3. AFTER the execution of the men at Compasium, some of the, Lacedaemonians, incensed at what had been done, and believing that the power and authority of the Romans had been set at naught by Philopoemen, went to Rome and accused Philopoemen and his proceedings; and finally obtained a letter addressed to the Achaeans from Marcus Lepidus, the consul of the year, and afterwards Pontifex Maximus, in which he told the Achaeans that they had not acted equitably in the matters of the Lacedaemonians. At the same time as this mission from Sparta, Philopoemen also appointed Nicodemus of Elis and others to go on an embassy to Rome. Just at that time Demetrius of Athens came on a mission from Ptolemy, to renew the existing alliance between the king and the Achaean league. This was eagerly accepted, and my father, Lycortas, and Theodoridas, and Rositeles of Sicyon were appointed ambassadors to take the oaths on behalf of the Achaeans, and receive those of the king. And on that occasion a circumstance occurred, which, though not important perhaps, is still worth recording. After the completion of this renewal of alliance on behalf of the Achaeans, Philopoemen entertained the ambassador; and in the course of the banquet the ambassador introduced the king’s name, and said a great deal in his praise, quoting anecdotes of his skill and boldness in hunting, as well as his excellence in riding and the use of arms; and ended by quoting, as a proof of what he said, that the king on horseback once transfixed a bull with a javelin....
3. ὅτι μετὰ τὴν ἐν τῷ Κομπασίῳ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐπαναίρεσιν δυσαρεστήσαντές τινες τῶν ἐν τῇ Λακεδαίμονι τοῖς γεγονόσι καὶ νομίσαντες ὑπὸ τοῦ Φιλοποίμενος ἅμα τὴν δύναμιν καὶ τὴν προστασίαν καταλελύσθαι τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων, ἐλθόντες εἰς Ῥώμην κατηγορίαν ἐποιήσαντο τῶν διῳκημένων καὶ τοῦ Φιλοποίμενος. καὶ τέλος ἐξεπορίσαντο γράμματα πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς παρὰ Μάρκου Λεπέδου τοῦ μετὰ ταῦτα γενηθέντος ἀρχιερέως, τότε δὲ τὴν ὕπατον ἀρχὴν εἰληφότος· ὃς ἔγραφε τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς, φάσκων οὐκ ὀρθῶς αὐτοὺς κεχειρικέναι τὰ κατὰ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους. ὧν πρεσβευόντων, εὐθέως ὁ Φιλοποίμην πρεσβευτὰς καταστήσας τοὺς περὶ Νικόδημον τὸν Ἠλεῖον ἐξέπεμψεν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην. κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἧκε καὶ παρὰ Πτολεμαίου πρεσβευτὴς Δημήτριος Ἀθηναῖος, ἀνανεωσόμενος τὴν προϋπάρχουσαν συμμαχίαν τῷ βασιλεῖ πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος τῶν Ἀχαιῶν. ὧν προθύμως ἀναδεξαμένων τὴν ἀνανέωσιν, κατεστάθησαν πρεσβευταὶ πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον Λυκόρτας ὁ παρʼ ἡμῶν πατὴρ καὶ Θεοδωρίδας καὶ Ῥωσιτέλης Σικυώνιοι χάριν τοῦ δοῦναι τοὺς ὅρκους ὑπὲρ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν καὶ λαβεῖν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως. ἐγενήθη δέ τι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον πάρεργον μὲν ἴσως, ἄξιον δὲ μνήμης. μετὰ γὰρ τὸ συντελεσθῆναι τὴν ἀνανέωσιν τῆς συμμαχίας, ὑπὲρ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ὑπεδέξατο τὸν πρεσβευτὴν ὁ Φιλοποίμην· γενομένης δὲ παρὰ τὴν συνουσίαν μνήμης τοῦ βασιλέως, ἐπιβαλὼν ὁ πρεσβευτὴς πολλούς τινας διετίθετο λόγους ἐγκωμιάζων τὸν Πτολεμαῖον καί τινας ἀποδείξεις προεφέρετο τῆς τε περὶ τὰς κυνηγίας εὐχερείας καὶ τόλμης, ἑξῆς τε τῆς περὶ τοὺς ἵππους καὶ τὰ ὅπλα δυνάμεως καὶ τῆς ἐν τούτοις ἀσκήσεως. τελευταίῳ δʼ ἐχρήσατο μαρτυρίῳ πρὸς πίστιν τῶν εἰρημένων· ἔφη γὰρ αὐτὸν κυνηγετοῦντα ταῦρον βαλεῖν ἀφʼ ἵππου μεσαγκύλῳ. — ὅτι κατὰ τὴν Βοιωτίαν μετὰ τὸ συντελεσθῆναι τὰς πρὸς Ἀντίοχον Ῥωμαίοις συνθήκας ἀποκοπεισῶν τῶν ἐλπίδων πᾶσι τοῖς καινοτομεῖν ἐπιβαλλομένοις, ἄλλην ἀρχὴν καὶ διάθεσιν ἐλάμβανον αἱ πολιτεῖαι.
