12. The next subject introduced for debate was that of king Ptolemy. The ambassadors who had been on the mission to Ptolemy were called forward, and Lycortas, acting as spokesman, began by stating how they had interchanged oaths of alliance with the king; and next announced that they brought a present from the king to the Achaean league of six thousand stands of arms for peltasts, and two thousand talents in bronze coinage. He added a panegyric on the king, and finished his speech by a brief reference to the goodwill and active benevolence of the king towards the Achaeans. Upon this the Strategus of the Achaeans, Aristaenus, stood up and asked Lycortas and his colleagues in the embassy to Ptolemy “which alliance it was that he had thus renewed?” No one answering the question, but all the assembly beginning to converse with each other, the Council chamber was filled with confusion. The cause of this absurd state of things was this. There had been several treaties of alliance formed between the Achaeans and Ptolemy’s kingdom, as widely different in their provision as in the circumstances which gave rise to them: but neither had Ptolemy’s envoy made any distinction when arranging for the renewal, merely speaking in general terms on the matter, nor had the ambassadors sent from Achaia; but they had interchanged the oaths on the assumption of there being but one treaty. The result was, that, on the Strategus quoting all the treaties, and pointing out in detail the differences between them, which turned out to be important, the assembly demanded to know which it was that it was renewing. And when no one was able to explain, not even Philopoemen himself, who had been in office when the renewal was made, nor Lycortas and his colleagues who had been on the mission to Alexandria, these men all began to be regarded as careless in conducting the business of the league; while Aristaenus acquired great reputation as being the only man who knew what he was talking about; and finally, the assembly refused to allow the ratification, voting on account of this blunder that the business should be postponed. Then the ambassadors from Seleucus entered with their proposal. The Achaeans, however, voted to renew the friendship with Seleucus, but to decline for the present the gift of the ships.
12. ποιησαμένων δὲ καὶ τούτων πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐκ συγκαταθέσεως τὴν δικαιολογίαν, καὶ διδασκόντων τὴν σύγκλητον τῶν μὲν περὶ τὸν Ἀπολλωνίδαν τὸν Σικυώνιον ὡς ἀδύνατον εἴη τὸ παράπαν ἄμεινον χειρισθῆναι τὰ κατὰ τὴν Σπάρτην ἢ νῦν κεχείρισται διὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν καὶ διὰ Φιλοποίμενος, τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἀρέα τἀναντία πειρωμένων λέγειν καὶ φασκόντων πρῶτον μὲν καταλελύσθαι τὴν τῆς πόλεως δύναμιν ἐξηγμένου τοῦ πλήθους μετὰ βίας, εἶτʼ ἐν αὐτοῖς ἐπισφαλῆ καὶ ἀπαρρησίαστον καταλείπεσθαι τὴν πολιτείαν, ἐπισφαλῆ μὲν ὀλίγοις οὖσιν καὶ τούτοις τῶν τειχῶν περιῃρημένων, ἀπαρρησίαστον δὲ διὰ τὸ μὴ μόνον τοῖς κοινοῖς δόγμασιν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πειθαρχεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν ὑπηρετεῖν τοῖς ἀεὶ καθισταμένοις ἄρχουσιν, διακούσασα καὶ τούτων ἡ σύγκλητος ἔκρινε τοῖς αὐτοῖς πρεσβευταῖς δοῦναι καὶ περὶ τούτων ἐντολάς, καὶ κατέστησεν πρεσβευτὰς ἐπὶ τὴν Μακεδονίαν καὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα τοὺς περὶ Ἄππιον Κλαύδιον. Ἀπελογήθησαν δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸν Καικίλιον ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀρχόντων οἱ παρὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πρέσβεις ἐν τῇ συγκλήτῳ, φάσκοντες οὐθὲν ἀδικεῖν αὐτοὺς οὐδʼ ἀξίους ἐγκλήματος ὑπάρχειν ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ συνάγειν τὴν ἐκκλησίαν· νόμον γὰρ εἶναι παρὰ τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς μὴ συγκαλεῖν τοὺς πολλούς, ἐὰν μὴ περὶ συμμαχίας ἢ πολέμου δέῃ γίνεσθαι διαβούλιον ἢ παρὰ τῆς συγκλήτου τις ἐνέγκῃ γράμματα. διὸ καὶ δικαίως τότε βουλεύσασθαι μὲν τοὺς ἄρχοντας συγκαλεῖν τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς εἰς ἐκκλησίαν, κωλύεσθαι δʼ ὑπὸ τῶν νόμων διὰ τὸ μήτε γράμματα φέρειν αὐτὸν παρὰ τῆς συγκλήτου μήτε τὰς ἐντολὰς ἐγγράπτους ἐθέλειν δοῦναι τοῖς ἄρχουσιν. ὧν ῥηθέντων ἀναστὰς Καικίλιος τῶν τε περὶ τὸν Φιλοποίμενα καὶ Λυκόρταν κατηγόρησεν καὶ καθόλου τῶν Ἀχαιῶν καὶ τῆς οἰκονομίας, ᾗ περὶ τῆς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἐκέχρηντο πόλεως. ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος διακούσασα τῶν λεγομένων ἔδωκε τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἀπόκρισιν ὅτι περὶ μὲν τῶν κατὰ Λακεδαίμονα πέμψει τοὺς ἐπισκεψομένους· τοῖς δὲ πρεσβευταῖς τοῖς αἰεὶ παρʼ ἑαυτῶν ἐκπεμπομένοις παρῄνει προσέχειν τὸν νοῦν καὶ καταδοχὴν ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἁρμόζουσαν, καθάπερ καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι ποιοῦνται τῶν παραγινομένων πρὸς αὐτοὺς πρεσβευτῶν.
