to ratify the treaty which they had concluded, they went their several ways, the Aetolians back to their own country, and Marcus to Ambracia, where he busied himself about getting his army across to Cephallenia; while the Aetolians appointed Phaeneas and Nicander ambassadors to go to Rome about the peace: for not a single line of the above treaty held good until ratified by the Roman people.
30. ὁ δὲ Μάρκος συγκατέθετο τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς ἐπὶ τούτῳ ποιήσασθαι τὰς διαλύσεις, ὥστε διακόσια μὲν Εὐβοϊκὰ τάλαντα παραχρῆμα λαβεῖν, τριακόσια δʼ ἐν ἔτεσιν ἕξ, πεντήκοντα καθʼ ἕκαστον ἔτος· ἀποκατασταθῆναι δὲ καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους καὶ τοὺς αὐτομόλους Ῥωμαίοις ἅπαντας τοὺς παρʼ αὐτοῖς ὄντας ἐν ἓξ μησὶ χωρὶς λύτρων· πόλιν δὲ μηδεμίαν ἔχειν ἐν τῇ συμπολιτείᾳ μηδὲ μετὰ ταῦτα προσλαβέσθαι τούτων, ὅσαι μετὰ τὴν Λευκίου Κορνηλίου διάβασιν ἑάλωσαν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἢ φιλίαν ἐποιήσαντο πρὸς Ῥωμαίους· Κεφαλληνίους δὲ πάντας ἐκσπόνδους εἶναι τούτων τῶν συνθηκῶν. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὑπετυπώθη τότε κεφαλαιωδῶς περὶ τῶν διαλύσεων· ἔδει δὲ τούτοις πρῶτον μὲν εὐδοκῆσαι τοὺς Αἰτωλούς, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα γίνεσθαι τὴν ἀναφορὰν ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους. οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Ῥόδιοι παρέμενον αὐτοῦ, καραδοκοῦντες τὴν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἀπόφασιν· οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Δαμοτέλην ἐπανελθόντες διεσάφουν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς περὶ τῶν συγκεχωρημένων. τοῖς μὲν οὖν ὅλοις εὐδόκουν· καὶ γὰρ ἦν αὐτοῖς ἅπαντα παρὰ τὴν προσδοκίαν· περὶ δὲ τῶν πόλεων τῶν πρότερον συμπολιτευομένων αὐτοῖς διαπορήσαντες ἐπὶ ποσὸν τέλος συγκατέθεντο τοῖς προτεινομένοις. ὁ δὲ Μάρκος παραλαβὼν τὴν Ἀμβρακίαν τοὺς μὲν Αἰτωλοὺς ἀφῆκεν ὑποσπόνδους, τὰ δʼ ἀγάλματα καὶ τοὺς ἀνδριάντας καὶ τὰς γραφὰς ἀπήγαγεν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, ὄντα καὶ πλείω διὰ τὸ γεγονέναι βασίλειον Πύρρου τὴν Ἀμβρακίαν. ἐδόθη δʼ αὐτῷ καὶ στέφανος ἀπὸ ταλάντων ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα. ταῦτα δὲ διοικησάμενος ἐποιεῖτο τὴν πορείαν εἰς τὴν μεσόγειον τῆς Αἰτωλίας, θαυμάζων ἐπὶ τῷ μηδὲν αὐτῷ παρὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἀπαντᾶσθαι. παραγενόμενος δὲ πρὸς Ἄργος τὸ καλούμενον Ἀμφιλοχικὸν κατεστρατοπέδευσεν, ὅπερ ἀπέχει τῆς Ἀμβρακίας ἑκατὸν ὀγδοήκοντα σταδίους. ἐκεῖ δὲ συμμιξάντων αὐτῷ τῶν περὶ τὸν Δαμοτέλην καὶ διασαφούντων ὅτι δέδοκται τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς βεβαιοῦν τὰς διʼ ἑαυτῶν γεγενημένας ὁμολογίας, διεχωρίσθησαν, Αἰτωλοὶ μὲν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, Μάρκος δʼ εἰς τὴν Ἀμβρακίαν. κἀκεῖσε παραγενόμενος οὗτος μὲν ἐγίνετο περὶ τὸ περαιοῦν τὴν δύναμιν εἰς τὴν Κεφαλληνίαν, οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοὶ προχειρισάμενοι Φαινέαν καὶ Νίκανδρον πρεσβευτὰς ἐξέπεμψαν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην περὶ τῆς εἰρήνης· ἁπλῶς γὰρ οὐδὲν ἦν κύριον τῶν προειρημένων, εἰ μὴ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ δόξαι τῷ τῶν Ῥωμαίων.
