12.12. Half-way across, the north-east wind veering to the north, the ships began to be tossed by seas roughened by the wind.
12.12. medio in cursu, aquilone in septentrionem verso, exasperato fluctibus mari iactari coeperunt.
13.1. Polyxenidas thought that the Roman fleet would make for Samos to join the Rhodian ships, and starting from Ephesus first stood off Myonnesus, then crossed to the island which they call Macris, that he might fall upon any individual ship of the passing fleet as it got out of formation or attack the rear of the column at a suitable opportunity.
13.1. Polyxenidas Samum petituros ratus hostis, ut se Rhodiae classi coniungerent, ab Epheso profectus primo ad Myonnesum stetit; inde ad Macrin, quam vocant, insulam traiecit, ut praetervehentis classis si quas aberrantis ex agmine naves posset aut postremum agmen opportune adoriretur.
13.2. When he saw that the fleet was scattered by the storm, he first thought that he had a chance to attack, but a little later, the wind freshening and rolling up even greater waves, since he realized that he could not get to them, he crossed to the island of Aethalia, that thence on the following day he might fall upon the ships which were trying to reach Samos from the sea.
13.2. postquam sparsam tempestate classem vidit, occasionem primo adgrediendi ratus, paulo post increbrescente vento et maiores iam volvente fluctus, quia pervenire se ad eos videbat non posse, ad Aethaliam insulam traiecit, ut inde postero die Samum ex alto petentis navis adgrederetur.
13.4. A small part of the Romans reached at dusk a deserted harbour in Samian territory, the rest of the fleet, tossed all night in the open sea, ran to the same port.
13.4. Romani, pars exigua, primis tenebris portum desertum Samiae tenuerunt, classis cetera nocte tota in alto iactata in eundem portum decurrit.
13.5. There they learned from peasants that the enemy's fleet was standing off Aethalia, and a council was held whether they should fight at once or wait for the Rhodian fleet. Action being postponed —for such was the decision —they crossed to Corycus whence they had come.
13.5. ibi ex agrestibus cognito hostium naves ad Aethaliam stare, consilium habitum, utrum extemplo decernerent, an Rhodiam expectarent classem. dilata re — ita enim placuit — Corycum, unde venerant, traiecerunt.
13.6. Polyxenidas also, after waiting in vain, returned to Ephesus. Then the Roman fleet, the sea being empty of the enemy, crossed to Samos.
13.6. Polyxenidas quoque, cum frustra stetisset, Ephesum rediit. tum Romanae naves vacuo ab hostibus mari Samum traiecerunt.
13.7. The Rhodian fleet also arrived at the same place a few days later, and thus, to make it clear that this was what they were awaiting, a start was immediately made for Ephesus, that they might either fight a naval battle or, if the enemy declined the engagement, which was a matter of great import for its effect on the dispositions of the cities, they might wrest from him an admission of cowardice.
13.7. eodem et Rhodia classis post dies paucos venit. quam ut expectatam esse appareret, profecti extemplo sunt Ephesum, ut aut decernerent navali certamine, aut, si detractaret hostis pugnam, quod plurimum intererat ad animos civitatium, timoris confessionem exprimerent.
13.8. They took their position facing the entrance to the harbour with the fleet drawn up in order of battle. When no one came out to meet them, the fleet divided, and part remained at anchor in the open sea opposite the entrance, part landed the marines on the coast.
13.8. contra fauces portus instructa in frontem navium acie stetere. postquam nemo adversus ibat, classe divisa pars in salo ad ostium portus in ancoris stetit, pars in terram milites exposuit.
13.9. And when they were bringing in a vast amount of booty, having devastated the country far and wide, Andronicus the Macedonian, who was in the garrison at Ephesus, made a sally as they approached the walls, and stripping them of a large part of their plunder drove them to the sea and the ships.
13.9. in eos iam ingentem praedam late depopulato agro agentis Andronicus Macedo, qui in praesidio Ephesi erat, iam moenibus appropinquantis eruptionem fecit, exutosque magna parte praedae ad mare ac naves redegit.
13.10. On the next day, placing an ambuscade at about the half-way point, the Romans marched in column towards the city to draw out the Macedonian; then, since the very suspicion that this would be done prevented anyone from coming out, they returned to the ships; and, the enemy avoiding battle on land and sea, the fleet returned to Samos, whence it had come.
13.10. postero die insidiis medio ferme viae positis ad eliciendum extra moenia Macedonem Romani ad urbem agmine iere; inde, cum ea ipsa suspicio, ne quis exiret, deterruisset, redierunt ad naves;
13.11. Then the praetor sent two triremes of the allies from Italy and two from Rhodes, with Epicrates the Rhodian in command, to defend the strait of Cephallania.
13.11. et terra marique fugientibus certamen hostibus Samum, unde venerat, classis repetit. inde duas sociorum ex Italia, duas Rhodias triremes cum praefecto Epicrate Rhodio ad fretum Cephallaniae tuendum praetor misit.
13.12. The Spartan Hybristas with the young men of the Cephallanians was making this dangerous with his piracy, and the sea was already closed to supplies from Italy.
13.12. infestum id latrocinio Lacedaemonius Hybristas cum iuventute Cephallanum faciebat, clausumque iam mare commeatibus Italicis erat.
14.1. At Piraeus Epicrates met Lucius Aemilius Regillus, who was taking over the command on the sea; and on hearing of the defeat of the Rhodians, since he himself had only two quinqueremes, he took Epicrates with his four ships back to Asia with him; open Athenian vessels also accompanied him.
14.1. Piraei L. Aemilio Regillo succedenti ad navale imperium Epicrates occurrit; qui audita clade Rhodiorum, cum ipse duas tantum quinqueremes haberet, Epicratem cum quattuor navibus in Asiam secum reduxit; prosecutae etiam apertae Atheniensium naves sunt.
14.3. In the Aegean sea they crossed to Chios. There Timasicrates the Rhodian came on a stormy night with two quadriremes from Samos, and when brought in to Aemilius he said that he had been sent as an escort because this coast of the sea was made dangerous to cargo-boats because of the frequent raids of the king's ships from the Hellespont and Abydus. As Aemilius was crossing from Chios to Samos, he was joined by two Rhodian quadriremes sent by Livius to meet him, and by King Eumenes with two quinqueremes.
