1.1. Lucius Cornelius Scipio and Gaius Laelius entered upon the consulship, and after the religious observances were carried out, no question in the senate had priority over that concerning the Aetolians. And their ambassadors were urging a decision, since only a brief time of truce was allowed them, and they were seconded by Titus Quinctius, who had now returned to Rome from Greece.
1.1. L. Cornelio Scipione C. Laelio consulibus nulla prius secundum religiones acta in senatu res est quam de Aetolis. et legati eorum institerunt, quia brevem indutiarum diem habebant, et ab T. Quinctio, qui tum Romam ex Graecia redierat, adiuti sunt.
1.2. The Aetolians, like men who reposed more hope in the mercy of the senate than in their own case, pleaded like suppliants, balancing former services against recent misdeeds.
1.2. Aetoli, ut quibus plus in misericordia senatus quam in causa spei esset, suppliciter egerunt, veteribus benefactis nova pensantes maleficia.
1.3. But not only while still present were they pursued by senatorial questionings from all sides, forcing from them confessions of guilt rather than replies, but when they were ordered to leave the senate-house they gave occasion to a violent conflict.
1.3. ceterum et praesentes interrogationibus undique senatorum, confessionem magis noxae quam responsa exprimentium, fatigati sunt, et excedere curia iussi magnum certamen praebuerunt.
1.4. Anger had greater weight in their case than the spirit of mercy, since the senators were incensed at them not as enemies but as an untamable and anti-social people.
1.4. plus ira quam misericordia in causa eorum valebat, quia non ut hostibus modo, sed tamquam indomitae et insociabili genti suscensebant.
1.5. When the contest had continued for many days, it was finally decided that peace should be neither granted nor refused; two choices were placed before them; either they should entrust themselves to the free discretion of the senate, or they should pay one thousand talents and consider the same peoples as friends and enemies.
1.5. per aliquot dies cum certatum esset, postremo neque dari neque negari pacem placuit; duae condiciones iis latae sunt: vel senatui liberum arbitrium de se permitterent, vel mille talentum darent eosdemque amicos atque inimicos haberent.
1.6. When they tried to elicit a definite statement as to the extent to which the senate would exercise its discretion over them, no positive reply was given. So without any settlement they were ordered to leave the City that same day and Italy within fifteen days.
1.6. exprimere cupientibus, quarum rerum in se arbitrium senatui permitterent, nihil certi responsum est. ita infecta pace dimissi urbe eodem die, Italia intra quindecim dies excedere iussi.
1.7. Then the question of the consular provinces began to be discussed. Both consuls wanted Greece. Laelius was very influential in the senate. Laelius, when the senate had directed the consuls either to cast lots or to determine the matter of the provinces between themselves, said that they would act more fittingly if they entrusted this decision to the wisdom of the Fathers instead of to the lot.
1.7. tum de consulum provinciis coeptum agi est. ambo Graeciam cupiebant. multum Laelius in senatu poterat. is, cum senatus aut sortiri aut comparare inter se provincias consules iussisset, elegantius facturos dixit, si iudicio patrum quam si sorti eam rem permisissent.
1.8. Scipio, having replied to this that he would consider what he ought to do, conferred with his brother alone, and being instructed by him to leave the matter to the senate with confidence, answered his colleague that he would do as he suggested.
1.8. Scipio responso ad hoc dato cogitaturum, quid sibi faciendum esset, cum fratre uno locutus iussusque ab eo permittere audacter senatui, renuntiat collegae facturum se, quod is censeret.
1.9. When this proposal, either novel or revived on the basis of ancient precedents long escaped from memory, had excited the senate with the expectation of a sharp contest, Publius Scipio Africanus said that if they should decree Greece as a province to his brother Lucius Scipio, he would go as his lieutenant.
1.9. cum res aut nova aut vetustate exemplorum memoriae iam exoletae relata expectatione certaminis senatum erexisset, P. Scipio Africanus dixit, si L. Scipioni fratri suo provinciam Graeciam decrevissent, se ei legatum iturum.
1.10. These words, listened to with full approbation, ended the contest; they wanted to ascertain whether King Antiochus would find more powerful assistance in the defeated Hannibal or the Roman consul and legions in his conqueror Africanus: and almost unanimously they decreed Greece to Scipio, Italy to Laelius.
1.10. haec vox magno adsensu audita sustulit certamen: experiri libebat, utrum plus regi Antiocho in Hannibale victo an in victore Africano consuli legionibusque Romanis auxilii foret; ac prope omnes Scipioni Graeciam, Laelio Italiam decreverunt.
2.1. The praetors then drew for their provinces; Lucius Aurunculeius receiving the civil jurisdiction, Gnaeus Fulvius that between citizens and aliens, Lucius Aemilius Regillus the fleet, Publius Junius Brutus the Etruscans, Marcus Tuccius Apulia and the Brutti, Gaius Atinius Sicily.
2.1. praetores inde provincias sortiti sunt, L. Aurunculeius urbanam, Cn. Fulvius peregrinam, L. Aemilius Regillus classem, P. Iunius Brutus Tuscos, M. Tuccius Apuliam et Bruttios, C. Atinius Siciliam.
2.2. Then for the consul to whom the province of Greece had been decreed, in addition to the army which he would take over from Manius Acilius —this now consisted of two legions —there were authorized as reinforcements three thousand infantry of Roman citizens and one hundred cavalry, and of the allies of the Latin confederacy five thousand infantry and two hundred cavalry; it was also appended to this that when he arrived in the province, if the public interest seemed to demand it, he should lead the army over into Asia.
2.2. consuli deinde, cui Graecia provincia decreta erat, ad eum exercitum, quem a M'. Acilio — duae autem legiones erant — accepturus esset, in supplementum addita peditum civium Romanorum tria milia, equites centum, et socium Latini nominis quinque milia, equites ducenti; et adiectum, ut, cum in provinciam venisset, si e re publica videretur esse, exercitum in Asiam traiceret.
2.4. To the other consul an entirely new army was assigned, two Roman legions and of the allies of the Latin confederacy fifteen thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry.
2.4. alteri consuli totus novus exercitus decretus, duae legiones Romanae et socium Latini nominis quindecim milia peditum, equites sexcenti.
2.5. Quintus Minucius was directed to transfer his army from the Ligures — for he had now written that the province had been completely reduced and that all the people of the Ligures had surrendered —to the territory of the Boii and hand it over to Publius Scipio the proconsul, who was removing the Boii from the land of which he had deprived them after their defeat in the war.