31. While these envoys, accompanied by those from Rhodes and Athens, were on their voyage with this object, Marcus Fulvius sent Caius Valerius also, and some others of his friends to Rome to secure the ratification of the treaty. But when they arrived at Rome they found that a fresh cause of anger with the Aetolians had arisen by the instrumentality of king Philip; who, looking upon himself as wronged by the Aetolians having taken Athamania and Dolopia from him, had sent to some of his friends at Rome, urging them to share his displeasure and secure the rejection of the pacification. Accordingly, on the first arrival of the Aetolians, the Senate would not listen to them; but afterwards, at the intercession of the Rhodians and Athenians, changed its mind and consented to their request: for Damis, besides other excellences displayed in his speech, was thought to have introduced a very apt simile, extremely applicable to the case in hand. He said “The Romans had good cause for anger with the Aetolians; for, instead of being grateful for the many kindnesses received at their hands, they had brought the Roman Empire into great danger by causing the war with Antiochus to break out. But the Senate were wrong in one point, namely in directing their anger against the masses. For in states the common people were like the sea, which left to its own nature was ever calm and unmoved, and not in the least likely ever to trouble any of those who approached or used it; but directly violent winds blew upon and disturbed it, and forced it against its nature to become agitated, then indeed nothing could be more dreadful or formidable than the sea. This was just the case with the Aetolians. As long as they were left to themselves, no people in Greece were more loyal to you or more staunch in supporting your active measures. But when Thoas and Dicaearchus brought a storm from Asia, and Mnestas and Damocritus from Europe, and, disturbing the calm of the Aetolian masses, compelled them to become reckless of what they said or did,—then indeed their good disposition gave way to bad, and while intending to do mischief to you they really inflicted damage upon themselves. It is against these mischief-makers therefore that you should be implacable; while you should take pity on the masses and make peace with them: with the assurance that, if once more left to themselves, with the additional feeling of having owed their safety on the present occasion to you, their attachment to you will be the warmest in Greece.”
31. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν παραλαβόντες τούς τε Ῥοδίους καὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἔπλεον ἐπὶ τὸ προκείμενον· παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ Μάρκος ἐξαπέστειλε Γάιον τὸν Οὐαλέριον καί τινας ἑτέρους τῶν φίλων πράξοντας τὰ περὶ τῆς εἰρήνης. ἀφικομένων δʼ εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, πάλιν ἐκαινοποιήθη τὰ τῆς ὀργῆς πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς διὰ Φιλίππου τοῦ βασιλέως· ἐκεῖνος γὰρ δοκῶν ἀδίκως ὑπὸ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἀφῃρῆσθαι τὴν Ἀθαμανίαν καὶ τὴν Δολοπίαν διεπέμψατο πρὸς τοὺς φίλους, ἀξιῶν αὐτοὺς συνοργισθῆναι καὶ μὴ προσδέξασθαι τὰς διαλύσεις. διὸ καὶ τῶν μὲν Αἰτωλῶν εἰσπορευθέντων παρήκουεν ἡ σύγκλητος, τῶν δὲ Ῥοδίων καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀξιούντων ἐνετράπη καὶ προσέσχε τὸν νοῦν. καὶ γὰρ ἐδόκει μετὰ Δάμωνʼ ὁ Κιχησίου λέων ἄλλα τε καλῶς εἰπεῖν καὶ παραδείγματι πρὸς τὸ παρὸν οἰκείῳ χρήσασθαι κατὰ τὸν λόγον. ἔφη γὰρ ὀργίζεσθαι μὲν εἰκότως τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς· πολλὰ γὰρ εὖ πεπονθότας τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων οὐ χάριν ἀποδεδωκέναι τούτων, ἀλλʼ εἰς μέγαν ἐνηνοχέναι κίνδυνον τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν ἐκκαύσαντας τὸν πρὸς Ἀντίοχον πόλεμον· ἐν τούτῳ δὲ διαμαρτάνειν τὴν σύγκλητον, ἐν ᾧ τὴν ὀργὴν φέρειν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολλούς. εἶναι γὰρ τὸ συμβαῖνον ἐν ταῖς πολιτείαις περὶ τὰ πλήθη παραπλήσιον τῷ γινομένῳ περὶ τὴν θάλατταν. καὶ γὰρ ἐκείνην κατὰ μὲν τὴν αὑτῆς φύσιν ἀεί ποτʼ εἶναι γαληνὴν καὶ καθεστηκυῖαν καὶ συλλήβδην τοιαύτην ὥστε μηδέποτʼ ἂν ἐνοχλῆσαι μηδένα τῶν προσπελαζόντων αὐτῇ καὶ χρωμένων· ἐπειδὰν δʼ ἐμπεσόντες εἰς αὐτὴν ἄνεμοι βίαιοι ταράξωσι καὶ παρὰ φύσιν ἀναγκάσωσι κινεῖσθαι, τότε μηθὲν ἔτι δεινότερον εἶναι μηδὲ φοβερώτερον θαλάττης· ὃ καὶ νῦν τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Αἰτωλίαν συμπεσεῖν. "ἕως μὲν γὰρ ἦσαν ἀκέραιοι, πάντων τῶν Ἑλλήνων ὑπῆρχον ὑμῖν εὐνούστατοι καὶ βεβαιότατοι συνεργοὶ πρὸς τὰς πράξεις· ἐπεὶ δʼ ἀπὸ μὲν τῆς Ἀσίας πνεύσαντες Θόας καὶ Δικαίαρχος, ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Εὐρώπης Μενεστᾶς καὶ Δαμόκριτος συνετάραξαν τοὺς ὄχλους καὶ παρὰ φύσιν ἠνάγκασαν πᾶν καὶ λέγειν καὶ πράττειν, τότε δὴ κακῶς φρονοῦντες ἐβουλήθησαν μὲν ὑμῖν, ἐγένοντο δʼ αὑτοῖς αἴτιοι κακῶν. ἀνθʼ ὧν ὑμᾶς δεῖ πρὸς ἐκείνους ἔχειν ἀπαραιτήτως, ἐλεεῖν δὲ τοὺς πολλοὺς καὶ διαλύεσθαι πρὸς αὐτούς, εἰδότας ὅτι γενόμενοι πάλιν ἀκέραιοι, καὶ πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις ἔτι νῦν ὑφʼ ὑμῶν σωθέντες, εὐνούστατοι πάλιν ἔσονται πάντων Ἑλλήνων. " ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἀθηναῖος ταῦτʼ εἰπὼν ἔπεισε τὴν σύγκλητον διαλύεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλούς.