4. In Boeotia, after the formation of the treaty between Rome and Antiochus, the hopes of the whole revolutionary party were destroyed. Politics therefore began to assume a new aspect; and whereas the administration of justice among them had been postponed for nearly the last twenty years, voices began to make themselves heard in the cities to the effect that “there ought to be an end and settlement of their mutual disputes.” But after considerable controversy on this point, because the discontented were more numerous than the wealthy, the following circumstance occurred which helped accidently to support the party of order. Titus Flamininus had for some time past been zealously working in Rome to secure the restoration of Zeuxippus to Boeotia, because he had found him serviceable on many occasions during the wars with Antiochus and Philip. And just at this time he had induced the Senate to send a despatch to the Boeotians ordering them to recall Zeuxippus and his fellow exiles. When this despatch arrived, the Boeotians, fearing that, if these men were restored, they would become detached from their good understanding with Macedonia, determined that the legal sentence upon Zeuxippus and the rest should be publicly proclaimed, which they had formerly drawn up against them. Thus they condemned them on two charges, first, of sacrilege for having stripped off the silver from the plated table of Zeus, and, secondly, of murder for having killed Brachylles. Having made this arrangement, they assumed that they need pay no further attention to the despatch of the Senate, but contented themselves with sending Callicritus and others to Rome with the message that they were unable to rescind what had been settled by their laws. Zeuxippus having sent an embassy to the Senate at the same time, the Romans wrote to the Aetolians and Achaeans an account of the attitude assumed by the Boeotians, and ordered them to restore Zeuxippus to his country. The Achaeans refrained from invading the country with an army, but selected some ambassadors to go and persuade the Boeotians to obey the orders from Rome; and also to settle the legal disputes existing between them and the Achaeans, on the same principles as they conducted the administration of justice at home: for it happened that there were some controversies between the two nations that had been dragging on for a long time. On receiving this message the Boeotians, whose Strategus was then Hippias, promised at the moment that they would do what was demanded of them, but shortly afterwards neglected it at every point. Therefore, when Hippias had laid down his office and Alcetas had succeeded him, Philopoemen gave all who chose license to make reprisals on the territories of the Boeotians; which proved the beginning of a serious quarrel between the two nations. For on the cattle of Myrrichus and Simon being driven off, and a struggle arising over this transaction, the contest soon ceased to be political, and became the beginning and prelude of open war. If indeed the Senate had persisted in carrying out the restoration of Zeuxippus, war would quickly have been kindled; but as it maintained silence on the subject, the Megareans were induced by an embassy proposing terms to stop the reprisals....
4. διὸ καὶ τῆς δικαιοδοσίας ἑλκομένης παρʼ αὐτοῖς σχεδὸν ἐξ εἴκοσι καὶ πέντʼ ἐτῶν, τότε λόγοι διεδίδοντο κατὰ τὰς πόλεις, φασκόντων τινῶν διότι δεῖ γίνεσθαι διέξοδον καὶ συντέλειαν τῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους. πολλῆς δὲ περὶ τούτων ἀμφισβητήσεως ὑπαρχούσης διὰ τὸ πλείους εἶναι τοὺς καχέκτας τῶν εὐπόρων, ἐγίνετό τι συνέργημα τοῖς τὰ βέλτισθʼ αἱρουμένοις ἐκ ταὐτομάτου τοιοῦτον. ὁ γὰρ Τίτος ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ πάλαι μὲν ἐσπούδαζε περὶ τοῦ καταπορευθῆναι τὸν Ζεύξιππον εἰς τὴν Βοιωτίαν, ἅτε κεχρημένος αὐτῷ συνεργῷ πρὸς πολλὰ κατὰ τοὺς Ἀντιοχικοὺς καὶ Φιλιππικοὺς καιρούς. κατὰ δὲ τοὺς τότε χρόνους ἐξείργαστο γράψαι τὴν σύγκλητον τοῖς Βοιωτοῖς διότι δεῖ κατάγειν Ζεύξιππον καὶ τοὺς ἅμʼ αὐτῷ φυγόντας εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν. ὧν προσπεσόντων, δείσαντες οἱ Βοιωτοὶ μὴ κατελθόντων τῶν προειρημένων ἀποσπασθῶσιν ἀπὸ τῆς Μακεδόνων εὐνοίας, βουλόμενοι κατακηρυχθῆναι τὰς κρίσεις τὰς κατὰ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ζεύξιππον, ἃς ἦσαν πρότερον αὐτοῖς ἐπιγεγραμμένοι, καὶ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ τῶν δικῶν μίαν μὲν αὐτῶν κατεδίκασαν ἱεροσυλίας, διότι λεπίσαιεν τὴν τοῦ Διὸς τράπεζαν ἀργυρᾶν οὖσαν, μίαν δὲ θανάτου διὰ τὸν Βραχύλλου φόνον. ταῦτα δὲ διοικήσαντες οὐκέτι προσεῖχον τοῖς γραφομένοις, ἀλλʼ ἔπεμπον πρεσβευτὰς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην τοὺς περὶ Καλλίκριτον, φάσκοντες οὐ δύνασθαι τὰ κατὰ τοὺς νόμους ᾠκονομημένα παρʼ αὑτοῖς ἄκυρα ποιεῖν. ἐν δὲ τοῖς καιροῖς τούτοις πρεσβεύσαντος αὐτοῦ τοῦ Ζευξίππου πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον, οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν τῶν Βοιωτῶν προαίρεσιν ἔγραψαν πρός τε τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς καὶ πρὸς Ἀχαιούς, κελεύοντες κατάγειν Ζεύξιππον εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν. οἱ δʼ Ἀχαιοὶ τοῦ μὲν διὰ στρατοπέδων ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἔφοδον ἀπέσχον, πρεσβευτὰς δὲ προεχειρίσαντο πέμπειν τοὺς παρακαλέσοντας τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς τοῖς λεγομένοις ὑπὸ τῶν Ῥωμαίων πειθαρχεῖν καὶ τὴν δικαιοδοσίαν, καθάπερ καὶ τὴν ἐν αὐτοῖς, οὕτω καὶ τὴν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τέλος ἀγαγεῖν. συνέβαινε γὰρ καὶ τὰ πρὸς τούτους συναλλάγματα παρέλκεσθαι πολὺν ἤδη χρόνον. ὧν διακούσαντες οἱ Βοιωτοί, στρατηγοῦντος Ἱππίου παρʼ αὐτοῖς, παραχρῆμα μὲν ὑπέσχοντο ποιήσειν τὰ παρακαλούμενα, μετʼ ὀλίγον δὲ πάντων ὠλιγώρησαν. διόπερ ὁ Φιλοποίμην, Ἱππίου μὲν ἀποτεθειμένου τὴν ἀρχήν, Ἀλκέτου δὲ παρειληφότος, ἀπέδωκε τοῖς αἰτουμένοις τὰ ῥύσια κατὰ τῶν Βοιωτῶν. ἐξ ὧν ἐγίνετο καταρχὴ διαφορᾶς τοῖς ἔθνεσιν οὐκ εὐκαταφρόνητος. παραυτίκα γὰρ ἔλαχε τῶν Μυρρίχου θρεμμάτων καὶ τοῦ Σίμωνος· καὶ περὶ ταῦτα γενομένης συμπλοκῆς, οὐκέτι πολιτικῆς διαφορᾶς, ἀλλὰ πολεμικῆς ἔχθρας ἐγένετο καταρχὴ καὶ προοίμιον. εἰ μὲν οὖν ἡ σύγκλητος προσέθηκε τἀκόλουθον περὶ τῆς καθόδου τῶν περὶ τὸν Ζεύξιππον, ταχέως ἂν ἐξεκαύθη πόλεμος· νῦν δʼ ἐκείνη τε παρεσιώπησεν, οἵ τε Μεγαρεῖς ἐπέσχον τὰ ῥύσια, διαπρεσβευσαμένων τοῖς συναλλάγμασιν. — ὅτι ἐγένετο Λυκίοις διαφορὰ πρὸς Ῥοδίους διὰ τοιαύτας αἰτίας.