2.5. exercitum ex Liguribus Q. Minucius — iam enim confectam provinciam scripserat et Ligurum omne nomen in deditionem venisse — traducere in Boios et P. Cornelio proconsuli tradere iussus.
2.6. The two reserve legions which had been enlisted the year before were assigned to Marcus Tuccius, along with fifteen thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry of the allies of the Latin confederacy, to hold Apulia and the Brutti.
2.6. ex agro, quo victos bello multaverat Boios, deducendae urbanae legiones, quae priore anno conscriptae erant, M. Tuccio praetori datae et socium ac Latini nominis peditum quindecim milia et equites sexcenti ad Apuliam Bruttiosque obtinendos.
2.7. Aulus Cornelius, praetor of the preceding year, who had held the Brutti with an army, was ordered to transport the legions to Aetolia, if such was the pleasure of the consul, and turn them over to Manius Acilius, if he wished to remain there; if Acilius preferred to return to Rome, Aulus Cornelius with this army should remain in Aetolia.
2.7. A. Cornelio superioris anni praetori, qui Bruttios cum exercitu obtinuerat, imperatum, si ita consuli videretur, ut legiones in Aetoliam traiectas M'. Acilio traderet, si is manere ibi vellet;
2.8. Gaius Atinius Labeo, it was decided, should receive the province of Sicily and the army from Marcus Aemilius the praetor and as reinforcements should enrol from the province itself two thousand infantry and one hundred cavalry.
2.8. si Acilius redire Romam mallet, ut A. Cornelius cum eo exercitu in Aetolia remaneret. C. Atinium Labeonem provinciam Siciliam exercitumque a M. Aemilio accipere placuit et in supplementum scribere ex ipsa provincia, si vellet, peditum duo milia et centum equites.
2.9. Publius Junius Brutus was instructed to enlist a new army to serve against the Etruscans, one Roman legion and ten thousand infantry and four hundred cavalry of the allies of the Latin confederacy; Lucius Aemilius, to whom the maritime province had been allotted, was ordered to receive twenty warships and the naval allies from Marcus Junius, praetor of the previous year, to enrol himself a thousand naval allies and two thousand marines, to proceed with these ships and troops to Asia and to take over the fleet from Gaius
2.9. P. Iunius Brutus in Tuscos exercitum novum, legionem unam Romanam et decem milia socium ac Latini nominis scribere et quadringentos equites; L. Aemilius, cui maritima provincia erat, viginti naves longas et socios navalis a M. Iunio praetore superioris anni accipere iussus et scribere ipse mille navalis socios, duo milia peditum; cum iis navibus militibusque in Asiam proficisci et classem a C. Livio accipere.
2.11. Livius. For the governors of the two Spains and Sardinia the imperium was prolonged for a year and the same armies assigned.
2.11. duas Hispanias Sardiniamque obtinentibus prorogatum in annum imperium est et idem exercitus decreti.
2.12. Two tithes of grain, just as in the preceding year, were levied upon Sicily and Sardinia; they ordered all the Sicilian grain to be transported to Aetolia, part of the Sardinian to Rome and part to Aetolia, the same destination as the Sicilian.
2.12. Siciliae Sardiniaeque binae eo anno decumae frumenti imperatae; Siculum omne frumentum in Aetoliam ad exercitum portari iussum, ex Sardinia pars Romam pars in Aetoliam, eodem quo Siculum.
3.1. Before the consuls set out to their provinces it was decreed that expiation should be made for the prodigies by direction of the pontiffs.
3.1. priusquam consules in provincias proficiscerentur, prodigia per pontifices procurari placuit.
3.2. At Rome the temple of Juno Lucina was struck by lightning so that the roof and the doors were damaged; at Puteoli the wall and gates in several places were struck by lightning and two men were killed;
3.2. Romae Iunonis Lucinae templum de caelo tactum erat ita, ut fastigium valvaeque deformarentur; Puteolis pluribus locis murus et porta fulmine icta et duo homines exanimati;
3.3. at Nursia it was well established that a storm-cloud came in sight on a clear day; there also two free men were killed;
3.3. Nursiae sereno satis constabat nimbum ortum; ibi quoque duos liberos homines exanimatos; terra apud se pluvisse Tusculani nuntiabant, et Reatini mulam in agro suo peperisse.
3.4. the people of Tusculum reported that in their neighbourhood there was a shower of earth, and the Reatini that in their country a mule had foaled.
3.4. ea procurata, Latinaeque instauratae, quod Laurentibus carnis, quae dari debet, data non fuerat.
3.5. When expiation for all this had been made, the Latin festival, too, because the share of the meat which is due to be given to the Laurentes was not given them, was repeated.
3.5. supplicatio quoque earum religionum causa fuit quibus diis decemviri ex libris ut fieret ediderunt.
3.6. There was also a period of prayer by reason of these phenomena to whatever gods the decemvirs, in accordance with the Books, had ordered supplication to be made.
3.6. decem ingenui, decem virgines, patrimi omnes matrimique, ad id sacrificium adhibiti, et decemviri nocte lactentibus rem divinam fecerunt.
3.7. Ten noble youths and ten maidens, all children of living fathers and mothers, were employed for this sacrifice, and the decemvirs by night sacrificed animals not yet weaned. Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus, before he left the City, constructed an arch on the Capitoline, facing the street by which one climbs the Capitoline, with seven statues of bronze and two equestrian figures and two marble basins before the arch.
3.7. P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus, priusquam proficisceretur, fornicem in Capitolio adversus viam, qua in Capitolium escenditur, cum signis septem auratis et equis duobus et marmorea duo labra ante fornicem posuit.
3.8. About the same time forty-three chiefs of the Aetolians, among whom were Damocritus and his brother, were brought to Rome under guard of two cohorts sent by Manius Acilius and were thrown into the Lautumiae. The cohorts were then directed by Lucius Cornelius the consul to rejoin the army.
3.8. per eosdem dies principes Aetolorum tres et quadraginta, inter quos Damocritus et frater eius erant, ab duabus cohortibus missis a M'. Acilio Romam deducti et in Lautumias coniecti sunt. cohortes inde ad exercitum redire L. Cornelius consul iussit. — legati ab Ptolomaeo et Cleopatra regibus Aegypti gratulantes, quod M'.