13. Having thus finished their deliberations, the assembly broke up and the people separated to their several cities. But subsequently, while the (Nemean) games were in course of celebration, Quintus Caecilius arrived from Macedonia, on his way back from the embassy which he had been conducting to Philip. Aristaenus having called a meeting of the league magistrates in Argos, Quintus attended and upbraided them for having exceeded justice in the harshness and severity with which they had treated the Lacedaemonians, and urged them strongly to repair the error. Aristaenus said not a word, showing clearly by his silence that he disapproved of what had been done and agreed with the words of Caecilius. But Diophanes of Megalopolis, who was more of a soldier than a statesman, stood up to speak, and so far from offering any defence of the Achaeans, suggested to Caecilius, from hostility to Philopoemen, another charge that might be brought against them. For he said that “the Lacedaemonians were not the only people who had been badly treated; the Messenians had been so also.” There were as a fact some controversies going on among the Messenians, in regard to the decree of Flamininus concerning the exiles, and the execution of it by Philopoemen: and Caecilius, thinking that he now had a party among the Achaeans themselves of the same opinion as himself, expressed still greater anger at the hesitation on the part of the assembled magistrates in obeying his orders. However, when Philopoemen, Lycortas, and Archon argued long and elaborately to prove that what had been done at Sparta was right, and advantageous to the Lacedaemonians themselves more than to any one else, and that it was impossible to disturb any existing arrangements without violating justice to man and piety to the gods, they came to the decision that they would maintain them, and give an answer to that effect to the Roman legate. Seeing what the disposition of the magistrates was, Caecilius demanded that the public assembly should be summoned, to which the Achaean magistrates demanded to see the instructions which he had from the Senate on these points: and when he gave no answer to this demand, they said that they would not summon the assembly for him, as their laws forbade them to do so unless a man brought written instructions from the Senate, stating the subject on which they were to summon it. Caecilius was so angry at this uncompromising opposition to his orders, that he refused to receive his answer from the magistrates, and so departed without any answer at all. The Achaeans laid the blame both of the former visit of Marcus Fulvius and the present one of Caecilius on Aristaenus and Diophanes, on the ground that they had invited them on account of their political opposition to Philopoemen; and accordingly the general public felt a certain suspicion of these two men. Such was the state of the—Peloponnese....
13. ὅτι Φίλιππος ὁ βασιλεύς, διαπεμψαμένων πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης τῶν ἰδίων πρεσβευτῶν καὶ δηλούντων ὅτι δεήσει κατʼ ἀνάγκην ἀποβαίνειν ἀπὸ τῶν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης πόλεων, πυθόμενος ταῦτα καὶ βαρέως φέρων ἐπὶ τῷ δοκεῖν πανταχόθεν αὐτοῦ περιτέμνεσθαι τὴν ἀρχήν, ἐναπηρείσατο τὴν ὀργὴν εἰς τοὺς ταλαιπώρους Μαρωνείτας. μεταπεμψάμενος γὰρ Ὀνόμαστον τὸν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης τεταγμένον ἐκοινολογήθη τούτῳ περὶ τῆς πράξεως. ὁ δʼ Ὀνόμαστος ἀναχωρήσας ἐξαπέστειλε Κάσσανδρον εἰς Μαρώνειαν, συνήθη τοῖς πολλοῖς ὑπάρχοντα διὰ τὸ ποιεῖσθαι τὸν πλείονα χρόνον ἐκεῖ τὴν διατριβήν, ἅτε τοῦ Φιλίππου πάλαι τοὺς αὐλικοὺς ἐγκαθεικότος εἰς τὰς πόλεις ταύτας καὶ συνήθεις πεποιηκότος τοὺς ἐγχωρίους ταῖς τούτων παρεπιδημίαις. μετὰ δέ τινας ἡμέρας ἑτοιμασθέντων τῶν Θρᾳκῶν, καὶ τούτων ἐπεισελθόντων διὰ τοῦ Κασσάνδρου νυκτός, ἐγένετο μεγάλη σφαγὴ καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν Μαρωνειτῶν ἀπέθανον. κολασάμενος δὲ τῷ τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ τοὺς ἀντιπράττοντας ὁ Φίλιππος καὶ πληρώσας τὸν ἴδιον θυμόν, ἐκαραδόκει τὴν τῶν πρεσβευτῶν παρουσίαν [πεπεισμένος μηδένα τολμήσειν κατηγορήσειν αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸν φόβον]. μετὰ δέ τινα χρόνον παραγενομένων τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἄππιον καὶ ταχέως πυθομένων τὰ γεγονότα κατὰ τὴν Μαρώνειαν καὶ πικρῶς τῷ Φιλίππῳ μεμψιμοιρούντων ἐπὶ τούτοις, ἐβούλετο μὲν ἀπολογεῖσθαι, φάσκων μὴ κεκοινωνηκέναι τῆς παρανομίας, ἀλλʼ αὐτοὺς ἐν αὑτοῖς στασιάζοντας Μαρωνείτας, [καὶ] τοὺς μὲν ἀποκλίνοντας πρὸς Εὐμένη κατὰ τὴν εὔνοιαν, τοὺς δὲ πρὸς ἑαυτόν, εἰς ταύτην ἐμπεπτωκέναι τὴν ἀτυχίαν. καλεῖν δʼ ἐκέλευε κατὰ πρόσωπον, εἴ τις αὐτοῦ κατηγορεῖ. τοῦτο δʼ ἐποίει πεπεισμένος μηδένα τολμήσειν διὰ τὸν φόβον, τῷ δοκεῖν τὴν μὲν ἐκ Φιλίππου τιμωρίαν ἐκ χειρὸς ἔσεσθαι τοῖς ἀντιπράξασιν, τὴν δὲ Ῥωμαίων ἐπικουρίαν μακρὰν ἀφεστάναι. τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἄππιον οὐ φασκόντων προσδεῖσθαι δικαιολογίας, σαφῶς γὰρ εἰδέναι τὰ γεγονότα καὶ τὸν αἴτιον τούτων, εἰς ἀπορίαν ἐνέπιπτεν ὁ Φίλιππος. καὶ τὴν μὲν πρώτην ἔντευξιν ἄχρι τού του προβάντες ἔλυσαν·