5. A quarrel arose between the Lycians and Rhodians from the following causes. When the ten commissioners were employed in the settlement of Asia, they were visited by Theaetetus and Philophron on a mission from Rhodes, demanding that Lycia and Caria should be given to them in return for the goodwill and zeal displayed by them in the war with Antiochus. At the same time Hipparchus and Satyrus came from Ilium begging, on the ground of their kindred with the Lycians, that the latter should receive pardon for their transgressions. The commissioners listened to these pleadings, and tried to do what they could to satisfy both. For the sake of the people of Ilium, they inflicted no severity on the Lycians, but gratified the Rhodians by presenting them with the sovereignty over that people. This decision was the origin of a serious division and controversy between the Lycians and Rhodians. For the envoys of Ilium visited the Lycian cities, giving out that they had succeeded in pacifying the Roman anger, and that they owed their liberty to them; while Theaetetus and his colleague took back word to their countrymen that Lycia and all Caria south of the Maeander had been given as a free gift by the Romans to Rhodes. Presently an embassy came from Lycia to Rhodes desiring an alliance; while the Rhodians on their part had elected certain of their citizens to go to Lycia and give orders to the several cities as to what they were to do. They were thus entirely at cross purposes, and for some time the cause of the misunderstanding was not generally intelligible. But when the Lycian ambassadors appeared in the assembly and began talking about an alliance, and Pothion the Prytanis rose after them and explained the different ideas which the two people entertained on the subject, and moreover, sternly rebuked the Lycian envoys, the latter declared that they would endure anything rather than be subject to the Rhodians....
5. καθʼ οὓς καιροὺς οἱ δέκα διῴκουν τὰ περὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν, τότε παρεγενήθησαν πρέσβεις, παρὰ μὲν Ῥοδίων Θεαίδητος καὶ Φιλόφρων, ἀξιοῦντες αὑτοῖς δοθῆναι τὰ κατὰ Λυκίαν καὶ Καρίαν χάριν τῆς εὐνοίας καὶ προθυμίας, ἣν παρέσχηνται σφίσι κατὰ τὸν Ἀντιοχικὸν πόλεμον· παρὰ δὲ τῶν Ἰλιέων ἧκον Ἵππαρχος καὶ Σάτυρος, ἀξιοῦντες διὰ τὴν πρὸς αὑτοὺς οἰκειότητα συγγνώμην δοθῆναι Λυκίοις τῶν ἡμαρτημένων. ὧν οἱ δέκα διακούσαντες ἐπειράθησαν ἑκατέρων στοχάσασθαι κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν. διὰ μὲν γὰρ τοὺς Ἰλιεῖς οὐθὲν ἐβουλεύσαντο περὶ αὐτῶν ἀνήκεστον, τοῖς δὲ Ῥοδίοις χαριζόμενοι προσένειμαν ἐν δωρεᾷ τοὺς Λυκίους. ἐκ ταύτης τῆς διαλήψεως ἐγενήθη στάσις καὶ διαφορὰ τοῖς Λυκίοις πρὸς αὐτοὺς τοὺς Ῥοδίους οὐκ εὐκαταφρόνητος. οἱ μὲν γὰρ Ἰλιεῖς ἐπιπορευόμενοι τὰς πόλεις αὐτῶν ἀπήγγελλον ὅτι παρῄτηνται τὴν ὀργὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων καὶ παραίτιοι γεγόνασιν αὐτοῖς τῆς ἐλευθερίας· οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Θεαίδητον ἐποιήσαντο τὴν ἀγγελίαν ἐν τῇ πατρίδι, φάσκοντες Λυκίαν καὶ Καρίας τὰ μέχρι τοῦ Μαιάνδρου δεδόσθαι Ῥοδίοις ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἐν δωρεᾷ. λοιπὸν οἱ μὲν Λύκιοι πρεσβεύοντες ἧκον εἰς τὴν Ῥόδον ὑπὲρ συμμαχίας, οἱ δὲ Ῥόδιοι προχειρισάμενοί τινας τῶν πολιτῶν ἐξαπέστελλον τοὺς διατάξοντας ταῖς κατὰ Λυκίαν καὶ Καρίαν πόλεσιν ὡς ἕκαστα δεῖ γενέσθαι. μεγάλης δʼ οὔσης τῆς παραλλαγῆς περὶ τὰς ἑκατέρων ὑπολήψεις, ἕως μέν τινος οὐ πᾶσιν ἔκδηλος ἦν ἡ διαφορὰ τῶν προειρημένων· ὡς δʼ εἰσελθόντες εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν οἱ Λύκιοι διελέγοντο περὶ συμμαχίας, καὶ μετὰ τούτους Ποθίων ὁ πρύτανις τῶν Ῥοδίων ἀναστὰς ἐφώτισε τὴν ἑκατέρων αἵρεσιν καὶ προσεπετίμησε τοῖς Λυκίοις πᾶν γὰρ ὑπομένειν ἔφασαν μᾶλλον ἢ ποιήσειν Ῥοδίοις τὸ προσταττόμενον.