3.9. Ambassadors from Ptolemy and Cleopatra, rulers of Egypt, came with congratulations because Manius Acilius the consul had driven King Antiochus out of Greece, and with recommendations that they should transport the army into Asia:
3.9. Acilius consul Antiochum regem Graecia expulisset, venerunt adhortantesque, ut in Asiam exercitum traicerent:
3.10. everything was in a confusion of terror, they said, not only in Asia but even in Syria; the rulers of Egypt were prepared for whatever the senate might order.
3.10. omnia perculsa metu non in Asia modo sed etiam in Syria esse; reges Aegypti ad ea, quae censuisset senatus, paratos fore.
3.11. Thanks were extended to the rulers; each of the ambassadors received, in accordance with orders issued, a present of four thousand asses.
3.11. gratiae regibus actae; legatis munera dari iussa in singulos quaternum milium aeris.
4.1. Lucius Cornelius the consul, having finished what had to be done in Rome, issued his edict before the assembly that the soldiers whom he personally had enlisted as reinforcements and those who were among the Brutti with Aulus Cornelius the propraetor should all assemble on the Ides of July at Brundisium.
4.1. L. Cornelius consul peractis, quae Romae agenda erant, pro contione edixit, ut milites, quos ipse in supplementum scripsisset, quique in Bruttiis cum A. Cornelio propraetore essent, ut hi omnes idibus Quinctilibus Brundisium convenirent.
4.2. He named also three lieutenants, Sextus Digitius, Lucius Apustius and Gaius Fabricius Luscinus, who were to collect ships at Brundisium from all along the sea-coast; and having now made everything ready set out from the City in uniform. About five thousand volunteers, Romans and allies, who had earned their discharges under the command of Publius Africanus, attended the consul as he was setting out and gave in their names for service with him. About the time the consul departed to the war, during the ludi Apollinares, on the fifth day before the Ides of July, in a clear sky during the day, the light was dimmed since the moon passed before the circle of the sun.
4.2. item tres legatos nominavit, Sex. Digitium L. Apustium C. Fabricium Luscinum, qui ex ora maritima undique navis Brundisium contraherent; et omnibus iam paratis paludatus ab urbe est profectus. ad quinque milia voluntariorum, Romani sociique, qui emerita stipendia sub imperatore P. Africano habebant, praesto fuere exeunti consuli et nomina dederunt.
4.4. Lucius Aemilius Regillus, to whom the naval appointment had fallen, also departed at the same time. Lucius Aurunculeius was entrusted by the senate with the task of building thirty quinqueremes and twenty triremes, since the rumour was that Antiochus after the naval battle was fitting out a very much larger fleet. The Aetolians, after their ambassadors had brought back the word from Rome that there was no hope for peace, although their whole coast which faces the Peloponnesus had been ravaged by the Achaeans, thinking more of their danger than of their losses, in order to bar the road against the Romans, seized Mount Corax; for they had no doubt that they would return at the beginning of spring to besiege Naupactus. Acilius, because he knew that this was their expectation, thought it better to try something unforeseen and to attack Lamia; for the people had both been brought nigh to destruction by Philip and, just because at that time they feared nothing of the kind, he thought that they could be more easily taken by
4.4. per eos dies, quibus est profectus ad bellum consul, ludis Apollinaribus, a. d. quintum idus Quinctiles caelo sereno interdiu obscurata lux est, cum luna sub orbem solis subisset. et L. Aemilius Regillus, cui navalis provincia evenerat, eodem tempore profectus est. L. Aurunculeio negotium ab senatu datum est, ut triginta quinqueremes, viginti triremes faceret, quia fama erat Antiochum post proelium navale maiorem classem aliquanto reparare. Aetoli, postquam legati ab Roma rettulerunt nullam spem pacis esse, quamquam omnis ora maritima eorum, quae in Peloponnesum versa est, depopulata ab Achaeis erat, periculi magis quam damni memores, ut Romanis intercluderent iter, Coracem occupaverunt montem: neque enim dubitabant ad oppugnationem Naupacti eos principio veris redituros esse. Acilio, quia id expectari sciebat, satius visum est inopinatam adgredi rem et Lamiam oppugnare:
4.9. surprise. Setting out from Elatia he first encamped in hostile territory near the Spercheus river; thence he moved his standards by night and at daybreak attacked the walls from a girdle of entrenchments.
4.9. nam et a Philippo prope ad excidium adductos esse, et tunc eo ipso, quod nihil tale timerent, opprimi incautos posse. profectus ab Elatia primum in hostium terra circa Spercheum amnem posuit castra; inde nocte motis signis prima luce corona moenia est adgressus.
5.1. There was great panic and excitement, as is natural when something unexpected occurs. Nevertheless, with greater resolution than one would think they would display in such a sudden peril, while the men fought before the walls and the women were carrying weapons of all kinds and stones to the walls, though scaling ladders were now being brought up on all sides, they defended the city on that day.
5.1. magnus pavor ac tumultus, ut in re improvisa, fuit. constantius tamen, quam quis facturos crederet, in tam subito periculo, cum viri propugnarent, feminae tela omnis generis saxaque in muros gererent, iam multifariam scalis appositis urbem eo die defenderunt.
5.2. Acilius sounded the recall and led his troops back into camp about noon; and then, when they had restored their bodies with food and rest, before he dismissed the council he issued orders that they should be armed and ready before daybreak; unless they took the city he would not lead them back into camp.
5.2. Acilius signo receptui dato suos in castra medio ferme die reduxit; et tunc cibo et quiete refectis corporibus, priusquam praetorium dimitteret, denuntiavit, ut ante lucem armati paratique essent; nisi expugnata urbe se eos in castra non reducturum.
5.3. At the same time as the day before he attacked from several directions, and since the townspeople were by now lacking in strength, in weapons, and before all in courage, within a few hours he took the city.
5.3. eodem tempore, quo pridie, pluribus locis adgressus, cum oppidanos iam vires, iam tela, iam ante omnia animus deficeret, intra paucas horas urbem cepit. ibi partim divendita partim divisa praeda, consilium habitum, quid deinde faceret.
5.4. There, selling part of the plunder and dividing part among the troops, he held a council to determine what they should do next. No one urged that they move on Naupactus, the pass over Corax being held by the Aetolians. Nevertheless, that the summer might not be spent in inactivity, and that the Aetolians might not, through his delay, none the less enjoy a peace which the senate had not granted, Acilius decided to attack Amphissa. From Heraclea the army was led over Oeta.