14.3. Aegaeo mari traiecit Chium. eodem Timasicrates Rhodius cum duabus quadriremibus ab Samo nocte intempesta venit, deductusque ad Aemilium praesidii causa se missum ait, quod eam oram maris infestam onerariis regiae naves excursionibus crebris ab Hellesponto atque Abydo facerent.
14.4. When they reached Samos Aemilius took over the fleet from Livius and after duly performing the sacrifice in the usual way called a council. There Gaius Livius —for he was the first to be asked his opinion —said that no one could give more loyal advice than the man who, if he were in the same situation, would have done what he advised the other to do:
14.4. traicienti Aemilio a Chio Samum duae Rhodiae quadriremes, missae obviam ab Livio, et rex Eumenes cum duabus quinqueremibus occurrit.
14.5. he had it in mind to proceed to Ephesus with the entire fleet, taking along numerous cargo-boats heavily loaded with sand, and to sink them at the mouth of the harbour; the closing of the harbour would involve the less difficulty because the mouth of the harbour was like a river, long, narrow, and full of shoals. Thus they would have taken away from the enemy the use of the sea and immobilized his fleet.
14.5. Samum postquam ventum est, accepta ab Livio classe et sacrificio, ut adsolet, rite facto Aemilius consilium advocavit. ibi C. Livius — is enim est primus rogatus sententiam — neminem fidelius posse dare consilium dixit quam eum, qui id alteri suaderet, quod ipse, si in eodem loco esset, facturus fuerit: se in animo habuisse tota classe Ephesum petere et onerarias ducere multa saburra gravatas, atque eas in faucibus portus supprimere; et eo minoris molimenti ea claustra esse, quod in fluminis modum longum et angustum et vadosum ostium portus sit. ita adempturum se maris usum hostibus fuisse inutilemque classem facturum.
15.1. This suggestion was approved by no one. King Eumenes asked what came next? When they had sunk the ships and closed the gate to the sea, would they then, with the whole fleet released, go away from there to give aid to the allies and cause terror to the enemy or would they none the less block the harbour with the whole fleet?
15.1. nulli ea placere sententia. Eumenes rex quaesivit, quid tandem? ubi demersis navibus frenassent claustra maris, utrum libera sua classe abscessuri inde forent ad opem ferendam sociis terroremque hostibus praebendum, an nihilo minus tota classe portum obsessuri?
15.2. For if they go away, who doubts that the enemy will raise the sunken hulls and open up the harbour with less trouble than was taken to close it? But if they are to stay none the less, what good does it do to close it?
15.2. sive enim abscedant, cui dubium esse, quin hostes extracturi demersas moles sint et minore molimento aperturi portum, quam obstruatur? sin autem manendum ibi nihilo minus sit, quid attinere claudi portum?
15.3. On the contrary, the enemy, enjoying a very safe harbour and a very prosperous city, with Asia supplying their every want, will spend a quiet summer; but the Romans, exposed on the open sea to waves and storms, needing everything, will be continually on guard, themselves hampered and prevented from being able to do anything they want to do except keeping the enemy blockaded.
15.3. quin contra illos, tutissimo portu, opulentissima urbe fruentis, omnia Asia praebente quieta aestiva acturos; Romanos aperto in mari fluctibus tempestatibusque obiectos, omnium inopes, in adsidua statione futuros, ipsos magis adligatos impeditosque, ne quid eorum, quae agenda sint, possint agere, quam ut hostis clausos habeant.
15.5. Eudamus, the commander of the Rhodian fleet, showed that he disliked the proposal rather than announced any plan of his own.
15.5. Eudamus praefectus Rhodiae classis magis eam sibi displicere sententiam ostendit, quam ipse, quid censeret faciendum, dixit.
15.6. Epicrates the Rhodian thought that they should leave Ephesus for the present and send part of the fleet to Lycia and win Patara, the chief city of the country, to their alliance.
15.6. Epicrates Rhodius omissa in praesentia Epheso mittendam navium partem in Lyciam censuit, et Patara, caput gentis, in societatem adiungenda.
15.7. This would be useful in two important respects: first, that the Rhodians, with the lands opposite their island tranquil, could devote all their energies to the one war that was being waged against Antiochus; second, that the fleet which was being assembled in Cilicia could be prevented from joining Polyxenidas. This suggestion carried the greatest weight;
15.7. in duas magnas res id usui fore, et Rhodios pacatis contra insulam suam terris totis viribus incumbere in unius belli, quod adversus Antiochum sit, curam posse, et eam classem, quae in Cilicia comparetur, intercludi, ne Polyxenidae coniungatur.
15.9. nevertheless, it was decided that Regillus should move with the whole fleet to the harbour of Ephesus in order to strike terror into the enemy.
15.9. haec maxime movit sententia; placuit tamen Regillum classe tota evehi ad portum Ephesi ad inferendum hostibus terrorem.
16.1. Gaius Livius with two Roman quinqueremes and four Rhodian quadriremes and two undecked ships from Zmyrna was sent to Lycia, with orders to visit Rhodes first and inform them of the whole plan. The cities which he passed, Miletus, Myndus, Halicarnassus, Cnidus, Cos, willingly executed his orders.
16.1. C. Livius cum duabus quinqueremibus Romanis et quattuor quadriremibus Rhodiis et duabus apertis Zmyrnaeis in Lyciam est missus, Rhodum prius iussus adire et omnia cum iis communicare consilia.
16.2. When he came to Rhodes, at the same time he both explained for what purpose he was sent and asked their advice.
16.2. civitates, quas praetervectus est, Miletus Myndus Halicarnassus Cnidus Cous, imperata enixe fecerunt.
16.3. With the approval of all and the addition of three quadriremes to the fleet which he had, he sailed to Patara. At first a favourable breeze bore them towards the city itself, and they hoped that they would accomplish something by causing a sudden panic; after the wind changed and the sea began to be tossed about with waves rolling this way and that, they did indeed win to the land by the use of their oars despite the wind;
16.3. Rhodum ut ventum est, simul et, ad quam rem missus esset, iis exposuit et consuluit eos. approbantibus cunctis et ad eam, quam habebat classem, adsumptis tribus quadriremibus navigat Patara. primo secundus ventus ad ipsam urbem ferebat eos, sperabantque subito terrore aliquid moturos; postquam circumagente se vento fluctibus dubiis volvi coeptum est mare, pervicerunt quidem remis, ut tenerent terram;
16.5. but they could neither find safe anchorage near the city nor stand off shore before the entrance to the harbour in deep water since the sea was rough and night was coming on.