6. All men admire the magnanimity of Philip towards Athens; for though had been injured as well as abused by them, yet when he conquered them at Chaeroneia, so far from using this opportunity for injuring his opponents, he caused the corpses of the Athenians to be buried with the proper ceremonies; while those of them who had been taken prisoners he actually presented with clothes, and restored to their friends without ransom. But though men praise they do not imitate such conduct. They rather try to outdo those with whom they are at war, in bitterness of passion and severity of vengeance. Ptolemy, for instance, had men tied naked to carts and dragged at their tail, and then put to death with torture....
6. ὅτι κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς ἧκον εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην παρά τε τοῦ βασιλέως Εὐμένους πρεσβευταὶ διασαφοῦντες τὸν ἐξιδιασμὸν τοῦ Φιλίππου τῶν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης πόλεων, καὶ παρὰ Μαρωνειτῶν οἱ φυγάδες κατηγοροῦντες καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν ἀναφέροντες τῆς αὑτῶν ἐκπτώσεως ἐπὶ τὸν Φίλιππον, ἅμα δὲ τούτοις Ἀθαμᾶνες, Περραιβοί, Θετταλοί, φάσκοντες κομίζεσθαι δεῖν αὑτοὺς τὰς πόλεις, ἃς παρείλετο Φίλιππος αὐτῶν κατὰ τὸν Ἀντιοχικὸν πόλεμον. ἧκον δὲ καὶ παρὰ τοῦ Φιλίππου πρέσβεις πρὸς ἅπαντας τοὺς κατηγορήσαντας ἀπολογησόμενοι. γενομένων δὲ πλειόνων λόγων πᾶσι τοῖς προειρημένοις πρὸς τοὺς παρὰ τοῦ Φιλίππου πρεσβευτάς, ἔδοξε τῇ συγκλήτῳ παραυτίκα καταστῆσαι πρεσβείαν τὴν ἐπισκεψομένην τὰ κατὰ τὸν Φίλιππον καὶ παρέξουσαν ἀσφάλειαν τοῖς βουλομένοις κατὰ πρόσωπον λέγειν τὸ φαινόμενον καὶ κατηγορεῖν τοῦ βασιλέως. καὶ κατεστάθησαν οἱ περὶ τὸν Κόιντον Καικίλιον καὶ Μάρκον Βαίβιον καὶ Τεβέριον Κλαύδιον. — συνέβαινε τοὺς Αἰνίους πάλαι μὲν στασιάζειν, προσφάτως δʼ ἀπονεύειν τοὺς μὲν πρὸς Εὐμένη, τοὺς δὲ πρὸς Μακεδονίαν.
7. When this same Ptolemy was besieging Lycopolis, the Egyptian nobles surrendered to the king at discretion; and his cruel treatment of them involved him in manifold dangers. The same was the result at the time Polycrates suppressed the revolt. For Athinis, Pausiras, Chesuphus, and Irobastus, who still survived of the rebellious nobles, yielding to necessity, appeared at the city of Sais and surrendered at discretion to the king. But Ptolemy, regardless of all pledges, had them tied naked to the carts and dragged off, and then put to death with torture. He then went to Naucratis with his army, where he received the mercenaries enlisted for him by Aristonicus from Greece, and thence sailed to Alexandria, without having taken any part whatever in the actual operations of the war, thanks to the dishonest advice of Polycrates, though he was now twenty-five years old....
7. ὅτι κατὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον ὡς μέν, ἔτι Φιλοποίμενος στρατηγοῦντος, εἴς τε τὴν Ῥώμην ἐξαπέστειλε πρεσβευτὰς τὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἔθνος ὑπὲρ τῆς Λακεδαιμονίων πόλεως πρός τε τὸν βασιλέα Πτολεμαῖον τοὺς ἀνανεωσομένους τὴν προϋπάρχουσαν αὐτῷ συμμαχίαν, ἐδηλώσαμεν, φησὶν ὁ Πολύβιος. κατὰ δὲ τὸν ἐνεστῶτα χρόνον, Ἀρισταίνου στρατηγοῦντος, οἵ τε παρὰ Πτολεμαίου τοῦ βασιλέως πρέσβεις ἧκον, ἐν Μεγάλῃ πόλει τῆς συνόδου τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ὑπαρχούσης· ἐξαπεστάλκει δὲ καὶ πρὸς τούτοις ὁ βασιλεὺς Εὐμένης πρεσβευτάς, ἐπαγγελλόμενος ἑκατὸν καὶ εἴκοσι τάλαντα δώσειν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς, ἐφʼ ᾧ, δανειζομένων τούτων, ἐκ τῶν τόκων μισθοδοτεῖσθαι τὴν βουλὴν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐπὶ ταῖς κοιναῖς συνόδοις. ἧκον δὲ καὶ παρὰ Σελεύκου τοῦ βασιλέως πρεσβευταί, τήν τε φιλίαν ἀνανεωσόμενοι καὶ δεκαναΐαν μακρῶν πλοίων ἐπαγγελλόμενοι δώσειν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς. ἐχούσης δὲ τῆς συνόδου πραγματικῶς, πρῶτοι παρῆλθον οἱ περὶ Νικόδημον τὸν Ἠλεῖον καὶ τούς τε ῥηθέντας ἐν τῇ συγκλήτῳ λόγους ὑφʼ αὑτῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων πόλεως διῆλθον τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς καὶ τὰς ἀποκρίσεις ἀνέγνωσαν, ἐξ ὧν ἦν λαμβάνειν ἐκδοχὴν ὅτι δυσαρεστοῦνται μὲν καὶ τῇ τῶν τειχῶν συντελέσει καὶ τῇ καταλύσει τῶν ἐν τῷ Κομπασίῳ διαφθαρέντων, οὐ μὴν ἄκυρόν τι ποιεῖν. οὐθενὸς δʼ οὔτʼ ἀντειπόντος οὔτε συνηγορήσαντος, οὕτω πως παρεπέμφθη. μετὰ δὲ τούτους εἰσῆλθον οἱ παρʼ Εὐμένους πρέσβεις καὶ τήν τε συμμαχίαν τὴν πατρικὴν ἀνενεώσαντο καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν χρημάτων ἐπαγγελίαν διεσάφησαν τοῖς πολλοῖς. καὶ πλείω δὲ πρὸς ταύτας τὰς ὑποθέσεις διαλεχθέντες καὶ μεγάλην εὔνοιαν καὶ φιλανθρωπίαν τοῦ βασιλέως ἐμφήναντες πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος, κατέπαυσαν τὸν λόγον.