5.4. nemini ad Naupactum iri placuit occupato ad Coracem ab Aetolis saltu. ne tamen segnia aestiva essent et Aetoli non impetratam pacem ab senatu nihilo minus per suam cunctationem haberent, oppugnare Acilius Amphissam statuit. ab Heraclea per Oetam exercitus eo deductus.
5.5. When he had made camp before the walls he did not begin to attack the city by encirclement, as at Lamia, but by siege-engines. The battering-rams were moved up in several places at once, and when the walls were shaken the townspeople did not try to prepare or devise anything against engines of this kind;
5.5. cum ad moenia castra posuisset, non corona, sicut Lamiam, sed operibus oppugnare urbem est adortus. pluribus simul locis aries admovebatur, et cum quaterentur muri, nihil adversus tale machinationis genus parare aut comminisci oppidani conabantur;
5.6. all their hopes were in arms and daring; with frequent sallies they threw into confusion not only the outguards of the enemy but the men who were around the earth-works and the engines.
5.6. omnis spes in armis et audacia erat: eruptionibus crebris et stationes hostium et eos ipsos, qui circa opera et machinas erant, turbabant.
6.1. Yet in many places the wall had been overthrown when the word was brought that the new consul had disembarked at Apollonia and was marching through Epirus and Thessaly.
6.1. multis tamen locis decussus murus erat, cum adlatum est successorem Apolloniae exposito exercitu per Epirum ac Thessaliam venire.
6.2. The consul had with him thirteen thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry. He had already arrived at the Malian gulf; and sending messengers ahead to Hypata to order the city to surrender, when they replied that they would do nothing except in accord with the general decision of the Aetolians, that the siege of Hypata might not detain him while Amphissa was as yet uncaptured, he sent his brother Africanus in advance and led the army to Amphissa.
6.2. cum tredecim milibus peditum et quingentis equitibus consul veniebat. iam in sinum Maliacum venerat; et praemissis Hypatam, qui tradere urbem, iuberent, postquam nihil responsum est nisi ex communi Aetolorum decreto facturos, ne teneret se oppugnatio Hypatae nondum Amphissa recepta, praemisso fratre Africano Amphissam ducit.
6.3. At their coming the citizens abandoned the town —for it was in large part stripped of its defences —and retired, armed and unarmed together, to the citadel, which they held impossible to capture.
6.3. sub adventum eorum oppidani relicta urbe — iam enim magna ex parte moenibus nudata erat — in arcem, quam inexpugnabilem habent, omnes armati atque inermes concessere.
6.4. The consul pitched camp about six miles away from there. Thither came Athenian envoys, first to Publius Scipio, who had preceded the main body, as has been said before, then to the consul, interceding for the Aetolians.
6.4. consul sex milia fere passuum inde posuit castra. eo legati Athenienses primum ad P. Scipionem praegressum agmen, sicut ante dictum est, deinde ad consulem venerunt, deprecantes pro Aetolis.
6.5. They received a fairly amicable response from Africanus, who was looking for an occasion for an honourable withdrawal from the Aetolian campaign, with his eyes on Asia and King Antiochus, and had ordered the Athenians to urge not only the Romans to prefer peace to war, but also the Aetolians.
6.5. clementius responsum ab Africano tulerunt, qui causam relinquendi honeste Aetolici belli quaerens Asiam et regem Antiochum spectabat, iusseratque Athenienses non Romanis solum, ut pacem bello praeferrent, sed etiam Aetolis persuadere.
6.6. Quickly, on the advice of the Athenians, a large delegation of Aetolians came from Hypata, and the words of Africanus, to whom they first addressed themselves, increased their hopes of peace, as he reminded them of the many tribes and peoples, first in Spain, later in Africa, who had put themselves under his protection; in all these he had left more conspicuous monuments of his kindness and generosity than of his military renown.
6.6. celeriter auctoribus Atheniensibus frequens ab Hypata legatio Aetolorum venit, et spem pacis eis sermo etiam Africani, quem priorem adierunt, auxit, commemorantis multas gentes populosque in Hispania prius, deinde in Africa in fidem suam venisse; in omnibus se maiora clementiae benignitatisque quam virtutis bellicae monumenta reliquisse.
6.7. The matter seemed settled, when the consul, on being addressed, quoted the response by which they had been rebuffed by the senate. When the Aetolians were dealt this unexpected blow —for they saw that nothing had been accomplished either by the embassy of the Athenians or by the generous reply of Africanus —they said that they wished to consult their people.
6.7. perfecta videbatur res, cum aditus consul idem illud responsum rettulit, quo fugati ab senatu erant. eo tamquam novo cum icti Aetoli essent — nihil enim nec legatione Atheniensium nec placido Africani responso profectum videbant —, referre ad suos dixerunt velle.
7.1. They returned thence to Hypata; nor was a decision easy to reach; for there was no source from which a thousand talents could be paid, and they were afraid that if “full discretion” were granted they would suffer personal violence.
7.1. reditum inde Hypatam est, nec consilium expediebatur: nam neque, unde mille talentum daretur, erat, et permisso libero arbitrio ne in corpora sua saeviretur, metuebant.
7.2. They therefore directed the same ambassadors to return to the consul and Africanus and to ask that if they wished to grant peace in reality, not merely to dangle it before them, deluding the hopes of the unfortunate, they would either diminish the amount of the indemnity or would order that an exception regarding their persons be made.
7.2. redire itaque eosdem legatos ad consulem et Africanum iusserunt et petere, ut, si dare vere pacem, non tantum ostendere, frustrantes spem miserorum, vellent, aut ex summa pecuniae demerent aut permissionem extra civium corpora fieri iuberent.
7.3. Nothing was obtained in the way of a change on the consul's part; and this embassy also was dismissed without result.
7.3. nihil impetratum ut mutaret consul; et ea quoque irrita legatio dimissa est.
7.4. The Athenians followed; and Echedemus, the leader of their embassy, brought back hope to the Aetolians, wearied by so many repulses and bewailing with useless lamentations the ill-fate of their race, by suggesting that they ask an armistice for six months that envoys might be sent to Rome;
7.4. secuti et Athenienses sunt; et princeps legationis eorum Echedemus fatigatos tot repulsis Aetolos et complorantis inutili lamentatione fortunam gentis ad spem revocavit auctor indutias sex mensium petendi, ut legatos mittere Romam possent:
7.5. the delay would add nothing to their present misfortunes, since these were extreme; many things might happen in the intervening time to relieve their immediate calamity.