32. By these arguments the Athenian envoy persuaded the Senate to make peace with the Aetolians. The decree therefore having been passed and confirmed by a vote of the people, the treaty was formally ratified, of which the text was as follows: “The people of the Aetolians shall in good faith maintain the empire and majesty of the people of Rome.” “They shall not allow hostile forces to pass through their territory or cities against the Romans, their allies or friends; nor grant them any supplies from the public fund.” “They shall have the same enemies as the people of Rome; and if the Roman people go to war with any, the Aetolian people shall do so also.” “The Aetolians shall surrender to the praefectus in Corcyra, within a hundred days from the completion of the treaty, runaway slaves, and prisoners of the Romans and their allies, except such as having been taken during the war have returned to their own land and been subsequently captured; and except such as were in arms against Rome during the time that the Aetolians were fighting on the side of the Romans.” “If there should be any not found within that time, they shall hand them over as soon as they are forthcoming, without deceit or fraud. And such persons, after the completion of the treaty, shall not be allowed to return to Aetolia.” “The Aetolians shall pay the consul in Greece at once two hundred Euboic talents of silver, of a standard not inferior to the Attic. In place of one third of this silver, they may, if they so choose, pay gold, at the rate of a mina of gold to ten minae of silver. They shall pay the money in the six years next following the completion of the treaty in yearly instalments of fifty talents; and shall deliver the money in Rome.” “The Aetolians shall give the Consul forty hostages, not less than ten or more than forty years old, to remain for the six years; they shall be selected by the Romans freely, excepting only the Strategus, Hipparch, public secretary, and such as have already been hostages at Rome.” “The Aetolians shall deliver such hostages in Rome; and if any one of them die, they shall give another in his place.” “Cephallenia shall not be included in this treaty.” “Of such territories, cities, and men as once belonged to the Aetolians, and, in the consulship of Titus Quinctius and Cnaeus Domitius, or subsequently, were either captured by the Roman or voluntarily embraced their friendship, the Aetolians shall not annex any, whether city or men therein.” “The city and territory of Oeniadae shall belong to the Acarnanians.” The treaty having been solemnly sworn, peace was concluded, and the war in Aetolia, as is in the rest of Greece, thus came to an end....