8. At this time were sowed the seeds of fatal evils to the royal house of Macedonia. I am aware that some historians of the war between Rome and Perseus, when they wish to set forth the causes of the quarrel for our information, assign as the primary one the expulsion of Abrupolis from his principality, on the ground of having made a raid upon the mines at Pangaeum after the death of Philip, which Perseus repulsed, finally expelling him entirely out of his own dominions. Next they mention the invasion of Dolopia, and the visit of Perseus to Delphi, the plot against Eumenes at Delphi, and the murder of the ambassadors in Boeotia; and from these they say sprang the war between Perseus and the Romans. But my contention is that it is of most decisive advantage, both to historians and their readers, to know the causes from which the several events are born and spring. Most historians confound these, because they do not keep a firm hold upon the distinction between a pretext and a cause, or again between a pretext and a beginning of a war. And since events at the present time recall this distinction I feel compelled to renew my discussion of this subject. For instance, of the events just referred to, the first three are pretexts; the last two—the plot against Eumenes, the murder of the ambassadors, and other similar things that happened during the same period—are clear beginnings of the war between Rome and Perseus, and of the final overthrow of the Macedonian kingdom; but not one of them is a cause of these things. I will illustrate by examples. Just as we say that Philip son of Amyntas contemplated and determined upon accomplishing the war with Persia, while Alexander put into execution what he had projected, so in the present instance we say that Philip son of Demetrius first projected the last war against Rome, and had all his preparations ready for the execution of his design, but that after his death Perseus became the agent in carrying out the undertaking itself. If this be true, the following also is clear: it is impossible that the causes of the war should have been subsequent to the death of him who resolved upon and projected it; which would be the case if we accepted the account of these historians; for the events alleged by them as its causes were subsequent to the death of Philip....
8. μεθʼ οὓς Ἀπολλωνίδας ὁ Σικυώνιος ἀναστὰς κατὰ μὲν τὸ πλῆθος τῶν διδομένων χρημάτων ἀξίαν ἔφη τὴν δωρεὰν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, κατὰ δὲ τὴν προαίρεσιν τοῦ διδόντος καὶ τὴν χρείαν, εἰς ἣν δίδοται, πασῶν αἰσχίστην καὶ παρανομωτάτην. τῶν γὰρ νόμων κωλυόντων μηθένα μήτε τῶν ἰδιωτῶν μήτε τῶν ἀρχόντων παρὰ βασιλέως δῶρα λαμβάνειν κατὰ μηδʼ ὁποίαν πρόφασιν, πάντας ἅμα δωροδοκεῖσθαι προφανῶς, προσδεξαμένους τὰ χρήματα, πάντων εἶναι παρανομώτατον, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις αἴσχιστον ὁμολογουμένως. τὸ γὰρ ὀψωνιάζεσθαι τὴν βουλὴν ὑπʼ Εὐμένους καθʼ ἕκαστον ἔτος καὶ βουλεύεσθαι περὶ τῶν κοινῶν καταπεπωκότας οἱονεὶ δέλεαρ, πρόδηλον ἔχειν τὴν αἰσχύνην καὶ τὴν βλάβην. νῦν μὲν γὰρ Εὐμένη διδόναι χρήματα, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Προυσίαν δώσειν, καὶ πάλιν Σέλευκον. τῶν δὲ πραγμάτων ἐναντίαν φύσιν ἐχόντων τοῖς βασιλεῦσι καὶ ταῖς δημοκρατίαις, καὶ τῶν πλείστων καὶ μεγίστων διαβουλίων αἰεὶ γινομένων περὶ τῶν πρὸς τοὺς βασιλεῖς ἡμῖν διαφερόντων, φανερῶς ἀνάγκη δυεῖν θάτερον ἢ τὸ τῶν βασιλέων λυσιτελὲς ἐπίπροσθεν γίνεσθαι τοῦ κατʼ ἰδίαν συμφέροντος ἢ τούτου μὴ συμβαίνοντος ἀχαρίστους φαίνεσθαι πᾶσιν, ἀντιπράττοντας τοῖς αὑτῶν μισθοδόταις. διὸ μὴ μόνον ἀπείπασθαι παρεκάλει τοὺς Ἀχαιούς, ἀλλὰ καὶ μισεῖν τὸν Εὐμένη διὰ τὴν ἐπίνοιαν τῆς δόσεως. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον ἀναστὰς Κάσσανδρος Αἰγινήτης ἀνέμνησε τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς τῆς Αἰγινητῶν ἀκληρίας, ᾗ περιέπεσον διὰ τὸ μετὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν συμπολιτεύεσθαι, ὅτε Πόπλιος Σολπίκιος ἐπιπλεύσας τῷ στόλῳ πάντας ἐξηνδραποδίσατο τοὺς ταλαιπώρους Αἰγινήτας· ὑπὲρ ὧν διεσαφήσαμεν, τίνα τρόπον Αἰτωλοί, κύριοι γενόμενοι τῆς πόλεως κατὰ τὰς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους συνθήκας, Ἀττάλῳ παραδοῖεν, τριάκοντα τάλαντα παρʼ αὐτοῦ λαβόντες. ταῦτʼ οὖν τιθεὶς τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν ἠξίου τὸν Εὐμένη μὴ διάφορα προτείνοντα θηρεύειν τὴν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν εὔνοιαν, ἀλλὰ τὴν πόλιν ἀποδιδόντα τυγχάνειν πάντων τῶν φιλανθρώπων ἀναντιρρήτως. τοὺς δʼ Ἀχαιοὺς παρεκάλει μὴ δέχεσθαι τοιαύτας δωρεάς, διʼ ὧν φανήσονται καὶ τὰς εἰς τὸ μέλλον ἐλπίδας ἀφαιρούμενοι τῆς Αἰγινητῶν σωτηρίας. τοιούτων δὲ γενομένων λόγων, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον παρέστη τὸ πλῆθος ὥστε μὴ τολμῆσαι μηθένα συνειπεῖν τῷ βασιλεῖ, πάντας δὲ μετὰ κραυγῆς ἐκβαλεῖν τὴν προτεινομένην δωρεάν, καίτοι δοκούσης αὐτῆς ἔχειν τι δυσαντοφθάλμητον διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν προτεινομένων χρημάτων.