16.5. sed neque circa urbem tuta statio erat, nec ante ostium portus in salo stare poterant aspero mari et nocte imminente.
16.6. Passing the walls they made for the port of Phoenicus, less than two miles distant from there, which was sheltered for the ships from the violence of the sea;
16.6. praetervecti moenia portum Phoenicunta, minus duum milium spatio inde distantem, petiere, navibus a maritima vi tutum;
16.7. but high cliffs towering above it threatened it, and these the citizens, joining the troops of the king whom they had as a garrison, quickly seized.
16.7. sed altae insuper inminebant rupes, quas celeriter oppidani adsumptis regiis militibus, quos in praesidio habebant, ceperunt.
16.8. Against them Livius, although the country was uneven and difficult to traverse, sent the auxiliaries from Issa and the light-armed young men from Zmyrna.
16.8. adversus quos Livius, quamquam erant iniqua ac difficilia ad exitus loca, Issaeos auxiliares et Zmyrnaeorum expeditos iuvenes misit.
16.9. These, as long as there was a harassing attack with missiles, at the beginning, with small raids against parties of a few men rather than a regular engagement, sustained the contest; when larger numbers were rushing out of the city and now the whole population was pouring forth, fear struck Livius lest the auxiliaries should be surrounded and even the ships endangered from the shore.
16.9. hi, dum missilibus primo et adversus paucos levibus excursionibus lacessebatur magis quam conserebatur pugna, sustinuerunt certamen; postquam plures ex urbe adfluebant, et iam omnis multitudo effundebatur, timor incessit Livium, ne et auxiliares circumvenirentur et navibus etiam ab terra periculum esset.
16.11. So he led out to the fight not only the marines but also the naval allies and even the throng of rowers, using whatever weapons each could find.
16.11. ita non milites solum sed etiam navalis socios, remigum turbam, quibus quisque poterat telis, armatos in proelium eduxit.
16.12. Then also there was a battle of uncertain issue, and not only were some soldiers lost, but Lucius Apustius fell in this desultory fighting; finally, however, the Lycians were routed and put to flight and driven into the city, and the Romans, having won a victory not without bloodshed, returned to their ships.
16.12. tum quoque anceps pugna fuit, neque milites solum aliquot, sed L. Apustius tumultuario proelio cecidit; postremo tamen fusi fugatique sunt Lycii atque in urbem compulsi, et Romani cum haud incruenta victoria ad naves redierunt.
16.13. Then he set out for the gulf of Telmessus, which touches Caria on one side and Lycia on the other, and giving up any design of further action against Patara, the Rhodians were sent home and Livius, skirting Asia, crossed to Greece, in order that after conferring with the Scipios, who were then around Thessaly, he might cross to Italy.
16.13. inde in Telmessicum profecti sinum, qui latere uno Cariam altero Lyciam contingit, omisso … Patara amplius temptandi Rhodii domum dimissi sunt, Livius praetervectus Asiam in Graeciam transmisit, ut conventis Scipionibus, qui tum circa Thessaliam erant, in Italiam traiceret.
17.1. When Aemilius learned that the campaign in Lycia had been abandoned and that Livius had departed for Italy, since he himself had been driven back from Ephesus by a storm and had returned to Samos without accomplishing anything, thinking that it was disgraceful that Patara had been fruitlessly attacked, he determined to proceed thither with his entire fleet and attack the city with all his resources.
17.1. Aemilius postquam omissas in Lycia res et Livium profectum in Italiam cognovit, cum ipse ab Epheso tempestate repulsus irrito incepto Samum revertisset, turpe ratus temptata frustra Patara esse, proficisci eo tota classe et summa vi adgredi urbem statuit.
17.3. Sailing past Miletus and the rest of the coast held by the allies, in the gulf of Bargyliae they marched up inland to Iasus. A garrison belonging to the king held the city; the Romans, in the manner of enemies, devastated the surrounding fields.
17.3. Miletum et ceteram oram sociorum praetervecti in Bargylietico sinu escensionem ad Iasum fecerunt. urbem regium tenebat praesidium; agrum circa Romani hostiliter depopulati sunt.
17.4. Then he sent agents to test the sentiments of the magistrates and important citizens by conferences, and when they replied that it was not at all in their power to decide, he led his troops to attack the city.
17.4. missis deinde, qui per colloquia principum et magistratuum temptarent animos, postquam nihil in potestate sua responderunt esse, ad urbem oppugnandam ducit.
17.5. There were exiles from Iasus among the Romans; and they in great numbers began to appeal to the Rhodians not to allow an innocent city, both neighbouring and related to them, to be destroyed; their own sole cause for exile was their fidelity to the Romans;
17.5. erant Iasensium exules cum Romanis; ii frequentes Rhodios orare institerunt, ne urbem et vicinam sibi et cognatam innoxiam perire sinerent; sibi exilii nullam aliam causam esse quam fidem erga Romanos;
17.6. the same might of the royal garrison, by which they themselves had been driven out, constrained those who remained in the city; there was one single purpose among all the Iasenses, to escape from their enslavement to the king.
17.6. eadem vi regiorum, qua ipsi pulsi sint, teneri eos, qui in urbe maneant; omnium Iasensium unam mentem esse, ut servitutem regiam effugerent.
17.7. The Rhodians, moved by their prayers, and receiving also the support of King Eumenes, both by speaking of their own relationship and at the same time by lamenting the hard plight of a city dominated by a royal garrison, prevailed upon the praetor to abandon the siege.
17.7. Rhodii moti precibus Eumene etiam rege adsumpto simul suas necessitudines commemorando, simul obsessae regio praesidio urbis casum miserando pervicerunt, ut oppugnatione absisteretur.
17.8. Leaving there, with everything else pacified, as they skirted the coast of Asia they came to Loryma —this is a harbour opposite Rhodes.
17.8. profecti inde pacatis ceteris cum oram Asiae legerent, Loryma — portus adversus Rhodum est — pervenerunt.
17.9. There some secret talk first began among the military tribunes in their quarters and finally reached the ears of Aemilius himself —that the fleet was drawn away from Ephesus and from their own war that the enemy, left free in the rear, might with complete impunity make any venture against so many near-by cities of the allies.
17.9. ibi in principiis sermo primo inter tribunos militum secretus oritur, deinde ad aures ipsius Aemilii pervenit, abduci classem ab Epheso, ab suo bello, ut ab tergo liber relictus hostis in tot propinquas sociorum urbes omnia impune conari posset.