32. δόξαντος δὲ τῷ συνεδρίῳ, καὶ τοῦ δήμου συνεπιψηφίσαντος, ἐκυρώθη τὰ κατὰ τὰς διαλύσεις. τὰ δὲ κατὰ μέρος ἦν τῶν συνθηκῶν ταῦτα. "ὁ δῆμος ὁ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ τὴν δυναστείαν τοῦ δήμου τῶν Ῥωμαίων. πολεμίους μὴ διιέτω διὰ τῆς χώρας καὶ τῶν πόλεων ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους ἢ τοὺς συμμάχους καὶ φίλους αὐτῶν, μηδὲ χορηγείτω μηδὲν δημοσίᾳ βουλῇ. καὶ ἐὰν πολεμῶσιν πρός τινας Ῥωμαῖοι, πολεμείτω πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὁ δῆμος ὁ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν. τοὺς δὲ αὐτομόλους, τοὺς δραπέτας, τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους πάντας τοὺς Ῥωμαίων καὶ τῶν συμμάχων ἀποδότωσαν Αἰτωλοί, χωρὶς τῶν ὅσοι κατὰ πόλεμον ἁλόντες εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν ἀπῆλθον καὶ πάλιν ἑάλωσαν, καὶ χωρὶς τῶν ὅσοι πολέμιοι Ῥωμαίων ἐγένοντο, καθʼ ὃν καιρὸν Αἰτωλοὶ μετὰ Ῥωμαίων συνεπολέμουν, ἐν ἡμέραις ἑκατὸν ἀφʼ ἧς ἂν τὰ ὅρκια τελεσθῇ, τῷ ἄρχοντι τῷ ἐν Κερκύρᾳ· ἐὰν δὲ μὴ εὑρεθῶσίν τινες ἐν τῷ χρόνῳ τούτῳ, ὅταν ἐμφανεῖς γένωνται, τότε ἀποδότωσαν χωρὶς δόλου· καὶ τούτοις μετὰ τὰ ὅρκια μὴ ἔστω ἐπάνοδος εἰς τὴν Αἰτωλίαν. δότωσαν δὲ Αἰτωλοὶ ἀργυρίου μὴ χείρονος Ἀττικοῦ παραχρῆμα μὲν τάλαντα Εὐβοϊκὰ διακόσια τῷ στρατηγῷ τῷ ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι, ἀντὶ τρίτου μέρους τοῦ ἀργυρίου χρυσίον, ἐὰν βούλωνται, διδόντες, τῶν δέκα μνῶν ἀργυρίου χρυσίου μνᾶν διδόντες, ἀφʼ ἧς δʼ ἂν ἡμέρας τὰ ὅρκια τμηθῇ ἐν ἔτεσι τοῖς πρώτοις ἓξ κατὰ ἔτος ἕκαστον τάλαντα πεντήκοντα· καὶ τὰ χρήματα καθιστάτωσαν ἐν Ῥώμῃ. δότωσαν Αἰτωλοὶ ὁμήρους τῷ στρατηγῷ τετταράκοντα, μὴ νεωτέρους ἐτῶν δώδεκα μηδὲ πρεσβυτέρους τετταράκοντα, εἰς ἔτη ἕξ, οὓς ἂν Ῥωμαῖοι προκρίνωσιν, χωρὶς στρατηγοῦ καὶ ἱππάρχου καὶ δημοσίου γραμματέως καὶ τῶν ὡμηρευκότων ἐν Ῥώμῃ. καὶ τὰ ὅμηρα καθιστάτωσαν εἰς Ῥώμην· ἐὰν δέ τις ἀποθάνῃ τῶν ὁμήρων, ἄλλον ἀντικαθιστάτωσαν. περὶ δὲ Κεφαλληνίας μὴ ἔστω ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις. ὅσαι χῶραι καὶ πόλεις καὶ ἄνδρες, οἷς οὗτοι ἐχρῶντο, ἐπὶ Λευκίου Κοϊντίου καὶ Γναΐου Δομετίου στρατηγῶν ἢ ὕστερον ἑάλωσαν ἢ εἰς φιλίαν ἦλθον Ῥωμαίοις, τούτων τῶν πόλεων καὶ τῶν ἐν ταύταις μηδένα προσλαβέτωσαν Αἰτωλοί. ἡ δὲ πόλις καὶ ἡ χώρα ἡ τῶν Οἰνιαδῶν Ἀκαρνάνων ἔστω." τμηθέντων δὲ τῶν ὁρκίων ἐπὶ τούτοις συνετετέλεστο τὰ τῆς εἰρήνης. καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς καὶ καθόλου τοὺς Ἕλληνας τοιαύτην ἔσχε τὴν ἐπιγραφήν. — ὁ δὲ Φολούιος πραξικοπήσας νυκτὸς κατέλαβε τὸ μέρος τῆς ἀκροπόλεως καὶ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους εἰσήγαγε. — ὅτι τὸ καλὸν καὶ τὸ συμφέρον σπανίως εἴωθε συντρέχειν, καὶ σπάνιοι τῶν ἀνδρῶν εἰσιν οἱ δυνάμενοι ταῦτα συνάγειν καὶ συναρμόζειν πρὸς ἄλληλα. κατὰ μὲν γὰρ τὸ πολὺ πάντες ἴσμεν διότι τό τε καλὸν φεύγει τὴν τοῦ παραυτίκα λυσιτελοῦς φύσιν καὶ τὸ λυσιτελὲς τὴν τοῦ καλοῦ. πλὴν ὁ Φιλοποίμην προέθετο ταῦτα καὶ καθίκετο τῆς ἐπιβολῆς· καλὸν μὲν γὰρ τὸ κατάγειν τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους φυγάδας εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην, συμφέρον δὲ τὸ ταπεινῶσαι τὴν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων πόλιν, καταφονεύσαντα τοὺς δεδορυφορηκότας τῇ τῶν τυράννων δυναστείᾳ. θεωρῶν δʼ ὅτι πάσης βασιλείας ἐπανορθώσεως αἴτια τὰ χρήματα γέγονεν, ἅτε φύσει νουνεχὴς ὢν καὶ στρατηγικός, περιεβα … γένοιτο κομιδὴ τῶν ἔξω ποριζομένων χρημάτων.