9. About the same time ambassadors came to Rome from king Eumenes, informing the Senate of the encroachment of Philip upon the cities in Thrace. There came also the exiles of the Maronitae denouncing Philip, and charging him with being the cause of their expulsion. These were followed by Athamanians, Perrhaebians, and Thessalians, demanding the restoration of their cities which Philip had taken from them during the war with Antiochus. Ambassadors also came from Philip to make answer to all accusers. After repeated debates between all these envoys and the ambassadors of Philip, the Senate decided to appoint a commission at once, to investigate the actions of Philip, and to protect all who chose to state their views and their complaints of the king to his face. The legates thus appointed were Quintus Caecilius, Marcus Baebius, and Tiberius Claudius.... There was again a war of parties among the Aenii, one side inclining to Eumenes, the other to Macedonia.... I have already stated that in the Peloponnese, while Philopoemen was still Strategus, the Achaean league sent an embassy to Rome on the subject of Sparta, and another to king Ptolemy to renew their ancient alliance. Immediately after Philopoemen had been succeeded by Aristaenus as Strategus, the ambassadors of king Ptolemy arrived, while the league meeting was assembled at Megalopolis. King Eumenes also had despatched an embassy offering to give the Achaeans one hundred and twenty talents, on condition that it was invested and the interest used to pay the council of the league at the time of the federal assemblies. Ambassadors came also from king Seleucus, to renew his friendship with them, and offering a present of a fleet of ten ships of war. But when the assembly got to business, the first to come forward to speak was Nicodemus of Elis, who recounted to the Achaeans what he and his colleagues had said in the Roman Senate about Sparta, and read the answer of the Senate; which was to the effect that the Senate disapproved of the destruction of the walls, and of the execution of the men put to death at Compasium, but that it did not rescind any arrangement made. No one saying a word for or against this, the subject was allowed to pass. Next came the ambassadors from Eumenes, who renewed the ancestral friendship of the king with the Achaeans, and stated to the assembly the offer made by him. They spoke at great length on these subjects, and retired after setting forth the greatness of the king’s kindness and affection to the nation.
9. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖς προειρημένοις εἰσήχθη τὸ περὶ Πτολεμαίου διαβούλιον· ἐν ᾧ προκληθέντων τῶν ἀποσταλέντων πρεσβευτῶν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον, προελθὼν Λυκόρτας μετὰ τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἀπελογίσατο πρῶτον μὲν τίνα τρόπον καὶ δοῖεν καὶ λάβοιεν τοὺς ὅρκους ὑπὲρ τῆς συμμαχίας, εἶτα διότι κομίζοιεν δωρεὰν κοινῇ τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἑξακισχίλια μὲν ὅπλα χαλκᾶ πελταστικά, διακόσια δὲ τάλαντα νομίσματος ἐπισήμου χαλκοῦ· πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἐπῄνεσε τὸν βασιλέα καὶ βραχέα περὶ τῆς εὐνοίας αὐτοῦ καὶ προθυμίας τῆς εἰς τὸ ἔθνος εἰπὼν κατέστρεψε τὸν λόγον. ἐφʼ οἷς ἀναστὰς ὁ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν στρατηγὸς Ἀρίσταινος ἤρετο τόν τε παρὰ τοῦ Πτολεμαίου πρεσβευτὴν καὶ τοὺς ἐξαπεσταλμένους ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀνανέωσιν, ποίαν ἧκε συμμαχίαν ἀνανεωσάμενος. οὐδενὸς δʼ ἀποκρινομένου, πάντων δὲ διαλαλούντων πρὸς ἀλλήλους, πλῆρες ἦν τὸ βουλευτήριον ἀπορίας. ἦν δὲ τὸ ποιοῦν τὴν ἀλογίαν τοιοῦτον. οὐσῶν καὶ πλειόνων συμμαχιῶν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς πρὸς τὴν Πτολεμαίου βασιλείαν, καὶ τούτων ἐχουσῶν μεγάλας διαφορὰς κατὰ τὰς τῶν καιρῶν περιστάσεις, οὔθʼ ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Πτολεμαίου πρεσβευτὴς οὐδεμίαν ἐποιήσατο διαστολήν, ὅτʼ ἀνενεοῦτο, καθολικῶς δὲ περὶ τοῦ πράγματος ἐλάλησεν, οὔθʼ οἱ πεμφθέντες πρέσβεις, ἀλλʼ ὡς μιᾶς ὑπαρχούσης αὐτοί τε τοὺς ὅρκους ἔδοσαν καὶ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ἔλαβον. ὅθεν