7.5. dilationem nihil ad praesentia mala, quippe quae ultima essent, adiecturam; levari per multos casus tempore interposito praesentis clades posse.
7.6. On the proposal of Echedemus the same men were sent; they first met Publius Scipio, through whose intervention they obtained from the consul an armistice for the period which they asked.
7.6. auctore Echedemo idem missi; prius P. Scipione convento, per eum indutias temporis eius, quod petebant, ab consule impetraverunt.
7.7. And the siege of Amphissa being raised, Manius Acilius turned his army over to the consul and left the province, and from Amphissa the consul went back into Thessaly, in order to conduct the army through Macedonia and Thrace into Asia.
7.7. et soluta obsidione Amphissae M'. Acilius tradito consuli exercitu provincia decessit, et consul ab Amphissa Thessaliam repetit, ut per Macedoniam Thraeciamque duceret in Asiam.
7.8. Then Africanus addressed his brother: “The route which you propose to follow, Lucius Scipio, I likewise approve;”
7.8. tum Africanus fratri:”iter, quod insistis, L. Scipio, ego quoque approbo;
7.9. “but it all hangs on the good-will of Philip, if he is loyal to our empire and will furnish us a safe passage and supplies and everything which feeds and aids an army on a long march; if he fails us, there will be no real security in going through Thrace; therefore my first counsel is to test the attitude of the king.”
7.9. sed totum id vertitur in voluntate Philippi, qui si imperio nostro fidus est, et iter et commeatus et omnia, quae in longo itinere exercitus alunt iuvantque, nobis suppeditabit; si is destituat, nihil per Thraeciam satis tutum habebis:
7.10. “It will be most successfully tested if the man who is sent finds him doing nothing in anticipation of such a visit.”
7.10. itaque prius regis animum explorari placet. optime explorabitur, si nihil ex praeparato agentem opprimet qui mittetur.
7.11. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, by far the most energetic of the young men of the time, was chosen for this errand and, using relays of horses, with almost unbelievable speed, from Amphissa —for he was sent from there —on the third day reached Pella.
7.11. “Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, longe tum acerrimus iuvenum, ad id delectus per dispositos equos prope incredibili celeritate ab Amphissa — inde enim est dimissus — die tertio Pellam pervenit.
7.12. The king was at a banquet and had gone far with his drinking; this very cheerfulness of mind relieved all anxiety that Philip planned to make any new trouble.
7.12. in convivio rex erat et in multum vini processerat: ea ipsa remissio animi suspicionem dempsit novare eum quicquam velle.
7.13. And at that time the guest was graciously welcomed, and the next day he saw supplies in abundance prepared for the army, bridges built over the rivers, roads constructed where travel was difficult. Taking back this information, with the same speed as on his journey hither, he met the consul at Thaumaci.
7.13. et tum quidem comiter acceptus hospes, postero die commeatus exercitui paratos benigne, pontes in fluminibus factos, vias, ubi transitus difficiles erant, munitas vidit.
7.14. From there the army, rejoicing to find its hopes surer and greater, reached Macedonia, where everything was in readiness.
7.14. haec referens eadem, qua ierat, celeritate Thaumacis occurrit consuli. inde certiore et maiore spe laetus exercitus ad praeparata omnia in Macedoniam pervenit.
7.15. As they drew near the king welcomed them and escorted them in royal state. There were seen in him many signs both of efficiency and of courtesy, which served to recommend him to Africanus, a man who, eminent as he was in every way, was not averse to courtesy, provided that it was without luxury.
7.15. venientis regio apparatu et accepit et prosecutus est rex. multa in eo et dexteritas et humanitas visa, quae commendabilia apud Africanum erant, virum sicut ad cetera egregium, ita a comitate, quae sine luxuria esset, non aversum.
7.16. Thence not only through Macedonia but also through Thrace, with Philip escorting them and making everything easy for them, the journey to the Hellespont was accomplished.
7.16. inde non per Macedoniam modo sed etiam Thraeciam prosequente et praeparante omnia Philippo ad Hellespontum perventum est.
8.1. Antiochus, after the naval battle off Corycus, when he had spent all the free winter period in preparations on land and sea, had devoted most energy to refitting his fleet, that he might not lose entirely his control of the sea.
8.1. Antiochus post navalem ad Corycum pugnam cum totam hiemem liberam in apparatus terrestris maritimosque habuisset, classi maxume reparandae, ne tota maris possessione pelleretur, intentus fuerat.
8.2. It came to his mind that he had been defeated when the fleet of the Rhodians was absent; but if this —and the Rhodians would not let it happen again that they should be behind-hand —should also be present at a battle, he would need a great number of ships to equal the fleet of the enemy in strength and size.
8.2. succurrebat superatum se, cum classis afuisset Rhodiorum; quodsi ea quoque — nec commissuros Rhodios, ut iterum morarentur — certamini adesset, magno sibi navium numero opus fore, ut viribus et magnitudine classem hostium aequaret.
8.3. So he had both despatched Hannibal to Syria to summon ships of the Phoenicians and ordered Polyxenidas, as he had been none too successful before, so to make the greater efforts in equipping the ships that remained and in assembling new ones.
8.3. itaque et Hannibalem in Syriam miserat ad Phoenicum accersendas naves, et Polyxenidam, quo minus prospere res gesta erat, eo enixius et eas, quae erant, reficere et alias parare naves iussit.
8.4. He himself wintered in Phrygia, summoning allies from all sides. He had sent even to Galatia; the inhabitants at that time were of a warlike disposition, still retaining their Gallic tempers, the native strain having not yet disappeared.
8.4. ipse in Phrygia hibernavit, undique auxilia accersens. etiam in Gallograeciam miserat: bellicosiores ea tempestate erant, Gallicos adhuc, nondum exoleta stirpe gentis, servantes animos.
8.5. He had left his son Seleucus in Aeolis to hold in check the cities on the coast which on one side Eumenes from Pergamum and on the other the Romans from Phocaea and Erythrae were trying to rouse.
8.5. filium Seleucum in Aeolide reliquerat cum exercitu ad maritimas continendas urbes, quas illinc a Pergamo Eumenes, hinc a Phocaea Erythrisque Romani sollicitabant.