33. While the negotiations for peace with Antiochus, and for the settlement of Asia generally were going on at Rome, and the Aetolian war was being fought in Greece, it happened that another war in Asia, that, namely, against the Gauls, was brought to a conclusion, the account of which I am now about to give....
33. ὅτι καθʼ ὃν καιρὸν ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ τὰ περὶ τὰς συνθήκας τὰς πρὸς Ἀντίοχον καὶ καθόλου περὶ τῆς Ἀσίας αἱ πρεσβεῖαι διεπράττοντο, κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ἑλλάδα τὸ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἔθνος ἐπολεμεῖτο, κατὰ τοῦτον συνέβη τὸν περὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν πρὸς τοὺς Γαλάτας πόλεμον ἐπιτελεσθῆναι, περὶ οὗ νῦν ἐνιστάμεθα τὴν διήγησιν. — ὁ δὲ κατευδοκήσας τῷ νεανίσκῳ κατὰ τὴν ἀπάντησιν, τοῦτον ἀπέλυσε παραχρῆμʼ εἰς τὸ Πέργαμον. — ὅτι Μοαγέτης ἦν τύραννος Κιβύρας, ὠμὸς γεγονὼς καὶ δόλιος, καὶ οὐκ ἄξιός ἐστιν ἐκ παραδρομῆς, ἀλλὰ μετʼ ἐπιστάσεως τυχεῖν τῆς ἁρμοζούσης μνήμης.
34. Moagĕtes was Tyrant of Cibyra, a cruel and crafty man, whose career deserves somewhat more than a passing reference.... When Cnaeus Manlius was approaching Cibyra and had sent Helvius to find out the intentions of Moagĕtes, the latter begged him by ambassadors not to damage the country, because he was a friend of Rome, and ready to do anything that was required of him; and, at the same time, he offered Helvius a compliment of fifteen talents. In answer to this, Helvius said that he would refrain from damaging the territory; but that as to the general question Moagĕtes must communicate with the Consul, for he was close behind with his army. Moagĕtes accordingly sent ambassadors to Cnaeus, his own brother being one of them. When the Consul met them in the road, he addressed them in threatening and reproachful terms, asserting that “Not only had Moagĕtes shown himself the most determined enemy of Rome, of all the princes in Asia, but had done his very best to overthrow their empire, and deserved punishment rather than friendship.” Terrified by this display of anger, the ambassadors abstained from delivering the rest of the message with which they were charged, and merely begged him to have an interview with Moagĕtes: and when Cnaeus consented they returned to Cibyra. Next morning the Tyrant came out of the town accompanied by his friends, displaying his humility by a mean dress and absence of all pomp; and, in conducting his defence, descanted in melancholy terms on his own helplessness and the poverty of the towns under his rule (which consisted of Cibyra, Syleium, and the town in the Marsh), and entreated Cnaeus to accept the fifteen talents. Astonished at his assurance, Cnaeus made no answer, except that, “If he did not pay five hundred talents, and be thankful that he was allowed to do so, he would not loot the country, but he would storm and sack the city.” In abject terror Moagĕtes begged him not to do anything of the sort; and kept adding to his offer little by little, until at last he persuaded Cnaeus to take one hundred talents, and one thousand medimni of corn, and admit him to friendship....