17.10. This gossip worried Aemilius; when he summoned the Rhodians and asked them whether the whole fleet could be sheltered in the harbour at Patara and they had replied in the negative, he found this pretext for abandoning the expedition and took the ships back to Samos.
17.10. movere ea Aemilium; vocatosque Rhodios cum percontatus esset, utrumnam Pataris universa classis in portu stare posset, cum respondissent non posse, causam nactus omittendae rei Samum naves reduxit.
18.1. About the same time Seleucus, the son of Antiochus, after holding the army in Aeolis for the whole period of the winter, partly assisting his allies, partly plundering those whom he could not win over to his alliance, decided to invade the territory of Eumenes while he was far from home, engaged with the Romans and Rhodians in the naval operations off Lycia.
18.1. per idem tempus Seleucus Antiochi filius, cum per omne hibernorum tempus exercitum in Aeolide continuisset partim sociis ferendo opem, partim, quos in societatem perlicere non poterat, depopulandis, transire in fines regni Eumenis, dum is procul ab domo cum Romanis et Rhodiis Lyciae maritima oppugnaret, statuit.
18.3. He first approached Elaea with his army formed for battle; then, abandoning the attack on the city, he devastated the fields in hostile fashion, and marched off to lay siege to Pergamum, the chief city and citadel of the kingdom.
18.3. ad Elaeam primo infestis signis accessit; deinde omissa oppugnatione urbis agros hostiliter depopulatus ad caput arcemque regni Pergamum ducit oppugnandam.
18.4. Attalus at first, stationing outposts before the city and organizing raids of the cavalry and light infantry, harassed rather than resisted the enemy;
18.4. Attalus primo stationibus ante urbem positis et excursionibus equitum levisque armaturae magis lacessebat quam sustinebat hostem;
18.5. finally, when, after learning from such skirmishing that he was equal in no aspect of his strength, he had retired within the walls, the siege of the city began.
18.5. postremo cum per levia certamina expertus nulla parte virium se parem esse intra moenia se recepisset, obsideri urbs coepta est.
18.6. About the same time Antiochus also set out from Apamea and established a base first at Sardis, then at the mouth of the Caicus river, with a great army composed of men of various nationalities. The greatest source of terror consisted of four thousand Gauls who served for pay.
18.6. eodem ferme tempore et Antiochus ab Apamea profectus Sardibus primum, deinde haud procul Seleuci castris ad caput Caici amnis stativa habuit cum magno exercitu mixto variis ex gentibus.
18.7. These troops, with a few others intermixed, he sent to lay waste the territory of Pergamum in every direction.
18.7. plurimum terroris in Gallorum mercede conductis quattuor milibus erat. hos paucis admixtis ad pervastandum passim Pergamenum agrum [milites] misit.
18.8. When the news of this reached Samos, Eumenes, called away by the war at home, first went to Elaea with his fleet; then, since cavalry and light infantry were at hand, protected by their guard, before the enemy discovered it or made any move, he hastened to Pergamum. Then again small battles began to take place, growing out of raids, Eumenes without doubt avoiding a decisive engagement.
18.8. quae postquam Samum sunt nuntiata, primo Eumenes avocatus domestico bello cum classe Elaeam petit; inde, cum praesto fuissent equites peditumque expediti, praesidio eorum tutus, priusquam hostes sentirent aut moverentur, Pergamum contendit.
18.9. A few days later the Roman and Rhodian fleets came to Elaea from Samos to assist the king. When it was reported to Antiochus that they had landed their troops at Elaea and that so many fleets had assembled in one harbour, and when about the same time he had learned that the consul with his army was already in Macedonia and was making ready what was necessary for the passage of the Hellespont, he decided that the time had come, before he should be beset on land and sea at once, to treat for peace, and he occupied with his camp a hill facing Elaea; there, leaving all his infantry forces in camp, with the cavalry, numbering six thousand, he went down into the open country under the very walls of Elaea and sent a herald to Aemilius to say that he wished to discuss the question of peace.
18.9. ibi rursus levia per excursiones proelia fieri coepta Eumene summae rei discrimen haud dubie detractante. paucos post dies Romana Rhodiaque classis, ut regi opem ferrent, Elaeam ab Samo venerunt. quos ubi exposuisse copias Elaeae et tot classes in unum convenisse portum Antiocho adlatum est, et sub idem tempus audivit consulem cum exercitu iam in Macedonia esse pararique, quae ad transitum Hellesponti opus essent, tempus venisse ratus, priusquam terra marique simul urgeretur, agendi de pace [esse], tumulum quendam adversus Elaeam castris cepit; ibi peditum omnibus copiis relictis cum equitatu — erant autem sex milia equitum — in campos sub ipsa Elaeae moenia descendit misso caduceatore ad Aemilium, velle se de pace agere.
19.1. Aemilius summoned Eumenes from Pergamum and the Rhodians and held a council. The Rhodians did not disdain peace; Eumenes maintained that it was neither honourable to discuss the question of peace at that time nor possible to reach a conclusion to the discussion: “For how,” he said, “shall we honourably, shut up and besieged within our walls, accept what may be called terms of peace?”
19.1. Aemilius Eumene a Pergamo accito adhibitis et Rhodiis consilium habuit. Rhodii haud aspernari pacem; Eumenes nec honestum dicere esse eo tempore de pace agi, nec exitum rei imponi posse:
19.2. “Again, in whose eyes will this be a valid peace, which we shall conclude without a consul, with no authority of the senate, without the order of the Roman people?”
19.2. ”qui enim“inquit ”aut honeste inclusi moenibus et obsessi velut leges pacis accipiemus? aut cui rata ista pax erit, quam sine consule, non ex auctoritate senatus, iniussu populi Romani pepigerimus?
19.3. “Now I ask, if peace is made by you, will you return immediately to Rome and withdraw your fleet and army, or wait to see what the consul's pleasure is regarding it, what the senate decrees, or what the people orders?”
19.3. quaero enim pace per te facta rediturusne extemplo in Italiam sis, classem exercitumque deducturus, an expectaturus, quid de ea re consuli placeat, quid senatus censeat aut populus iubeat?
19.4. “And so the result is that you stay in Asia and that your forces, led back once more to their winter stations, abandoning the war, exhaust your allies with furnishing supplies, and then, if it ” “seems proper to those with whom the authority lies, start wholly afresh a new war, although this war, if there is no slackening, through delay, of the impetus we now have, we can have finished, with the aid of the gods, before winter.”