8.6. The Roman fleet, as has been said above, was wintering at Canae; there, about the middle of the winter, King Eumenes came with two thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry.
8.6. classis Romana, sicut ante dictum est, ad Canas hibernabat; eo media ferme hieme rex Eumenes cum duobus milibus peditum, equitibus quingentis venit.
8.7. When he said that a great quantity of booty could be secured from the country of the enemy around Thyatira, he urged and finally persuaded Livius to send five thousand men with him. They were sent and within a few days carried off a huge amount of plunder.
8.7. is cum magnam praedam agi posse dixisset ex agro hostium, qui circa Thyatiram esset, hortando perpulit Livium, ut quinque milia militum secum mitteret. missi ingentem praedam intra paucos dies averterunt.
9.1. Meanwhile an uprising began at Phocaea when certain persons tried to draw away the sympathies of the crowd to Antiochus.
9.1. inter haec Phocaeae seditio orta quibusdam ad Antiochum multitudinis animos avocantibus.
9.2. The quartering of the ships was a burden, the tribute was a burden, since five hundred outer-garments with five hundred under-garments had been demanded of them; the shortage of grain was another burden, on account of which the fleet too and the Roman garrison departed.
9.2. gravia hiberna navium erant, grave tributum, quod togae quingentae imperatae erant cum quingentis tunicis, gravis etiam inopia frumenti, propter quam naves quoque et praesidium Romanum excessit, tum vero liberata metu factio erat, quae plebem in contionibus ad Antiochum trahebat;
9.4. Then indeed the faction which was trying to win the people over to Antiochus in their public meetings was freed from fear; the senate and the nobility thought that they should persist in the Roman alliance; the party which urged revolt was stronger with the mass of the people.
9.4. senatus et optimates in Romana societate perstandum censebant; defectionis auctores plus apud multitudinem valuerunt.
9.5. The Rhodians, the greater their delay the preceding summer, the earlier now, namely, at the spring equinox, placed the same Pausistratus in charge of the fleet and despatched him with thirty-six ships.
9.5. Rhodii, quo magis cessatum priore aestate erat, eo maturius aequinoctio verno eundem Pausistratum classis praefectum cum sex et triginta navibus miserunt.
9.6. Already Livius from Canae, with his own thirty ships and seven quadriremes which King Eumenes had brought with him, was on his way to the Hellespont, that he might make everything ready for the crossing of the army, which, he thought, would come by land.
9.6. iam Livius a Canis cum triginta navibus et septem quadriremibus, quas secum Eumenes rex adduxerat, Hellespontum petebat, ut ad transitum exercitus, quem terra venturum opinabatur, praepararet, quae opus essent.
9.7. He first brought the ships into what they call the harbour of the Achaeans, thence he went up to Ilium, and after sacrificing to Minerva gave a gracious audience to embassies from Elaeus and Dardanus and Rhoeteum offering to entrust their cities to his good faith.
9.7. in portum, quem vocant Achaeorum, classem primum advertit; inde Ilium escendit, sacrificioque Minervae facto legationes finitimas ab Elaeunte et Dardano et Rhoeteo, tradentis in fidem civitatis suas, benigne audivit.
9.8. Thence he sailed to the entrance to the Hellespont, and leaving ten ships on guard off Abydus crossed with the rest of the fleet to lay siege to Sestus.
9.8. inde ad Hellesponti fauces navigat et decem navibus in statione contra Abydum relictis cetera classe in Europam ad Sestum oppugnandam traiecit.
9.9. When the soldiers were already approaching the walls, some fanatical Galli with their ritual dress first met them before the gate; they said that by the order of the Mother of the Gods they, the servants of the goddess, were coming to implore the Romans to spare the walls and the city.
9.9. iam subeuntibus armatis muros fanatici Galli primum cum sollemni habitu ante portam occurrunt; iussu se matris deum famulos deae venire memorant ad precandum Romanum, ut parceret moenibus urbique.
9.10. None of them was injured. Presently the whole senate with the magistrates came to surrender the city. Then the fleet crossed to Abydus.
9.10. nemo eorum violatus est. mox universus senatus cum magistratibus ad dedendam urbem processit.
9.11. After trying their disposition in conferences and receiving no pacific reply, they prepared for a siege.
9.11. inde Abydum traiecta classis. ubi cum temptatis per colloquia animis nihil pacati responderetur, ad oppugnationem sese expediebant.
10.1. While this was going on in the Hellespont, Polyxenidas the king's prefect —he was an exile from Rhodes —hearing that the fleet of his countrymen had left home and that their commander Pausistratus, while haranguing the assembly, had spoken haughtily and contemptuously about him, feeling a peculiar jealousy towards him, thought of nothing by day or night except how he might employ deeds to refute these high-sounding words.
10.1. dum haec in Hellesponto geruntur, Polyxenidas regius praefectus — erat autem exul Rhodius — cum audisset profectam ab domo popularium suorum classem, et Pausistratum praefectum superbe quaedam et contemptim in se contionantem dixisse, praecipuo certamine animi adversus eum sumpto nihil aliud dies noctesque agitabat animo, quam ut verba magnifica eius rebus confutaret.
10.3. He sent to him a man, who was also well-known to him, to say that he could be of great service to Pausistratus and the country if he were permitted, and could be restored by Pausistratus to his home.
10.3. mittit ad eum hominem et illi notum, qui diceret et se Pausistrato patriaeque suae magno usui, si liceat, fore, et a Pausistrato se restitui in patriam posse.
10.4. When Pausistratus in wonder asked how this could be done, the man asked and received a pledge to co-operate in the business or to bury it in silence.
10.4. cum, quonam modo ea fieri possent, mirabundus Pausistratus percunctaretur, fidem petenti dedit agendae communiter rei aut tegendae silentio.
10.5. Then the go-between said this: Polyxenidas would surrender to him the royal fleet, either the whole or the greater part of it; as reward for so great a service he stipulated nothing else than restoration to his fatherland. The importance of the matter caused Pausistratus neither to believe nor to scorn the message.
10.5. tum internuntius: regiam classem aut totam aut maiorem eius partem Polyxenidam traditurum ei; pretium tanti meriti nullum aliud pacisci quam reditum in patriam.
10.6. He sailed to Panhormus in the land of Samos and waited there to investigate the offer that had been made.
10.6. magnitudo rei nec ut crederet nec ut aspernaretur dicta effecit. Panhormum Samiae terrae petit, ibique ad explorandam rem, quae oblata erat, substitit.