34. — πλὴν συνεγγίζοντος Γναΐου ὑπάτου Ῥωμαίων τῇ Κιβύρᾳ, καὶ τοῦ Ἑλουίου πεμφθέντος εἰς ἀπόπειραν ἐπὶ τίνος ἐστὶ γνώμης, πρεσβευτὰς ἐξέπεμψε, παρακαλῶν μὴ φθεῖραι τὴν χώραν, ὅτι φίλος ὑπάρχει Ῥωμαίων καὶ πᾶν ποιήσει τὸ παραγγελλόμενον. καὶ ταῦτα λέγων ἅμα προύτεινε στέφανον ἀπὸ πεντεκαίδεκα ταλάντων. ὧν ἀκούσας αὐτὸς μὲν ἀφέξεσθαι τῆς χώρας ἔφη, πρὸς δὲ τὸν στρατηγὸν ἐκέλευσε πρεσβεύειν ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων· ἕπεσθαι γὰρ αὐτὸν μετὰ τῆς στρατείας κατὰ πόδας. γενομένου δὲ τούτου, καὶ πέμψαντος τοῦ Μοαγέτου μετὰ τῶν πρεσβευτῶν καὶ τὸν ἀδελφόν, ἀπαντήσας κατὰ πορείαν ὁ Γνάιος ἀνατατικῶς καὶ πικρῶς ὡμίλησε τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς, φάσκων οὐ μόνον ἀλλοτριώτατον γεγονέναι Ῥωμαίων τὸν Μοαγέτην πάντων τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν δυναστῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατὰ τὴν ῥώμην ὅλην εἰς καθαίρεσιν τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ ἐπιστροφῆς εἶναι καὶ κολάσεως. οἱ δὲ πρεσβευταὶ καταπλαγέντες τὴν ἐπίφασιν τῆς ὀργῆς τῶν μὲν ἄλλων ἐντολῶν ἀπέστησαν, ἠξίουν δʼ αὐτὸν εἰς λόγους ἐλθεῖν. συγχωρήσαντος δὲ τότε μὲν ἐπανῆλθον εἰς τὴν Κιβύραν, εἰς δὲ τὴν ἐπαύριον ἐξῆλθεν μετὰ τῶν φίλων ὁ τύραννος κατά τε τὴν ἐσθῆτα καὶ τὴν ἄλλην προστασίαν λιτὸς καὶ ταπεινός, ἔν τε τοῖς ἀπολογισμοῖς κατολοφυρόμενος τὴν ἀδυναμίαν τὴν αὑτοῦ καὶ τὴν ἀσθένειαν ὧν ἐπῆρχε πόλεων, καὶ πρὸς τούτοις ἠξίου προσδέξασθαι τὰ πεντεκαίδεκα τάλαντα τὸν Γνάιον· ἐκράτει δὲ τῆς Κιβύρας καὶ Συλείου καὶ τῆς ἐν Λίμνῃ πόλεως. ὁ δὲ Γνάιος καταπλαγεὶς τὴν ἀπόνοιαν ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν εἶπε πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐὰν δὲ μὴ διδῷ πεντακόσια τάλαντα μετὰ μεγάλης χάριτος, οὐ τὴν χώραν ἔφη φθερεῖν, ἀλλὰ τὴν πόλιν αὐτὴν πολιορκήσειν καὶ διαρπάσειν. ὅθεν ὁ Μοαγέτης κατορρωδήσας τὸ μέλλον ἐδεῖτο μηδὲν ποιῆσαι τοιοῦτον, καὶ προσετίθει κατὰ βραχὺ τῶν χρημάτων, καὶ τέλος ἔπεισε τὸν Γνάιον ἑκατὸν τάλαντα καὶ μυρίους μεδίμνους λαβόντα πυρῶν προσδέξασθαι πρὸς τὴν φιλίαν αὐτόν. — ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἡνίκα Γνάιος διῄει τὸν Κολοβάτον προσαγορευόμενον ποταμόν, ἦλθον πρὸς αὐτὸν πρέσβεις ἐκ τῆς Ἰσίνδης προσαγορευομένης πόλεως, δεόμενοι σφίσι βοηθῆσαι·