προφερομένου τοῦ στρατηγοῦ πάσας τὰς συμμαχίας καὶ κατὰ μέρος ἐν ἑκάστῃ διαστελλομένου, μεγάλης οὔσης διαφορᾶς, ἐζήτει τὸ πλῆθος εἰδέναι ποίαν ἀνανεοῖτο συμμαχίαν. οὐ δυναμένου δὲ λόγον ὑποσχεῖν οὔτε τοῦ Φιλοποίμενος, ὃς ἐποιήσατο στρατηγῶν τὴν ἀνανέωσιν, οὔτε τῶν περὶ τὸν Λυκόρταν τῶν πρεσβευσάντων εἰς τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν, οὗτοι μὲν ἐσχεδιακότες ἐφαίνοντο τοῖς κοινοῖς πράγμασιν, ὁ δʼ Ἀρίσταινος μεγάλην ἐφείλκετο φαντασίαν ὡς μόνος εἰδὼς τί λέγει, καὶ τέλος οὐκ εἴασε κυρωθῆναι τὸ διαβούλιον, ἀλλʼ εἰς ὑπέρθεσιν ἤγαγε διὰ τὴν προειρημένην ἀλογίαν. τῶν δὲ παρὰ τοῦ Σελεύκου πρέσβεων εἰσελθόντων, ἔδοξε τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς τὴν μὲν φιλίαν ἀνανεώσασθαι πρὸς τὸν Σέλευκον, τὴν δὲ τῶν πλοίων δωρεὰν κατὰ τὸ παρὸν ἀπείπασθαι. καὶ τότε μὲν περὶ τούτων βουλευσάμενοι διέλυσαν εἰς τὰς ἰδίας ἕκαστοι πόλεις. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα, τῆς πανηγύρεως ἀκμαζούσης, ἦλθε Κόιντος Καικίλιος ἐκ Μακεδονίας, ἀνακάμπτων ἀπὸ τῆς πρεσβείας ἧς ἐπρέσβευσε πρὸς Φίλιππον. καὶ συναγαγόντος Ἀρισταίνου τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τὰς ἀρχὰς εἰς τὴν τῶν Ἀργείων πόλιν, εἰσελθὼν ὁ Κόιντος ἐμέμφετο, φάσκων αὐτοὺς βαρύτερον καὶ πικρότερον τοῦ δέοντος κεχρῆσθαι τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις, καὶ παρεκάλει διὰ πλειόνων διορθώσασθαι τὴν προγεγενημένην ἄγνοιαν. ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἀρίσταινος εἶχε τὴν ἡσυχίαν, δῆλος ὢν ἐξ αὐτοῦ τοῦ σιωπᾶν ὅτι δυσαρεστεῖται τοῖς ᾠκονομημένοις καὶ συνευδοκεῖ τοῖς ὑπὸ Καικιλίου λεγομένοις· ὁ δὲ Διοφάνης ὁ Μεγαλοπολίτης, ἄνθρωπος στρατιωτικώτερος ἢ πολιτικώτερος, ἀναστὰς οὐχ οἷον ἀπελογήθη τι περὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσυπέδειξε τῷ Καικιλίῳ διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸν Φιλοποίμενα παρατριβὴν ἕτερον ἔγκλημα κατὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν. ἔφη γὰρ οὐ μόνον τὰ κατὰ Λακεδαίμονα κεχειρίσθαι κακῶς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ κατὰ Μεσσήνην· ἦσαν δὲ περὶ τῶν φυγαδικῶν τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις ἀντιρρήσεις τινὲς πρὸς ἀλλήλους περὶ τὸ τοῦ Τίτου διάγραμμα καὶ τὴν τοῦ Φιλοποίμενος διόρθωσιν. ὅθεν ὁ Καικίλιος, δοκῶν ἔχειν καὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν αὐτῶν τινας ὁμογνώμονας, μᾶλλον ἠγανάκτει τῷ μὴ κατακολουθεῖν ἑτοίμως τοῖς ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ παρακαλουμένοις τοὺς συνεληλυθότας. τοῦ δὲ Φιλοποίμενος καὶ Λυκόρτα, σὺν δὲ τούτοις Ἄρχωνος, πολλοὺς καὶ ποικίλους διαθεμένων λόγους ὑπὲρ τοῦ καλῶς μὲν διῳκῆσθαι τὰ κατὰ τὴν Σπάρτην καὶ συμφερόντως αὐτοῖς μάλιστα τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις, ἀδύνατον δʼ εἶναι τὸ κινῆσαί τι τῶν ὑποκειμένων ἄνευ τοῦ παραβῆναι καὶ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς ἀνθρώπους δίκαια καὶ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς ὅσια, μένειν ἔδοξε τοῖς παροῦσιν ἐπὶ τῶν ὑποκειμένων καὶ ταύτην δοῦναι τῷ πρεσβευτῇ τὴν ἀπόκρισιν. ὁ δὲ Καικίλιος ὁρῶν τὴν τούτων προαίρεσιν, ἠξίου τοὺς πολλοὺς αὑτῷ συναγαγεῖν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν. οἱ δὲ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἄρχοντες ἐκέλευον αὐτὸν δεῖξαι τὰς ἐντολάς, ἃς εἶχε παρὰ τῆς συγκλήτου περὶ τούτων. τοῦ δὲ παρασιωπῶντος, οὐκ ἔφασαν αὐτῷ συνάξειν τὴν ἐκκλησίαν· τοὺς γὰρ νόμους οὐκ ἐᾶν, ἐὰν μὴ φέρῃ τις ἔγγραπτα παρὰ τῆς συγκλήτου, περὶ ὧν οἴεται δεῖν συνάγειν. ὁ δὲ Καικίλιος ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ὠργίσθη διὰ τὸ μηθὲν αὐτῷ συγχωρεῖσθαι τῶν ἀξιουμένων, ὥστʼ οὐδὲ τὴν ἀπόκρισιν ἠβουλήθη δέξασθαι παρὰ τῶν ἀρχόντων, ἀλλʼ ἀναπόκριτος ἀπῆλθεν. οἱ δʼ Ἀχαιοὶ τὴν αἰτίαν ἀνέφερον καὶ τῆς πρότερον παρουσίας ἅμα τῆς Μάρκου τοῦ Φολουίου καὶ τῆς τότε τῶν περὶ τὸν Καικίλιον ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀρίσταινον καὶ τὸν Διοφάνην, ὡς τούτους ἀντισπασαμένους διὰ τὴν ἀντιπολιτείαν τὴν πρὸς τὸν Φιλοποίμενα· καί τις ἦν ὑποψία τῶν πολλῶν πρὸς τοὺς προειρημένους ἄνδρας. καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ Πελοπόννησον ἐν τούτοις ἦν.