19.4. restat ergo, ut maneas in Asia, et rursus in hiberna copiae reductae omisso bello exhauriant commeantibus praebendis socios, deinde, si ita visum iis sit, penes quos potestas fuerit, instauremus novum de integro bellum, quod possumus, si ex hoc impetu rerum nihil prolatando remittitur, ante hiemem diis volentibus perfecisse.“
19.6. This argument prevailed, and the answer was given to Antiochus that until the arrival of the consul the question of peace could not be discussed.
19.6. haec sententia vicit, responsumque Antiocho est ante consulis adventum de pace agi non posse.
19.7. Antiochus, having tried in vain for peace, devastated first the lands of the Elaeans, then of the Pergamenians, and leaving there his son Seleucus, marching as though through a hostile country to Adramytteum, sought the rich land which they call the plain of Thebe, celebrated in the poem of Homer, and in no place in Asia was richer booty won by the king's troops.
19.7. Antiochus pace nequiquam temptata, evastatis Elaeensium primum, deinde Pergamenorum agris, relicto ibi Seleuco filio, Adramytteum hostiliter itinere facto petit agrum opulentum, quem vocant Thebes campum, carmine Homeri nobilitatum;
19.8. Likewise to Adramytteum came Aemilius and Eumenes, brought thither by the fleet. About this time there arrived at Elaea from Achaea one thousand infantry and one hundred cavalry, all under the command of Diophanes, and when they debarked guides, sent by Attalus to meet them, escorted them by night to Pergamum.
19.8. neque alio ullo loco Asiae maior regiis militibus parta est praeda. eodem Adramytteum, ut urbi praesidio essent, navibus circumvecti Aemilius et Eumenes venerunt. per eosdem forte dies Elaeam ex Achaia mille pedites cum centum equitibus, Diophane omnibus iis copiis praeposito, accesserunt, quos egressos navibus obviam missi ab Attalo nocte Pergamum deduxerunt.
20.2. They were all veterans and skilled in war, and their leader too was a pupil of Philopoemen, at that time the foremost general of all the Greeks. They took two days for the double purpose of resting men and horses and reconnoitring the enemy's dispositions and learning at what times and places they advanced and retired.
20.2. veterani omnes et periti belli erant, et ipse dux Philopoemenis, summi tum omnium Graecorum imperatoris, discipulus. qui biduum simul ad quietem hominum equorumque et ad visendas hostium stationes, quibus locis temporibusque accederent reciperentque sese, sumpserunt.
20.3. The king's troops would come up to about the base of the hill on which the town stood; thus the rear area was open for foraging. When no one came out of the city, not even to throw a javelin from a distance against the outposts, after the people had once, under the impulse of fear, shut themselves up within the walls, a feeling of contempt for them and hence carelessness arose among the forces of the king.
20.3. ad radices fere collis, in quo posita urbs est, regii succedebant. ita libera ab tergo populatio erat, nullo ab urbe, ne in stationes quidem qui procul iacularetur, excurrente. postquam semel compulsi metu se moenibus incluserunt, contemptus eorum et inde neglegentia apud regios oritur. non stratos, non infrenatos magna pars habebant equos;
20.5. A large part of them had no saddles or bridles for their horses; a few being left with the arms and at their posts, the rest were scattered and dispersed here and there over the whole plain, some engaged in youthful play and pastime, some picnicking in shady spots, some even lying asleep.
20.5. paucis ad arma et ordines relictis dilapsi ceteri sparserant se toto passim campo, pars in iuvenales lusus lasciviamque versi, pars vescentes sub umbra, quidam somno etiam strati.
20.6. Diophanes, watching this from the high-lying city of Pergamum, ordered his men to take their arms and be ready at the gates; he himself went to Attalus and told him that it was his purpose to make an attempt on an outpost of the enemy.
20.6. haec Diophanes ex alta urbe Pergamo contemplatus arma suos capere et ad portam praesto esse iubet; ipse Attalum adit et in animo sibi esse dixit hostium stationem temptare.
20.7. When Attalus allowed it reluctantly, seeing that there were one hundred cavalry against six hundred, one thousand infantry against four thousand, Diophanes marched out of the gate and took his place not far from the outpost of the enemy, watching his chance.
20.7. aegre id permittente Attalo, quippe qui centum equitibus adversus sescentos, mille peditibus cum quattuor milibus pugnaturum cerneret, porta egressus haud procul statione hostium, occasionem opperiens, consedit.
20.8. Both the people in Pergamum believed this to be folly rather than fearlessness, and the enemy, having watched them for a while and seen no signs of activity, themselves made no change in their customary carelessness, especially since they were scornful of their small numbers.
20.8. et qui Pergami erant amentiam magis quam audaciam credere esse, et hostes paulisper in eos versi, ut nihil moveri viderunt, nec ipsi quicquam ex solita neglegentia, insuper etiam eludentes paucitatem, mutarunt.
20.9. Diophanes kept his men quiet for a while, as if they had been led out merely to watch a show;
20.9. Diophanes quietos aliquamdiu suos, velut ad spectaculum modo eductos, continnit;
20.10. when he saw that the enemy had broken ranks, ordering the infantry to follow as fast as they could, he himself, at the head of the cavalry with his own troop, the horses being given the loosest possible rein, and a shout raised at the same moment by every footman and trooper, attacked the outpost of the enemy without warning.
20.10. postquam dilapsos ab ordinibus hostes vidit, peditibus, quantum accelerare possent, sequi iussis ipse princeps inter equites cum turma sua, quam potuit effusissimis habenis, clamore ab omni simul pedite atque equite sublato stationem hostium improviso invadit.
20.11. Not the men alone but even the horses were terrified, and when they broke their halters they caused consternation and confusion among their own men.
20.11. non homines solum sed equi etiam territi, cum vincula abrupissent, trepidationem et tumultum inter suos fecerunt.
20.12. A few horses stood fearlessly; even these they could not easily saddle or bridle or mount, the Achaeans causing far more terror than was warranted by the number of troopers. But the infantry, in formation and ready, attacked men who were scattered around in disorder and nigh half asleep.
20.12. pauci stabant impavidi equi; eos ipsos non sternere, non infrenare aut escendere facile poterant multo maiorem quam pro numero equitum terrorem Achaeis inferentibus.