14. Philopoemen had a sharp difference in debate with Archon the Strategus. In course of time, however, Philopoemen was convinced by Archon’s arguments, and, changing his mind, spoke in warm commendation of Archon as having managed his business with skill and address. But when I heard the speech at the time it did not seem to me right to praise a man and yet do him an injury, nor do I think so now in my maturer years. For I think that there is as wide a distinction in point of morality between practical ability and success secured by absence of scruples, as there is between skill and mere cunning. The former are in a manner the highest attainments possible, the latter the reverse. But owing to the lack of discernment so general in our day, these qualities, which have little in common, excite the same amount of commendation and emulation in the world.... When Caecilius returned from Greece and made his report to the Senate concerning Macedonia and the Peloponnese, the ambassadors who had come to Rome on these matters were introduced into the Senate. First came those from Philip and Eumenes, as well as the exiles from Aenus and Maroneia; and on their saying much the same as they had said before Caecilius and his colleagues at Thessalonica, the Senate voted to send another deputation to Philip, to see first of all whether he had evacuated the cities in Perrhaebia in conformity with the answer he gave to Caecilius: and secondly, to order him to remove his garrison from Aenus and Maroneia; and in a word, to abandon all fortresses, positions, and towns on the sea-board of Thrace. After these the ambassadors from the Peloponnese were introduced. For the Achaeans on their part had sent Apollonidas of Sicyon, and others, to justify themselves to Caecilius for his having received no answer, and generally to inform the Senate on the question of Sparta; and at the same time Areus and Alcibiades had come from Sparta as ambassadors,—two of the old exiles recently restored by Philopoemen and the Achaeans. And this was a circumstance that particularly roused the anger of the Achaeans; because they thought it the height of ingratitude on the part of the exiles, after receiving so important and recent a service at their hands, to be now sending a hostile embassy, and accusing to the sovereign people those who had been the authors of their unlooked—for preservation and restoration to their country.
14. κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἡμέραν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἄππιον πέμπειν ἐπέταττον τῷ Φιλίππῳ τὸν Ὀνόμαστον καὶ τὸν Κάσσανδρον ἐξ αὐτῆς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην [ἵνα πύθηται περὶ τῶν γεγονότων]. ὁ δὲ βασιλεύς, διατραπεὶς ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα καὶ ἀπορήσας ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον, τὸν μὲν Κάσσανδρον ἔφη πέμψειν, τὸν αὐθέντην γεγονότα τῆς πράξεως, ὡς ἐκεῖνοί φασιν, ἵνα πύθηται παρὰ τούτου τὰς ἀληθείας ἡ σύγκλητος. τὸν δʼ Ὀνόμαστον ἐξῃρεῖτο καὶ παρʼ αὐτὰ καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς ἐντυγχάνων, ἀφορμῇ μὲν χρώμενος τῷ μὴ οἷον ἐν τῇ Μαρωνείᾳ παραγεγονέναι τὸν Ὀνόμαστον κατὰ τὸν τῆς σφαγῆς καιρόν, ἀλλὰ μηδʼ ἐπὶ τῶν σύνεγγυς τόπων γεγονέναι, τῇ δʼ ἀληθείᾳ δεδιὼς μὴ παραγενηθεὶς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, καὶ πολλῶν ἔργων αὐτῷ κεκοινωνηκὼς τοιούτων, οὐ μόνον τὰ κατὰ τοὺς Μαρωνείτας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τἄλλα πάντα διασαφήσῃ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις. καὶ τέλος τὸν μὲν Ὀνόμαστον ἐξείλετο, τὸν δὲ Κάσσανδρον μετὰ τὸ τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς ἀπελθεῖν ἀποστείλας καὶ παραπέμψας ἕως Ἠπείρου φαρμάκῳ διέφθειρεν. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἄππιον, κατεγνωκότες τοῦ Φιλίππου καὶ περὶ τῆς εἰς τοὺς Μαρωνείτας παρανομίας καὶ περὶ τῆς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἀλλοτριότητος, τοιαύτας ἔχοντες διαλήψεις ἐχωρίσθησαν. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς γενόμενος καθʼ ἑαυτὸν καὶ συμμεταδοὺς τῶν φίλων Ἀπελλῇ καὶ Φιλοκλεῖ περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων, ἔγνω σαφῶς ἐπὶ πολὺ προβεβηκυῖαν αὑτοῦ τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους διαφοράν, καὶ ταύτην οὐκέτι λαν θάνουσαν, ἀλλὰ καταφανῆ τοῖς πλείστοις οὖσαν. καθόλου μὲν οὖν πρόθυμος ἦν εἰς τὸ κατὰ πάντα τρόπον ἀμύνασθαι καὶ μετελθεῖν αὐτούς· πρὸς ἔνια δὲ τῶν ἐπινοουμένων ἀπόχειρος ὢν ἐπεβάλετο πῶς ἂν ἔτι γένοιτό τις ἀναστροφὴ καὶ λάβοι χρόνον πρὸς τὰς εἰς τὸν πόλεμον παρασκευάς. ἔδοξεν οὖν αὐτῷ τὸν νεώτατον υἱὸν Δημήτριον πέμπειν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, τὰ μὲν ἀπολογησόμενον ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐγκαλουμένων, τὰ δὲ καὶ παραιτησόμενον, εἰ καί τις ἄγνοιά ποτʼ ἐγεγόνει περὶ αὐτόν. πάνυ γὰρ ἐπέπειστο διὰ τούτου πᾶν τὸ προτεθὲν ἀνύεσθαι παρὰ τῆς συγκλήτου διὰ τὴν ὑπεροχὴν τὴν γεγενημένην τοῦ νεανίσκου κατὰ τὴν ὁμηρείαν. ταῦτα δὲ διανοηθεὶς ἅμα μὲν ἐγίνετο περὶ τὴν ἐκπομπὴν τούτου καὶ τῶν ἅμα τούτῳ συνεξαποσταλησομένων φίλων, ἅμα δὲ τοῖς Βυζαντίοις ὑπέσχετο βοηθήσειν, οὐχ οὕτως ἐκείνων στοχαζόμενος ὡς ἐπὶ τῇ ʼκείνων προφάσει βουλόμενος καταπλήξασθαι τοὺς τῶν Θρᾳκῶν δυνάστας τῶν ὑπὲρ τὴν Προποντίδα κατοικούντων χάριν τῆς προκειμένης ἐπιβολῆς. ὅτι κατὰ τὴν Κρήτην, κοσμοῦντος ἐν Γορτύνῃ Κύδα τοῦ Ἀντάλκους, κατὰ πάντα τρόπον ἐλαττούμενοι Γορτύνιοι τοὺς Κνωσίους, ἀποτεμόμενοι τῆς χώρας αὐτῶν τὸ μὲν καλούμενον Λυκάστιον προσένειμαν Ῥαυκίοις, τὸ δὲ Διατόνιον Λυττίοις. κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον παραγενομένων πρεσβευτῶν ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης εἰς τὴν Κρήτην τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἄππιον χάριν τοῦ διαλῦσαι τὰς ἐνεστώσας αὐτοῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους διαφοράς, καὶ ποιησαμένων λόγους ὑπὲρ τούτων ἐν τῇ Κνωσίων καὶ Γορτυνίων, πεισθέντες οἱ Κρηταιεῖς ἐπέτρεψαν τὰ καθʼ αὑτοὺς τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἄππιον. οἱ δὲ [πεισθέντες] Κνωσίοις μὲν ἀποκατέστησαν τὴν χώραν, Κυδωνιάταις δὲ προσέταξαν τοὺς μὲν ὁμήρους ἀπολαβεῖν, οὓς ἐγκατέλειπον δόντες τοῖς περὶ Χαρμίωνα πρότερον, τὴν δὲ Φαλάσαρναν ἀφεῖναι μηδὲν ἐξ αὐτῆς νοσφισαμένους. περὶ δὲ τῶν κατὰ κοινοδίκιον συνεχώρησαν αὐτοῖς βουλομένοις μὲν [αὐτοῖς] ἐξεῖναι μετέχειν, μὴ βουλομένοις δὲ καὶ τοῦτʼ ἐξεῖναι, πάσης ἀπεχομένοις τῆς ἄλλης Κρήτης αὐτοῖς τε καὶ τοῖς ἐκ Φαλασάρνης φυγάσιν. ἀπέκτειναν τοὺς περὶ Μενοίτιον, ἐπιφανεστάτους ὄντας τῶν πολιτῶν.
16. Both parties were heard in their defence in each other’s presence. Apollonidas of Sicyon and his colleagues tried to convince the Senate that the affairs of Sparta could not have been better managed than they were managed by Philopoemen. Areus and his colleagues attempted to establish the reverse: alleging, first of all, that the power of the city was entirely destroyed by the violent withdrawal of so large a number; and, in the second place, that even those that were left were so few that their position was insecure, now that the walls were pulled down; and that their freedom of speech was entirely destroyed by the fact that they were not only amenable to the general decrees of the Achaean league, but were also made specially subject to the magistrates set over them from time to time. After hearing these envoys also, the Senate decided to give, the same legates instructions regarding them as well as the others, and appointed Appius Claudius and his colleagues commissioners for Greece. But the ambassadors from the Achaeans offered an explanation also to Caecilius in the Senate, on behalf of the magistrates, asserting that “They did not act wrongly or deserve blame for refusing to summon the assembly, unless it were requisite to decide on an alliance or a war, or unless some one brought a letter from the Senate. The magistrates had therefore impartially considered the subject of summoning the assembly, but were prevented from doing so by the laws, because he neither brought a despatch from the Senate nor would show them any written instructions.” At the conclusion of this speech Caecilius rose and made an attack on Philopoemen and Lycortas, and the Achaeans generally, and on the policy they had pursued towards the city of Sparta. After listening to the arguments, the Senate answered the Achaeans by saying that they would send commissioners to investigate the matter of Sparta; and they accompanied this answer by an admonition to them to pay attention to the ambassadors sent by them from time to time, and show them proper respect, as the Romans did to ambassadors who came to them....