10.7. Messengers travelled back and forth, nor was Pausistratus convinced until in the presence of his agent Polyxenidas with his own hand wrote that he would do what he had promised, and sealing the tablets with his own device sent them to him.
10.7. ultro citroque nuntii cursare, nec fides ante Pausistrato facta est, quam coram nuntio eius Polyxenidas sua manu scripsit se ea, quae pollicitus esset, facturum signoque suo impressas tabellas misit.
10.8. By this pledge he thought that the traitor was bound to him: for a man who lived under a king would not have permitted himself to give proofs, attested by his own hand, to be used against himself. The plan of carrying out the pretended treachery was then settled..
10.8. eo vero pignore velut auctoratum sibi proditorem ratus est: neque enim eum, qui sub rege viveret, commissurum fuisse, ut adversus semet ipsum indicia manu sua testata daret.
10.9. Polyxenidas said that he would give over the preparation of everything; he would not have rowers or naval allies in sufficient numbers with the fleet; he would draw up on shore certain ships under pretence of repairing them and would send others away to neighbouring ports;
10.9. inde ratio simulatae proditionis composita. omnium se rerum apparatum omissurum Polyxenidas dicere; non remigem, non socios navalis ad classem frequentis habiturum;
10.10. a few he would keep before the harbour of Ephesus in the open sea, and these, if conditions demanded it, he would expose to battle.
10.10. subducturum per simulationem reficiendi quasdam naves, alias in propinquos portus dimissurum; paucas ante portum Ephesi in salo habiturum, quas, si exire res cogeret, obiecturus certamini foret.
10.11. The same carelessness which he heard that Polyxenidas would adopt in his own fleet, Pausistratus at once himself put into practice, sending part of the fleet to collect stores at Halicarnassus and part to the city of Samos, and he himself remained at Panhormus, to be ready when he received from the traitor the signal to attack.
10.11. quam neglegentiam Polyxenidam in classe sua habiturum Pausistratus audivit, eam ipse extemplo habuit. partem navium ad commeatus accersendos Halicarnassum, partem Samum ad urbem misit, … ut paratus esset, cum signum adgrediendi a proditore accepisset.
10.12. Polyxenidas by trickery added to his confusion of mind; he beached some ships and fitted up dock-yards as if he were on the point of drawing up others; the rowers he did not summon from winter quarters to Ephesus but collected secretly at Magnesia.
10.12. Polyxenidas augere simulando errorem; subducit quasdam naves, alias velut subducturus esset, navalia reficit; remiges ex hibernis non Ephesum accersit, sed Magnesiam occulte cogit.
11.1. There was a certain soldier of Antiochus who had come to Samos on private business, and was arrested as a spy and taken to Panhormus to the prefect.
11.1. forte quidam Antiochi miles, cum Samum rei privatae causa venisset, pro speculatore deprehensus deducitur Panhormum ad praefectum.
11.2. When the prefect asked what was going on at Ephesus —it is uncertain whether it was because of fear or from disloyalty to his own people —he revealed everything: the fleet, arrayed and equipped, was in the harbour; all the rowers had been sent to Magnesia; a few ships had been beached and the docks dismantled; never had greater energy been devoted to naval matters. That this story was not accepted as the truth was due to a mind preoccupied with falsehood and delusive hope.
11.2. is percunctanti, quid Ephesi ageretur, incertum metu an erga suos haud sincera fide, omnia aperit: classem instructam paratamque in portu stare; remigium omne Magnesiam [ad Sipylum] missum; perpaucas naves subductas esse et navalia detegi; numquam intentius rem navalem administratam esse.
11.4. Polyxenidas, having now completed his arrangements and summoned the rowers by night from Magnesia, hastily launched the ships which had been drawn up on the shore, and when he had spent a day not so much in preparation as because he did not want the departing fleet to be seen, he set out after sunset, the wind being favourable, with seventy decked ships and before daylight reached the harbour of Pygela.
11.4. haec ne pro veris audirentur, animus errore et spe vana praeoccupatus fecit. Polyxenidas satis omnibus comparatis, nocte remige a Magnesia accersito, deductisque raptim, quae subductae erant, navibus, cum diem non tam apparatu absumpsisset, quam quod conspici proficiscentem classem nolebat, post solis occasum profectus septuaginta navibus tectis vento adverso ante lucem Pygela portum tenuit.
11.5. He rested there by day for the same reason and during the next night crossed to the Samian country.
11.5. ibi cum interdiu ob eandem causam quiesset, nocte in proxima Samiae terrae traiecit.
11.6. Then he directed Nicander, a certain pirate chief, to proceed to Palinurus with five decked ships and then to lead the marines by the shortest road through the fields to Panhormus to take the enemy in the rear, and he himself in the meantime, dividing the fleet that he might hold the entrance to the harbour on both sides, set out for Panhormus.
11.6. hinc Nicandro quodam archipirata quinque navibus tectis Palinurum iusso petere, atque inde armatos, qua proximum per agros iter esset, Panhormum ad tergum hostium ducere, ipse interim classe divisa, ut ex utraque parte fauces portus teneret, Panhormum petit.
11.7. Pausistratus at first, as one in an unexpected situation, was terrified for a while, then, being a veteran soldier, he quickly collected his thoughts and decided that it was better to resist the enemy on land than on sea, and led the troops in two columns to the promontories which, like horns projecting into the sea, form the harbour, expecting to repel the enemy easily with weapons falling upon them from both sides.
11.7. Pausistratus primo ut in re necopinata turbatus parumper, deinde vetus miles celeriter collecto animo terra melius arceri quam mari hostes posse ratus, armatos duobus agminibus ad promunturia, quae cornibus obiectis ab alto portum faciunt, ducit, inde facile telis ancipitibus hostem summoturus.
11.8. When the sight of Nicander, coming by land, had upset this plan, he suddenly changed his intention and ordered them all to go aboard the ships.
11.8. id inceptum eius Nicander a terra visus cum turbasset, repente mutato consilio naves conscendere omnis iubet.
11.9. Then there was great confusion among the marines and sailors, and a sort of flight to the ships began, when they saw themselves surrounded by land and sea at once.
11.9. tum vero ingens pariter militum nautarumque trepidatio orta, et velut fuga in naves fieri, cum se mari terraque simul cernerent circumventos.