20.13. There was slaughter and flight everywhere through the plains.
20.13. pedites vero ordinati et praeparati sparsos per neglegentiam et semisomnos prope adorti sunt.
20.14. Diophanes pursued the fugitives as far as it was safe, having won great glory for the Achaean people —for both men and women were watching from the walls of Pergamum —and returned to the garrisoning of the city.
20.14. caedes passim fugaque per campos facta est. Diophanes secutus effusos, quoad tutum fuit, magno decore genti Achaeorum parto — spectaverant enim e moenibus Pergami non viri modo sed feminae etiam — in praesidium urbis redit.
21.1. The next day the king's outguards with better order and discipline established themselves five hundred paces farther from the city, and the Achaeans came out about the same time and to the same place.
21.1. postero die regiae magis compositae et ordinatae stationes quingentis passibus longius ab urbe posuerunt castra, et Achaei eodem ferme tempore atque in eundem locum processerunt.
21.2. For many hours both parties waited on the alert as if an attack were about to come; after the time, not far from sunset, of returning to camp had arrived, the royal troops, grouped around their standards, began to depart in a formation adapted to marching rather than fighting.
21.2. per multas horas intenti utrimque velut iam futurum impetum expectavere; postquam haud procul occasu solis redeundi in castra tempus erat, regii signis collatis abire agmine ad iter magis quam ad pugnam composito coepere.
21.3. Diophanes remained quiet as long as they were in sight; then, with the same impetuosity as the day before, he fell violently upon the rear and caused again so much panic and dismay that although they were being cut down from behind no one stood fast to fight; trembling and with difficulty keeping their march-formation they were driven back into camp.
21.3. quievit Diophanes, dum in conspectu erant; deinde eodem, quo pridie, impetu in postremum agmen incurrit, tantumque rursus pavoris ac tumultus incussit, ut, cum terga caederentur, nemo pugnandi causa restiterit; trepidantesque et vix ordinem agminis servantes in castra compulsi sunt.
21.4. This bold conduct of the Achaeans forced Seleucus to move his camp from the country of Pergamum. When Antiochus heard that the Romans had come to defend Adramytteum, he left that city, at any rate, alone; but after laying waste their lands he took by storm Peraea, a colony of the Mitylenaeans.
21.4. haec Achaeorum audacia Seleucum ex agro Pergameno movere castra coegit. Antiochus postquam Romanos ad tuendum Adramytteum venisse audivit, ea quidem urbe abstinuit; depopulatus agros Peraeam inde, coloniam Mitylenaeorum, expugnavit.
21.5. Cotto and Corylenus and Aphrodisias and Prinne fell at the first assault. Thence he returned to Sardis by way of Thyatira. Seleucus, remaining on the seacoast, was a source of fear to some and of assistance to others. The Roman fleet with Eumenes and the Rhodians went first to Mitylene and then returned to Elaea whence it had come.
21.5. Cotton et Corylenus et Aphrodisias et Priene primo impetu captae sunt. inde per Thyatira Sardis rediit. Seleucus in ora maritima permanens aliis terrori erat, aliis praesidio. classis Romana cum Eumene Rhodiisque Mitylenen primo, inde retro, unde profecta erat, Elaeam redit.
21.7. Then, on their way to Phocaea, they put in at the island which they call Bacchium —it overlooks the city of the Phocaeans —and when they had plundered like enemies the temples and shrines which they had not previously laid hands on —the island was beautifully adorned —they crossed to the city itself.
21.7. inde Phocaeam petentes ad insulam, quam Bacchium vocant — imminet urbi Phocaeensium — appulerunt et, quibus ante abstinuerant templis signisque — egregie autem exornata insula erat —, cum hostiliter diripuissent, ad ipsam urbem transmiserunt.
21.8. Dividing the tasks among themselves, they attacked it, and it seemed possible to take it without siege-works, by assault and escalade, but a garrison of three thousand armed soldiers, sent by Antiochus, entered the city, and at once the attack was abandoned and the fleet returned to the island, without doing anything other than devastating the farms of the enemy around the town.
21.8. eam divisis inter se partibus cum oppugnarent et videretur sine operibus, armis scalisque capi posse, missum ab Antiocho praesidium trium milium armatorum cum intrasset urbem, extemplo oppugnatione omissa classis ad insulam se recepit nihil aliud quam depopulato circa urbem hostium agro. Inde placuit Eumenen domum dimitti et praeparare consuli atque exercitui, quae ad transitum Hellesponti opus essent, Romanam Rhodiamque classem redire Samum atque ibi in statione esse, ne Polyxenidas ab Epheso moveret.
22.1. It was then determined that Eumenes should return home and make ready for the consul and the army whatever was necessary for the crossing of the Hellespont, and that the Roman and Rhodian fleets should return to Samos and there remain on guard lest Polyxenidas should move from Ephesus. The king returned to Elaea, the Romans and Rhodians to Samos. There Marcus Aemilius, the brother of the praetor, died. The Rhodians, when his funeral was over, with thirteen of their own ships and one Coan quinquereme and another from Cnidus, set out for Rhodes, so as to be on guard there against a fleet which was reported to be coming from Syria.
22.1. rex Elaeam, Romani ac Rhodii Samum redierunt. ibi M. Aemilius frater praetoris decessit. Rhodii celebratis exsequiis adversus classem, quam fama erat ex Syria venire, tredecim suis navibus et una Coa quinqueremi, altera Cnidia Rhodum, ut ibi in statione essent, profecti sunt.
22.3. Two days before Eudamus with his fleet arrived from Samos, thirteen ships from Rhodes, with Pamphilidas in command, had been sent against the same Syrian fleet and, picking up four ships which were guarding Caria, they relieved the blockade of Daedala and several other fortresses of Peraea which were besieged by the king's troops. It was decided that Eudamus should leave at once.
22.3. biduo ante, quam Eudamus cum classe ab Samo veniret, tredecim ab Rhodo naves cum Pamphilida praefecto adversus eandem Syriacam classem missae adsumptis quattuor navibus, quae Cariae praesidio erant, oppugnantibus regiis Daedala et quaedam alia Peraeae castella obsidione exemerunt. Eudamum confestim exire placuit.
22.4. Six undecked vessels were given to him in addition to the fleet which he had.
22.4. additae huic quoque sunt ad eam classem, quam habebat, sex apertae naves.
22.5. When he had departed and made all possible haste, he overtook the ships which had gone on ahead at the harbour which they call Megiste. After proceeding to Phaselis in one column, it seemed best to await the enemy there.