16. βασιλέα καὶ θ?ε?ω?ν? α?ι?μ?α? τοῦτον λέγοντες καταχρώμενοι τ?ε?υ?ξ?ε?σ?θ?α?ι? τινος ἐλέους καὶ συγγνώμης ἐπὶ τῳ … σασθαι τ?ο?ν? β?α?σ?ι?λεα … ων γε μὴν καὶ βασιλικώτερος. … ονων ων ἀθετηθῆναι γὰρ υ?φ? ε?τ?ε?ρων κ?ρ?ε?ι?τ?τ?ον ἦν ἢ πρότερον αὐτὸν ἀθετεῖν τὰς πίστεις καὶ μὴν ἀδικεῖσθαι μᾶλλον η … και 〈ανου〉ς φασιν συμπάσχειν τοις αδικοις π … ἔγγιστα τῆς θείας φυσεως εἶναι …, … νους τυγχάνειν τιμῶν η υ?π? … θεὸς γὰρ οὐδεὶς πρότερος κακῶς ποιεῖ τοὺς ανους … τα? του προς … ς θαυμάζουσι μὲν πάντες Φίλιππον διὰ τὴν ορ … ς μεγαλοψυχίαν ὅτι κακῶς οὐ μόνον ἀκούων, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάσχων ὑπʼ Ἀθηναίων, νικήσας αὐτοὺς τὴν περὶ Χαιρώνειαν μάχην τοσοῦτον ἀπέσχε τοῦ χρήσασθαι τῷ καιρῷ πρὸς τὴν κατὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν βλάβην ὥστε τοὺς μὲν τεθνεῶτας τῶν Ἀθηναίων κηδεύσας ἔθαψε, τοὺς δʼ αἰχμαλώτους χωρὶς λύτρων προσαμφιέσας ἐξαπέστειλε τοῖς ἀναγκαίοις· μιμοῦνται δʼ ἥκιστα τὴν τοιαύτην προαίρεσιν, ἁμιλλῶνται δὲ τοῖς θυμοῖς καὶ ταῖς τιμωρίαις πρὸς τούτους, οἷς πολεμοῦσι τούτων αὐτῶν ἕνεκα. πλὴν ὅγε Πτολεμαῖος δήσας τοὺς ἀνθρώπους γυμνοὺς ταῖς ἁμάξαις εἷλκε καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα τιμωρησάμενος ἀπέκτεινεν. — ὅτι Πτολεμαῖος ὁ βασιλεὺς Αἰγύπτου ὅτε τὴν Λύκων πόλιν ἐπολιόρκησε, καταπλαγέντες τὸ γεγονὸς οἱ δυνάσται τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἔδωκαν σφᾶς αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως πίστιν.
17. When Philip learnt, by a message from his own ambassadors at Rome, that he would he obliged to evacuate the cities in Thrace, he was extremely annoyed, because he regarded his kingdom as being now curtailed on every side; and he vented his wrath upon the unhappy people of Maroneia. He sent for Onomastus, his governor in Thrace, and communicated with him on the subject. And Onomastus on his return sent Cassander to Maroneia, who, from long residence there, was familiar with the inhabitants,—for Philip’s practice had long been to place members of his court in these cities, and accustom the people to their residence among them. Some few days after his arrival, the Thracians having been prepared for what they had to do, and having obtained entrance to the city by night through the instrumentality of Cassander, a great massacre took place, and many of the Maronites were killed. Having wreaked this vengeance on those who opposed him, and satisfied his own anger, Philip waited for the arrival of the Roman legates, persuaded that no one would venture for fear of him to denounce his crime. Nut when Appius and his colleagues presently arrived, they were promptly informed of what had happened at Maroneia, and expostulated in severe terms with Philip for it. The king attempted to defend himself by asserting that he had nothing to do with this act of violence; but that the Maronites, being divided into two hostile parties, one inclined to Eumenes and the other to himself, inflicted this misfortune upon themselves. He moreover bade them confront him with any one who wished to accuse him. He said this from a conviction that no one would venture to do so; because they would consider that Philip’s vengeance upon those who opposed him would be near at hand, while assistance from Rome would have a long way to come. But when Appius and his colleagues said that “they required to hear no defence, for they were well aware of what had happened, and who was the cause of it,” Philip became much confused. They went no further than this in the first interview: but during the next day Appius ordered Philip to send Onomastus and Cassander at once to Rome, that the Senate might inform itself on what had happened. The king was disturbed at this to the greatest possible degree, and for some time did not know what to say; but at last he said that he would send Cassander, who was the actual author of the business, that the Senate might learn the truth from him; but he tried to get Onomastus excused, both in this and subsequent interviews with the legates, alleging as a reason that not only had Onomastus not been in Maroneia at the time of the massacre, but not even in any part of the country in its neighbourhood. His real motive, however, was fear lest, if he got to Rome, having been engaged with him in many similar transactions, he would not only tell the Romans the story of Maroneia, but all the others also. Eventually he did get Onomastus excused; and having, after the departure of the legates, sent off Cassander, he sent some agents with him as far as Epirus, and there had him poisoned. But Appius and his colleagues left Philip with their minds fully made up both as to his guilt in the matter of Maroneia and his alienation from Rome. The king, thus relieved of the presence of the legates, after consulting with his friends Apelles and Philocles became clearly conscious that his quarrel with Rome had now become serious, and that it could no longer be concealed, but was become notorious to most people in the world. He was therefore now wholly bent on measures of self-defence and retaliation. But as he was as yet unprepared for some of the plans which he had in his mind, he cast about to find some means of putting matters off, and gaining time for making his preparations for war. He accordingly resolved to send his youngest son Demetrius to Rome: partly to make his defence on the charges brought against him, and partly also to beg pardon for any error which he might have committed. He felt certain that everything he wished would be obtained from the Senate by means of this young prince, because of the extraordinary attentions which had been shown him when he was acting as a hostage. He no sooner conceived this idea than he set about making preparations for sending the prince and those of his own friends destined to accompany him on his mission. At the same time he promised the Byzantines to give them help: not so much because he cared for them, as from a wish under cover of their name to strike terror into the princes of the Thracians living beyond the Propontis, as a step towards the fulfilment of his main purpose...