11. After they had finished their speech, Apollonidas of Sicyon rose and said that: “As far as the amount of the money was concerned, it was a present worthy of the Achaeans. But if they looked to the intention of the donor, or the purpose to which the gift was to be applied, none could well be more insulting and more unconstitutional. The laws prohibited any one, whether a private individual or magistrate, from accepting presents from a king on any pretence whatever; but if they took this money they would every one of them be plainly accepting a present, which was at once the gravest possible breach of the law, and confessedly the deepest possible personal disgrace. For that the council should take a great wage from Eumenes, and meet to deliberate on the interests of the league after swallowing such a bait, was manifestly disgraceful and injurious. It was Eumenes that offered money now; presently it would be Prusias; and then Seleucus. But as the interests of democracies and of kings are quite opposite to each other, and as our most frequent and most important deliberations concern the points of controversy arising between us and the kings, one of two things must necessarily happen; either the interests of the king will have precedence over our own, or we must incur the reproach of ingratitude for opposing our paymasters.” He therefore urged the Achaeans not only to decline the offer, but to hold Eumenes in detestation for thinking of making it. Next rose Cassander of Aegina and reminded the Achaeans of “The misfortunes which the Aeginetans had met with through being members of the Achaean league; when Publius Sulpicius sailed against them with the Roman fleet, and sold all the unhappy Aeginetans into slavery.” In regard to this subject I have already related how the Aetolians, having got possession of Aegina in virtue of their treaty with Rome, sold it to Attalus for thirty talents. Cassander therefore drew the attention of the Achaeans to these facts; and demanded that Eumenes should not seek to gain the affection of the Achaeans by offering them money, but that he should establish an incontestable claim to every sign of devotion by giving back Aegina. He urged the Achaeans not to accept presents which would place them in the position of being the destroyers of the hopes of Aeginetan restoration for all time. After these speeches had been delivered, the people showed such signs of enthusiastic approval that no one ventured to speak on the side of the king; but the whole assembly rejected the offer by acclamation, though its amount certainly made it exceedingly tempting.
11. ὅτι τῶν περὶ τὸν Καικίλιον ἀνακεχωρηκότων ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος καὶ διασεσαφηκότων τῇ συγκλήτῳ περί τε τῶν κατὰ Μακεδονίαν καὶ τῶν κατὰ Πελοπόννησον, εἰσῆγον εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον τοὺς περὶ τούτων παραγεγονότας πρεσβευτάς. εἰσελθόντων δὲ πρῶτον τῶν παρὰ τοῦ Φιλίππου καὶ παρʼ Εὐμένους, ἔτι δὲ τῶν ἐξ Αἴνου καὶ Μαρωνείας φυγάδων, καὶ ποιησαμένων τοὺς λόγους ἀκολούθως τοῖς ἐν Θετταλονίκῃ ῥηθεῖσιν ἐπὶ τῶν περὶ τὸν Καικίλιον, ἔδοξε τῇ συγκλήτῳ πέμπειν πάλιν ἄλλους πρεσβευτὰς πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον τοὺς ἐπισκεψομένους πρῶτον μὲν εἰ παρακεχώρηκε τῶν ἐν Θετταλίᾳ καὶ Περραιβίᾳ πόλεων κατὰ τὴν τῶν περὶ τὸν Καικίλιον ἀπόκρισιν, εἶτα τοὺς ἐπιτάξοντας αὐτῷ τὰς φρουρὰς ἐξάγειν ἐξ Αἴνου καὶ Μαρωνείας, καὶ συλλήβδην ἀποβαίνειν ἀπὸ τῶν παραθαλαττίων τῆς Θρᾴκης ἐρυμάτων καὶ τόπων καὶ πόλεων. μετὰ δὲ τούτους εἰσῆγον τοὺς ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου παραγεγονότας. οἵ τε γὰρ Ἀχαιοὶ πρεσβευτὰς ἀπεστάλκεισαν τοὺς περὶ Ἀπολλωνίδαν τὸν Σικυώνιον δικαιολογησομένους πρὸς τὸν Καικίλιον ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ λαβεῖν αὐτὸν ἀπόκρισιν καὶ καθόλου διδάξοντας ὑπὲρ τῶν κατὰ Λακεδαίμονα πραγμάτων, ἔκ τε τῆς Σπάρτης Ἀρεὺς καὶ Ἀλκιβιάδης ἐπρέσβευσαν· οὗτοι δʼ ἦσαν τῶν ἀρχαίων φυγάδων τῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ Φιλοποίμενος καὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν νεωστὶ κατηγμένων εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν. ὃ καὶ μάλιστα τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς εἰς ὀργὴν ἦγε τῷ δοκεῖν, μεγάλης οὔσης καὶ προσφάτου τῆς εἰς τοὺς φυγάδας εὐεργεσίας, ἐξ αὐτῆς ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἀχαριστεῖσθαι παρʼ αὐτοῖς ὥστε καὶ καταπρεσβεύειν καὶ κατηγορίαν ποιεῖσθαι πρὸς τοὺς κρατοῦντας τῶν ἀνελπίστως αὐτοὺς σωσάντων καὶ καταγαγόντων εἰς τὴν πατρίδα.