22.5. profectus cum, quantum accelerare poterat, maturasset, ad portum, quem Megisten vocant, praegressos consequitur. inde uno agmine Phaselidem cum venissent, optimum visum est ibi hostem opperiri.
23.1. Phaselis is on the border of Lycia and Pamphylia; it projects far into the deep, and is the first land sighted by travellers who are going to Rhodes from Cilicia and it allows ships to be sighted from afar.
23.1. in confinio Lyciae et Pamphyliae Phaselis est; prominet penitus in altum conspiciturque prima terrarum Rhodum a Cilicia petentibus et procul navium praebet prospectum. eo maxime, ut in obvio classi hostium essent, electus locus est;
23.2. For that reason especially the place was chosen, so that they might be ready to meet the hostile fleet; but, and this they had not foreseen, on account both of the unhealthy country and of the time of year —for it was midsummer —besides, from the unaccustomed odour, diseases began to spread generally, especially among the rowers.
23.2. ceterum, quod non providerunt, et loco gravi et tempore anni — medium enim aestatis erat —, ad hoc insolito odore ingruere morbi vulgo, maxime in remiges, coeperunt.
23.3. In fear of this epidemic, they went on, and when they were sailing past the gulf of Pamphylia, putting in at the mouth of the river Eurymedon, they learned from the people of Aspendus that the enemy was off Sida.
23.3. cuius pestilentiae metu profecti cum praeterveherentur Pamphylium sinum, ad Eurymedontem amnem appulsa classe audiunt ab Aspendiis ad Sidam hostis esse.
23.4. The king's navy had sailed rather slowly by reason of the unfavourable season of the etesian gales, which is, as it were, allotted to winds from the north-west.
23.4. tardius navigaverant regii adverso tempore etesiarum, quod velut statum favoniis ventis est. Rhodiorum duae et triginta quadriremes et quattuor triremes fuere;
23.5. There were thirty-two Rhodian quadriremes and four triremes; the royal fleet consisted of thirty-seven ships of larger size; among them they had three of seven banks of oars and four of six. Besides these there were ten triremes.
23.5. regia classis septem et triginta maioris formae navium erat, in quibus tres hepteres, quattuor hexeres [habebat]. praeter has decem triremes erant. et hi adesse hostis ex specula quadam cognoverunt.
23.6. And they saw from a certain watch-tower that the enemy was close at hand. At daybreak next day both fleets moved out of port as if to fight that day; and after the Rhodians had passed the promontory which juts out from Sida into the sea, they were seen by the enemy and sighted them as well.
23.6. utraque classis postero die luce prima, tamquam eo die pugnatura, e portu movit; et postquam superavere Rhodii promunturium, quod ab Sida prominet in altum, extemplo et conspecti ab hostibus sunt et ipsi eos viderunt.
23.7. On the side of the king's fleet, on the left flank, which extended into open water, Hannibal was in command; on the right, Apollonius, one of the nobles; and already they had the ships formed in a straight line.
23.7. ab regiis sinistro cornu, quod ab alto obiectum erat, Hannibal, dextro Apollonius, purpuratorum unus, praeerat;
23.8. The Rhodians were approaching in a long column; first was the flagship of Eudamus; Chariclitus brought up the rear; Pamphilidas was in command of the centre of the fleet.
23.8. et iam in frontem derectas habebant naves. Rhodii longo agmine veniebant: prima praetoria navis Eudami erat; cogebat agmen Chariclitus;
23.9. When Eudamus saw the enemy arrayed and ready to engage, he too sailed out into deep water and directed the following ships, keeping their relative positions to one another, to form in a straight line.
23.9. Pamphilidas mediae classi praeerat. Eudamus postquam hostium aciem instructam et paratam ad concurrendum vidit, et ipse in altum evehitur, et deinceps quae sequebantur servantes ordinem in frontem derigere iubet.
23.10. This order at first produced confusion; for he had not gone far enough out to sea to permit the array of all the ships to form in line toward the shore, and in his excessive haste, with only five ships, he encountered Hannibal; the rest, because they had been ordered to form in line, did not follow.
23.10. ea res primo tumultum praebuit: nam nec sic in altum evectus erat, ut ordo omnium navium ad terram explicari posset, et festinans ipse praepropere cum quinque solis navibus Hannibali occurrit; ceteri quia in frontem derigere iussi erant, non sequebantur.
23.11. There was no room left on the land side for the tail of the column; while they were entangled with one another the battle with Hannibal was already begun on the right flank.
23.11. extremo agmini loci nihil ad terram relicti erat; trepidantibusque iis inter se iam in dextro cornu adversus Hannibalem pugnabatur.
24.1. But in an instant of time both the excellence of their ships and their experience in naval warfare took away all fear from the Rhodians.
24.1. sed momento temporis et navium virtus et usus rei maritimae terrorem omnem Rhodiis dempsit.
24.2. For the ships, sailing quickly out into deep water, each gave the one in rear a place on the land side, and, moreover, if a ship clashed head on with a ship of the enemy, it either crushed its prow or broke off its oars or, passing through the open intervals between the files, it attacked the stern.
24.2. nam et in altum celeriter evectae naves locum post se quaeque venienti ad terram dedere, et si qua concurrerat rostro cum hostium nave, aut proram lacerabat, aut remos detergebat, aut libero inter ordines discursu praetervecta in puppim impetum dabat.
24.3. The greatest fear was caused when a seven-banked ship of the king was sunk with one blow by a much smaller Rhodian vessel; so now without question the right wing of the enemy was turned to flight.
24.3. maxime exterruit hepteris regia a multo minore Rhodia nave uno ictu demersa: itaque iam haud dubie dextrum cornu hostium in fugam inclinabat.
24.4. Eudamus, in the open, although he was superior in everything else, was hard pressed by Hannibal, particularly on account of the greater number of his ships, and Hannibal would have surrounded him had not the flagship of his fleet displayed the signal by which, as the custom is, a scattered fleet is collected into one place, and all the ships which had been victorious on the right flank had hurried off to bear aid to their comrades.
24.4. Eudamum in alto multitudine navium maxime Hannibal, ceteris omnibus longe praestantem, urgebat, et circumvenisset, ni signo sublato ex praetoria nave, quo dispersam classem in unum colligi mos erat, omnes quae in dextro cornu vicerant naves ad opem ferendam suis concurrissent.