17. οἷς κακῶς ἐχρή- σατο καὶ εἰς κινδύνους πολλοὺς ἐνέπεσεν. παραπλήσιον δέ τι συνέβη καὶ κατὰ τοὺς καιρούς, ἡνίκα Πολυκράτης τοὺς ἀποστάτας ἐχειρώσατο. οἱ γὰρ περὶ τὸν Ἀθίνιν καὶ Παυσίραν καὶ Χέσουφον καὶ τὸν Ἰρόβαστον, οἵπερ ἦσαν ἔτι διασῳζόμενοι τῶν δυναστῶν, εἴξαντες τοῖς πράγμασι παρῆσαν εἰς τὴν Σάιν, σφᾶς αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ἐγχειρίζοντες πίστιν· ὁ δὲ Πτολεμαῖος ἀθετήσας τὰς πίστεις καὶ δήσας τοὺς ἀνθρώπους γυμνοὺς ταῖς ἁμάξαις εἷλκε καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα τιμωρησάμενος ἀπέκτεινεν. καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν Ναύκρατιν μετὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς, καὶ παραστήσαντος αὐτῷ τοὺς ἐξενολογημένους ἄνδρας ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος Ἀριστονίκου, προσδεξάμενος τούτους ἀπέπλευσεν εἰς Ἀλεξάνδρειαν, τῶν μὲν τοῦ πολέμου πράξεων οὐδεμιᾶς κεκοινωνηκὼς διὰ τὴν Πολυκράτους ἀδικοδοξίαν, καίπερ ἔχων ἔτη πέντε καὶ εἴκοσιν. ὅτι φησὶν ὁ Πολύβιος ἐν τῷ εἰκοστῷ δευτέρῳ· περὶ δὲ τὴν τῶν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ βασιλέων οἰκίαν ἤδη τις ἀπὸ τούτων τῶν καιρῶν ἐφύετο κακῶν ἀνηκέστων ἀρχή. καίτοι γʼ οὐκ ἀγνοῶ διότι τινὲς τῶν συγγραφόντων περὶ τοῦ συστάντος Ῥωμαίοις πολέμου πρὸς Περσέα, βουλόμενοι τὰς αἰτίας ἡμῖν ἐπιδεικνύναι τῆς διαφορᾶς, πρῶτον μὲν ἀποφαίνουσι τὴν Ἀβρουπόλιος ἔκπτωσιν ἐκ τῆς ἰδίας δυναστείας, ὡς καταδραμόντος αὐτοῦ τὰ περὶ τὸ Πάγγαιον μέταλλα μετὰ τὸν τοῦ Φιλίππου θάνατον· Περσεὺς δὲ παραβοηθήσας καὶ τρεψάμενος ὁλοσχερῶς ἐξέβαλε τὸν προειρημένον ἐκ τῆς ἰδίας ἀρχῆς· ἑξῆς δὲ ταύτῃ τὴν εἰς Δολοπίαν εἰσβολὴν καὶ τὴν εἰς Δελφοὺς παρουσίαν Περσέως, ἔτι δὲ τὴν κατʼ Εὐμένους τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπιβουλὴν γενομένην ἐν Δελφοῖς καὶ τὴν τῶν ἐκ Βοιωτίας πρεσβευτῶν ἐπαναίρεσιν, ἐξ ὧν ἔνιοί φασι φῦναι Περσεῖ τὸν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πόλεμον. ἐγὼ δέ φημι κυριώτατον μὲν εἶναι καὶ τοῖς συγγράφουσι καὶ τοῖς φιλομαθοῦσι τὸ γινώσκειν τὰς αἰτίας, ἐξ ὧν ἕκαστα γεννᾶται καὶ φύεται τῶν πραγμάτων· συγκέχυται δὲ ταῦτα παρὰ τοῖς πλείστοις τῶν συγγραφέων διὰ τὸ μὴ κρατεῖσθαι τίνι διαφέρει πρόφασις αἰτίας καὶ πάλιν προφάσεως ἀρχὴ πολέμου. καὶ νῦν δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων αὐτῶν προσυπομιμνησκόντων ἠνάγκασμαι πάλιν ἀνανεώσασθαι τὸν αὐτὸν λόγον. τῶν γὰρ ἄρτι ῥηθέντων πραγμάτων τὰ μὲν πρῶτα προφάσεις εἰσί, τὰ δὲ τελευταῖα τὰ περὶ τὴν κατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως Εὐμένους ἐπιβουλὴν καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἀναίρεσιν καὶ τούτοις ἕτερα παραπλήσια τῶν κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς γεγονότων ἀρχαὶ πρόδηλοι τοῦ συστάντος Ῥωμαίοις καὶ Περσεῖ πολέμου καὶ τοῦ καταλυθῆναι τὴν Μακεδόνων ἀρχήν· αἰτία δὲ τούτων ἁπλῶς ἐστιν οὐδεμία. δῆλον δὲ τοῦτʼ ἔσται διὰ τῶν ἑξῆς ῥηθησομένων. καθάπερ γὰρ εἴπομεν Φίλιππον τὸν Ἀμύντου διανοηθῆναι καὶ προθέσθαι συντελεῖν τὸν πρὸς τοὺς Πέρσας πόλεμον, Ἀλέξανδρον δὲ τοῖς ὑπʼ ἐκείνου κεκριμένοις ἐπιγενέσθαι χειριστὴν τῶν πράξεων, οὕτω καὶ νῦν Φίλιππον μὲν τὸν Δημητρίου φαμὲν διανοηθῆναι πρότερον πολεμεῖν Ῥωμαίοις τὸν τελευταῖον πόλεμον καὶ τὰς παρασκευὰς ἑτοίμας πάσας πρὸς ταύτην ἔχειν τὴν ἐπιβολήν, ἐκείνου δʼ ἐκχωρήσαντος Περσέα γενέσθαι χειριστὴν τῶν πράξεων· εἰ δὲ τοῦτʼ ἀληθές, κἀκεῖνο σαφές· οὐ γὰρ οἷόν τε τὰς αἰτίας ὕστερον γενέσθαι τῆς τελευτῆς τοῦ κρίναντος καὶ προθεμένου πολεμεῖν· ὃ συμβαίνει τοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν ἄλλων συγγραφέων εἰρημένοις· πάντα γάρ ἐστι τὰ λεγόμενα παρʼ αὐτοῖς ὕστερα τῆς Φιλίππου τελευτῆς. — ὅτι Φιλοποίμην πρὸς Ἄρχωνα τὸν στρατηγὸν λόγοις τισὶ διεφέρετο.