11.10. Pausistratus thought that there was one way of safety, if he could force a way through the entrance of the harbour and escape into the open sea, and when he saw that all had embarked he ordered the rest to follow him, and at the head of the columns urging his ship forward with the oars, he made for the entrance of the harbour.
11.10. Pausistratus unam viam salutis esse ratus, si vim facere per fauces portus atque erumpere in mare apertum posset, postquam conscendisse suos vidit, sequi ceteris iussis princeps ipse concitata nave remis ad ostium portus tendit.
11.11. As the ship was passing the entrance Polyxenidas with three quinqueremes surrounded it. The ship was struck by the beaks and sunk; the defenders were overwhelmed with missiles, and among them Pausistratus too, fighting bravely, was killed.
11.11. superantem iam fauces navem eius Polyxenidas tribus quinqueremibus circumsistit. navis rostris icta supprimitur; telis obruuntur propugnatores, inter quos et Pausistratus impigre pugnans interficitur.
11.12. Some of the remaining ships were taken outside the harbour and others inside, and some were captured by Nicander as they were pushing off from the beach;
11.12. navium reliquarum ante portum aliae, aliae, aliae in portu deprensae, quaedam a Nicandro, dum moliuntur a terra, captae;
11.13. only five Rhodian and two Coan ships escaped, making a way for themselves among the crowded vessels by means of the fear of darting flames; for each, with two poles projecting from their prows, carried ahead of it a great quantity of fire in iron drums.
11.13. quinque tantum Rhodiae naves cum duabus Cois effugerunt terrore flammae micantis via sibi inter confertas naves facta: contis enim binis a prora prominentibus trullis ferreis multum conceptum ignem prae se portabant.
11.14. When the triremes of Erythrae had met, not far from Samos, the fleeing Rhodian ships which they were coming to assist, they turned their course toward the Hellespont and the Romans.
11.14. Erythraeae triremes cum haud procul a Samo Rhodiis navibus, quibus ut essent praesidio veniebant, obviae fugientibus fuissent, in Hellespontum ad Romanos cursum averterunt.
11.15. About the same time Seleucus recovered Phocaea, which was betrayed when one gate was opened by the sentinels; and Cyme and other towns of the same region revolted to him from fear.
11.15. sub idem tempus Seleucus proditam Phocaeam porta una per custodes aperta recepit; et Cyme aliaeque eiusdem orae urbes ad eum metu defecerunt.
12.1. When these events were happening in Aeolis and Abydus had for some days withstood the siege, a royal garrison defending the walls, and all were now wearied, with the consent of even Philotas, prefect of the garrison, their magistrates treated with Livius as to the terms for surrendering the city.
12.1. dum haec in Aeolide geruntur, Abydus cum per aliquot dies obsidionem tolerasset praesidio regio tutante moenia, iam omnibus fessis Philota quoque praefecto praesidii permittente magistratus eorum cum Livio de condicionibus tradendae urbis agebant.
12.2. The question that delayed a settlement was that there was no agreement as to whether they should be released armed or unarmed.
12.2. rem distinebat, quod, utrum armati an inermes emitterentur regii, parum conveniebat.
12.3. As they were discussing this the arrival of the announcement of the disaster to the Rhodians caused the matter to pass out of their hands;
12.3. haec agentibus cum intervenisset nuntius Rhodiorum cladis, emissa de manibus res est:
12.4. for Livius, fearing that Polyxenidas, elated by his success in so great an enterprise, would attack the fleet which was at Canae, immediately abandoned the siege of Abydus and the guarding of the Hellespont and launched the ships which had been drawn up on the beach at Canae; Eumenes too came to Elaea.
12.4. metuens enim Livius ne successu tantae rei inflatus Polyxenidas classem, quae ad Canas erat, opprimeret, Abydi obsidione custodiaque Hellesponti extemplo relicta naves, quae subductae Canis erant, deduxit;
12.5. Livius with the entire fleet, to which were added two triremes from Mitylene, sailed for Phocaea. When he heard that this was held by a strong royal garrison and that the camp of Seleucus was not far away, he ravaged the sea-coast and, quickly loading the booty, especially the men, into the ships, waiting only until Eumenes with his fleet should overtake him, he set sail for Samos.
12.5. et Eumenes Elaeam venit. Livius omni classe, cui adiunxerat duas triremes Mitylenaeas, Phocaeam petit. quam cum teneri valido regio praesidio audisset, nec procul Seleuci castra esse, depopulatus maritimam oram, et praeda maxime hominum raptim in naves imposita tantum moratus, dum Eumenes cum classe adsequeretur, Samum petere intendit.
12.7. To the Rhodians the news of the disaster brought at first mingled terror and grief; for besides the destruction of ships and marines, they had lost all the beauty and strength of their youth, many nobles having been attracted, among other things, by the prestige of Pausistratus, which had justly been very great among his people;
12.7. Rhodiis primo audita clades simul pavorem simul luctum ingentem fecit: nam praeter navium militumque iacturam, quod floris, quod roboris in iuventute fuerat, amiserant, multis nobilibus secutis inter cetera auctoritatem Pausistrati, quae inter suos merito maxima erat;
12.8. then the fact that they had been entrapped by guile, and, more than that, by their own fellow-citizen, turned their grief into anger.
12.8. deinde, quod fraude capti, quod a cive potissimum suo forent, in iram luctus vertit.
12.9. They straightway sent ten ships and a few days later ten more, all under the prefect Eudamus, who, they believed, would be a leader in no respect equal to Pausistratus in other military qualities, but the more cautious as he was less high-spirited. The Romans and King Eumenes sailed first to Erythraea.
12.9. decem extemplo naves, et diebus post paucis decem alias praefecto omnium Eudamo miserunt, quem aliis virtutibus bellicis haudquaquam Pausistrato parem, cautiorem, quo minus animi erat, ducem futurum credebant.
12.10. Then, after a wait of one night, on the following day they gained the promontory of Corycus. Wishing to cross from there to the nearest parts of the land of Samos, without waiting for sunrise, so that from it the pilots might be able to judge the state of the heavens, they started out into uncertain weather.
12.10. Romani et Eumenes rex in Erythraeam primum classem applicuerunt. ibi noctem unam morati postero die Corycum [Pelorum] promunturium tenuerunt. inde cum in proxima Samiae vellent traicere, non expectato solis ortu, ex quo statum caeli notare gubernatores possent, in incertam tempestatem miserunt.