24.5. Then Hannibal also and the ships which followed him began to retire; nor could the Rhodians pursue, since many of their rowers were sick and for that reason more quickly exhausted.
24.5. tum et Hannibal quaeque circa eum naves erant capessunt fugam; nec insequi Rhodii ex magna parte aegris et ob id celerius fessis remigibus potuerunt.
24.6. While they were restoring their strength with food in the open water, Eudamus watched the enemy towing their lame and crippled ships with hawsers from open vessels, and hardly more than twenty moving off undamaged, and from the bridge of the flagship he called for silence and exclaimed, “Stand up and look upon a glorious sight.”
24.6. cum in alto, ubi substiterant, cibo reficerent vires, contemplatus Eudamus hostis claudas mutilatasque naves apertis navibus remulco trahentis, viginti paulo amplius integras abscedentis, e turri praetoriae navis silentio facto “exsurgite” inquit “et egregium spectaculum capessite oculis.
24.7. Every man stood up, and seeing the confusion and panic of the enemy, they cried almost with one voice “Let us pursue.”
24.7. ” consurrexere omnes, contemplatique trepidationem fugamque hostium [ac] prope una voce omnes, ut sequerentur, exclamaverunt.
24.8. The ship of Eudamus himself had been damaged by many blows; but he ordered Pamphilidas and Chariclitus to follow as far as they deemed it safe.
24.8. ipsius Eudami multis ictibus vulnerata navis erat; Pamphilidam et Chariclitum insequi, quoad putarent tutum, iussit.
24.9. They pursued for some distance; but when Hannibal was close to land, fearing that they might be detained by the wind near a hostile coast, they returned to Eudamus, and with difficulty towed to Phaselis the captured seven-banked ship which had been struck at the first onset.
24.9. aliquamdiu secuti sunt; postquam terrae appropinquabat Hannibal, veriti, ne includerentur vento in hostium ora, ad Eudamum revecti hepterem captam, quae primo concursu icta erat, aegre Phaselidem pertraxerunt.
24.10. Thence they returned to Rhodes, not so much rejoicing in their victory as blaming one another because, when it had been possible, the entire fleet of the enemy had not been sunk or captured.
24.10. inde Rhodum non tam victoria laeti, quam alius alium accusantes, quod, cum potuisset, non omnis submersa aut capta classis hostium foret, redierunt.
24.11. Hannibal, discouraged by this one defeat, did not even then dare to pass Lycia, anxious though he was to join the old fleet of the king as soon as possible; and, that this course might not be open to him, the Rhodians sent Chariclitus with twenty beaked ships to Patara and the harbour of Megiste.
24.11. Hannibal, ictus uno proelio adverso, ne tum quidem praetervehi Lyciam audebat, cum coniungi veteri regiae classi quam primum cuperet et ne id ei facere liberum esset, Rhodii Chariclitum cum viginti navibus rostratis ad Patara et Megisten portum miserunt.
24.13. Eudamus, with the seven largest ships of the fleet which he had commanded, they ordered to rejoin the Romans at Samos, in order that with whatever wisdom and whatever influence he had, he might urge the Romans to the capture of Patara.
24.13. Eudamum cum septem navibus maximis ex ea classe, cui praefuerat, Samum redire ad Romanos iusserunt, ut, quantum consilio, quantum auctoritate valeret, compelleret Romanos ad Patara expugnanda.
25.1. Great joy was brought to the Romans first by the news of the victory and then by the coming of the Rhodians, and it was evident that if the Rhodians had been relieved of their present responsibility their hands would be free and they would guarantee the safety of the seas in that quarter.
25.1. magnam Romanis laetitiam prius victoriae nuntius, deinde adventus attulit Rhodiorum; et apparebat, si Rhodiis ea cura dempta fuisset, vacuos eos tuta eius regionis maria praestaturos. sed profectio Antiochi ab Sardibus, ne opprimerentur maritimae urbes, abscedere custodia Ioniae atque Aeolidis prohibuit:
25.3. But it was the departure of Antiochus from Sardis, and at the same time the fear that the coast cities would be crushed, which prevented them from leaving the guarding of Ionia and Aeolis; the Rhodians sent Pamphilidas with four decked ships to the fleet which was off Patara. Antiochus was not only collecting reinforcements from the states which surrounded him, but had sent ambassadors and letters to Prusias, king of Bithynia, in which he complained of the crossing of the Romans into Asia:
25.3. Pamphilidam cum quattuor navibus tectis ad eam classem, quae circa Patara erat, miserunt. Antiochus non civitatium modo, quae circa se erant, contrahebat praesidia, sed ad Prusiam Bithyniae regem legatos miserat litterasque, quibus transitum in Asiam Romanorum increpabat:
25.5. they were coming to destroy all kingdoms, so that in the whole world there might be no empire save that of Rome;
25.5. venire eos ad omnia regna tollenda, ut nullum usquam orbis terrarum nisi Romanum imperium esset;
25.6. Philip, Nabis, had been defeated; he himself was the third to be attacked; as each came next after the last destroyed, the fire, catching, so to speak, one after another in succession, would be everywhere; from himself their next step would be into Bithynia, since Eumenes had already given himself into voluntary slavery.
25.6. Philippum, Nabim expugnatos; se tertium peti; ut quisque proximus ab oppresso sit, per omnis velut continens incendium pervasurum; ab se gradum in Bithyniam fore, quando Eumenes in voluntariam servitutem concessisset.
25.8. Prusias, troubled by this message, was diverted from such suspicions by the letter of Scipio the consul, and more by the words of his brother Africanus, who, by citing the enduring tradition among the Roman people of increasing with every sign of honour the dignity of allied kings, and also, by giving examples from his personal experience, induced Prusias to merit his friendship:
25.8. his motum Prusiam litterae Scipionis consulis, sed magis fratris eius Africani, ab suspicione tali averterunt, qui praeter consuetudinem perpetuam populi Romani augendi omni honore regum sociorum maiestatem, domesticis ipse exemplis Prusiam ad promerendam amicitiam suam compulit:
25.9. tribal chieftains, taken under his protection in Spain, he had left kings; Masinissa he had not only established on his ancestral throne but had placed on that of Syphax, by whom he had been driven out before;
25.9. regulos se acceptos in fidem in Hispania reges reliquisse; Masinissam non in patrio modo locasse regno, sed in Syphacis, a quo ante expulsus fuisset, regnum imposuisse;