19. In Crete, while Cydas son of Antalces was Cosmus, the Gortynians, who sought in every way to depress the Gnossians, deprived them of a portion of their territory called Lycastium, and assigned it to the Rhaucii, and another portion called Diatonium to the Lyctii. But when about this time Appius and his colleagues arrived in the island from Rome, with the view of settling the controversies which existed among them, and addressed remonstrances to the cities of Gnossus and Gortyn on these points, the Cretans gave in, and submitted the settlement of their disputes to Appius. He accordingly ordered the restoration of their territory to the Gnossians; and that the Cydoniates should receive back the hostages which they had formerly left in the hands of Charmion, and should surrender Phalasarna, without taking anything out of it. As to sharing in the legal jurisdiction of the whole island, he left it free to the several cities to do so or not as they pleased, on condition that in the latter case they abstained from entering the rest of Crete, they and the exiles from Phalasarna who murdered Menochius and his friends, their most illustrious citizens....
19. ὁ μὲν οὖν Φιλοποίμην εὐδοκήσας ἐκ τοῦ καιροῦ τοῖς λεγομένοις καὶ μεταγνοὺς ἐπῄνει τὸν Ἄρχωνα φιλοφρόνως, ὡς ἐντρεχῶς καὶ πανούργως τῷ καιρῷ κεχρημένον. ἔμοιγε μήν, φησὶν ὁ Πολύβιος, οὔτε τότε παρόντι τὸ ῥηθὲν εὐηρέστησεν, ὥστʼ ἐπαινοῦντά τινα κακῶς ἅμα ποιεῖν, οὔτε μετὰ ταῦτα τῆς ἡλικίας προβαινούσης· πολὺ γὰρ δή τι μοι δοκεῖ κεχωρίσθαι κατὰ τὴν αἵρεσιν ὁ πραγματικὸς ἀνὴρ τοῦ κακοπράγμονος καὶ παραπλησίαν ἔχειν διαφορὰν τῷ κακεντρεχεῖ πρὸς τὸν ἐντρεχῆ· ἃ μὲν γάρ ἐστι κάλλιστα τῶν ὄντων ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν, ἃ δὲ τοὐναντίον· ἀλλὰ διὰ τὴν νῦν ἐπιπολάζουσαν ἀκρισίαν βραχείας ἔχοντα κοινότητας τὰ προειρημένα τῆς αὐτῆς ἐπισημασίας καὶ ζήλου τυγχάνει παρὰ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις.
20. Apollonias, the wife of Attalus, father of king Eumenes, was a native of Cyzicus, and a woman who for many reasons deserves to be remembered, and with honour. Her claims upon a favourable recollection are that, though born of a private family, she became a queen, and retained that exalted rank to the end of her life, not by the use of meretricious fascinations, but by the virtue and integrity of her conduct in private and public life alike. Above all, she was the mother of four sons with whom she kept on terms of the most perfect affection and motherly love to the last day of her life. And so Attalus and his brother gained a high character, while staying at Cyzicus, by showing their mother proper respect and honour. For they took each of them one of her hands and led her between them on a visit to the temples and on a tour of the town, accompanied by their suite. At this sight all who saw it received the young princes with very warm marks of approval, and, recalling the story of Cleobis and Biton, compared their conduct with theirs; and remarked that the affectionate zeal shown by the young princes, though perhaps not going so far as theirs, was rendered quite as illustrious by the fact of their more exalted position. This took place in Cyzicus, after the peace made with king Prusias....
20. ὅτι Ἀπολλωνίς, ἡ Ἀττάλου τοῦ πατρὸς Εὐμένους τοῦ βασιλέως γαμετή, Κυζικηνὴ ἦν, γυνὴ διὰ πλείους αἰτίας ἀξία μνήμης καὶ παρασημασίας. καὶ γὰρ ὅτι δημότις ὑπάρχουσα βασίλισσα ἐγεγόνει καὶ ταύτην διεφύλαξε τὴν ὑπεροχὴν μέχρι τῆς τελευταίας, οὐχ ἑταιρικὴν προσφερομένη πιθανότητα, σωφρονικὴν δὲ καὶ πολιτικὴν σεμνότητα καὶ καλοκαγαθίαν, δικαία τυγχάνειν τῆς ἐπʼ ἀγαθῷ μνήμης ἐστίν, καὶ καθότι τέτταρας υἱοὺς γεννήσασα πρὸς πάντας τούτους ἀνυπέρβλητον διεφύλαξε τὴν εὔνοιαν καὶ φιλοστοργίαν μέχρι τῆς τοῦ βίου καταστροφῆς, καίτοι χρόνον οὐκ ὀλίγον ὑπερβιώσασα τἀνδρός. πλὴν οἵγε περὶ τὸν Ἄτταλον ἐν τῇ παρεπιδημίᾳ καλὴν περιεποιήσαντο φήμην, ἀποδιδόντες τῇ μητρὶ τὴν καθήκουσαν χάριτα καὶ τιμήν. ἄγοντες γὰρ ἐξ ἀμφοῖν τοῖν χεροῖν μέσην αὑτῶν τὴν μητέρα περιῄεσαν τά θʼ ἱερὰ καὶ τὴν πόλιν μετὰ τῆς θεραπείας. ἐφʼ οἷς οἱ θεώμενοι μεγάλως τοὺς νεανίσκους ἀπεδέχοντο καὶ κατηξίουν καὶ μνημονεύοντες τῶν περὶ τὸν Κλέοβιν καὶ Βίτωνα συνέκρινον τὰς αἱρέσεις αὐτῶν, καὶ τὸ τῆς προθυμίας τῆς ἐκείνων λαμπρὸν τῷ τῆς ὑπεροχῆς τῶν βασιλέων ἀξιώματι συναναπληροῦντες. ταῦτα δʼ ἐτελέσθη ἐν Κυζίκῳ μετὰ τὴν διάλυσιν τὴν πρὸς Προυσίαν τὸν βασιλέα. — ὅτι Ὀρτιάγων ὁ Γαλάτης, τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ βασιλεύων, ἐπεβάλετο τὴν ἁπάντων τῶν Γαλατῶν δυναστείαν εἰς αὑτὸν μεταστῆσαι, καὶ πολλὰ πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ἐφόδια προσεφέρετο καὶ φύσει καὶ τριβῇ.
21. Ostiagon the Gaul, king of the Gauls of Asia, endeavoured to transfer to himself the sovereignty of all the Gauls; and he had many qualifications for such a post, both natural and acquired. For he was open-handed and generous, a man of popular manners and ready tact; and, what was most important in the eyes of the Gauls, he was a man of courage and skill in war....
21. καὶ γὰρ εὐεργετικὸς ἦν καὶ μεγαλόψυχος καὶ κατὰ τὰς ἐντεύξεις εὔχαρις καὶ συνετός, τὸ δὲ συνέχον παρὰ Γαλάταις, ἀνδρώδης ἦν καὶ δυναμικὸς πρὸς τὰς πολεμικὰς χρείας.
22. Aristonicus was one of the eunuchs of Ptolemy, king of Egypt, and had been brought up from childhood with the king. As he grew up he displayed more manly courage and tastes than are generally found in an eunuch. For he had a natural predilection for a military life, and devoted himself almost exclusively to that and all that it involved. He was also skilful in dealing with men, and, what is very rare, took large and liberal views, and was naturally inclined to bestow favours and kindnesses....
22. ὅτι Ἀριστόνικος ὁ τοῦ Πτολεμαίου τοῦ βασιλέως Αἰγύπτου εὐνοῦχος μὲν ἦν, ἐκ παιδίου δʼ ἐγεγόνει σύντροφος τῷ βασιλεῖ. τῆς δʼ ἡλικίας προβαινούσης ἀνδρωδεστέραν εἶχεν ἢ κατʼ εὐνοῦχον τόλμαν καὶ προαίρεσιν. καὶ γὰρ φύσει στρατιωτικὸς ἦν καὶ τὴν πλείστην ἐποιεῖτο διατριβὴν ἐν τούτοις καὶ περὶ ταῦτα. παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὰς ἐντεύξεις ἱκανὸς ὑπῆρχε καὶ τὸν κοινὸν νοῦν εἶχεν, ὃ σπάνιόν ἐστι. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις πρὸς εὐεργεσίαν ἀνθρώπων πεφύκει καλῶς.