25.10. and he was both by far the richest of the kings of Africa and equal, whether in majesty or in power, to any king whatsoever in the whole world.
25.10. et esse eum non Africae modo regum longe opulentissimum, sed toto in orbe terrarum cuivis regum vel maiestate vel viribus parem.
25.11. Philip and Nabis, enemies, defeated, too, in war by Titus Quinctius, had yet been left in their kingdoms.
25.11. Philippum et Nabim, hostis et bello superatos ab T. Quinctio, tamen in regno relictos.
25.12. Philip the year before, in fact, had had his tribute cancelled and his hostage-son restored, and had recovered certain cities outside of Macedonia with the consent of the Roman generals. Nabis too would have been in the same position of honour had not his own madness and then the treachery of the Aetolians destroyed him.
25.12. Philippo quidem anno priore etiam stipendium remissum et filium obsidem redditum; et quasdam civitates extra Macedoniam patientibus Romanis imperatoribus recepisse eum. in eadem dignitate et Nabim futurum fuisse, nisi eum suus primum furor, deinde fraus Aetolorum absumpsisset.
25.13. The favourable inclination of the king was especially strengthened after Gaius Livius, the commissioner, who as praetor earlier had commanded the fleet, came from Rome and showed him how much surer were the Roman prospects of victory than those of Antiochus and how friendship with the Romans would be more respected and dependable.
25.13. maxime confirmatus est animus regis, postquam ad eum C. Livius, qui praetor ante classi praefuerat, legatus ab Roma venit et edocuit, quanto et spes victoriae certior Romanis quam Antiocho et amicitia sanctior firmiorque apud Romanos futura esset.
26.1. When Antiochus lost his hope of an alliance with Prusias, he went to Ephesus from Sardis to inspect the fleet which for some months had been equipped and ready, more because he saw that with his land forces he could not withstand the Roman army and its generals, the two Scipios, than because he had ever tried actual combat by sea with much success or had at this time any great and assured confidence.
26.1. Antiochus postquam a spe societatis Prusiae decidit, Ephesum ab Sardibus est profectus ad classem, quae per aliquot menses instructa ac parata fuerat, visendam, magis quia terrestribus copiis exercitum Romanum et duos Scipiones imperatores videbat sustineri non posse, quam quod res navalis ipsa per se aut temptata sibi umquam feliciter aut tunc magnae et certae fiduciae esset.
26.3. There was, however, a reason for hope at the moment, in that he had heard, first, that the larger part of the Rhodian fleet was in the vicinity of Patara and, second, that King Eumenes with all his ships had gone to meet the consul at the Hellespont; an additional stimulant to his spirits was the destruction of the Rhodian fleet at Samos under conditions attained by trickery.
26.3. erat tamen momentum in praesentia spei, quod et magnam partem Rhodiae classis circa Patara esse et Eumenen regem cum omnibus navibus suis consuli obviam in Hellespontum profectum audierat;
26.4. Relying on these circumstances, he sent Polyxenidas with the fleet to try fortune in any sort of engagement and himself led his troops to Notium.
26.4. aliquid etiam inflabat animos classis Rhodia ad Samum per occasionem fraude praeparatam absumpta.
26.5. This is a town of Colophon, overlooking the sea, distant from old Colophon about two miles. And he wished to have the town itself in his hands, being so close to Ephesus that he could do nothing on land or sea which was not observed by the Colophonians, and through them was not immediately known to the Romans, and he had no doubt that when they heard of its siege they would move the fleet from Samos to bear aid to an allied city; this would be the opportunity for Polyxenidas to bring about an engagement. Therefore he began to lay siege to the city, constructing a line of fortifications down to the sea on each side alike, and in both ran mantlets and an outwork up to the wall and moved battering-rams under shelter.
26.5. his fretus, Polyxenida cum classe ad temptandam omni modo certaminis fortunam misso, ipse copias ad Notium ducit. id oppidum Colophonium, mari imminens, abest a vetere Colophone duo ferme milia passuum. et ipsam urbem suae potestatis esse volebat, adeo propinquam Epheso, ut nihil terra marive ageret, quod non subiectum oculis Colophoniorum ac per eos notum extemplo Romanis esset, quos audita obsidione non dubitabat ad opem sociae urbi ferendam classem ab Samo moturos;
26.8. Terrified by these misfortunes, the Colophonians sent to Lucius Aemilius the praetor at Samos representatives to beg for the protection of the praetor and the Roman people. Aemilius, idle at Samos, was chafing under the long delay, thinking of nothing less than that Polyxenidas, twice challenged by him in vain, would offer the opportunity for battle, and he thought it a disgrace that the fleet of Eumenes should assist the consul in transporting the legions into Asia while he was entangled in aiding the beleaguered Colophon, an operation of indefinite duration. Eudamus the Rhodian, who also had detained him at Samos, although he wished to leave for the Hellespont, and all the others, kept urging him and saying:
26.8. eam occasionem Polyxenidae ad rem gerendam fore. igitur operibus oppugnare urbem adgressus, ad mare partibus duabus pariter munitionibus deductis, utrimque vineas et aggerem muro iniunxit et testudinibus arietes admovit. quibus territi malis Colophonii oratores Samum ad L. Aemilium, fidem praetoris populique Romani implorantes, miserunt. Aemilium et Sami segnis diu mora offendebat, nihil minus opinantem quam Polyxenidam, bis nequiquam ab se provocatum, potestatem pugnae facturum esse, et turpe existimabat Eumenis classem adiuvare consulem ad traiciendas in Asiam legiones, se Colophonis obsessae auxilio, incertam finem habituro, adligari.
26.12. how much better it would be either to relieve the allies from siege or again to defeat the navy already once defeated and to wrest completely from the enemy his mastery of the sea than, abandoning the allies and surrendering to Antiochus the land and sea of Asia, to go off to the Hellespont, where the fleet of Eumenes was sufficient, and run away from his own share in the war.
26.12. Eudamus Rhodius, qui et tenuerat eum Sami cupientem proficisci in Hellespontum, cunctique instare et dicere, quanto satius esse vel socios obsidione eximere vel victam iam semel classem iterum vincere et totam maris possessionem hosti eripere, quam desertis sociis, tradita Antiocho Asia terra marique in Hellespontum, ubi satis esset Eumenis classis, ab sua parte belli discedere.
27.1. Leaving Samos to seek provisions, everything being now consumed, they were preparing to cross to Chios; this was the granary of the Romans, and thither all the cargo-boats from Italy directed their course.
27.1. profecti ab Samo ad petendos commeatus consumptis iam omnibus Chium parabant traicere: id erat horreum Romanis, eoque omnes ex Italia missae onerariae derigebant cursum.
27.2. Sailing from the city to the other side of the island —the side facing Chios and Erythrae is exposed to the north wind —as they were preparing to cross, the praetor was informed by letter that a great quantity of grain had come from Italy, but the ships carrying wine had been delayed by storms; at the same time it was reported that the Teans had generously offered stores to the king's fleet and had promised five thousand casks of wine.
27.2. circumvecti ab urbe ad aversa insulae — obiecta aquiloni ad Chium et Erythras sunt — cum pararent traicere, litteris certior fit praetor frumenti vim magnam Chium ex Italia venisse, vinum portantes naves tempestatibus retentas esse;
27.3. When halfway across he suddenly turned the fleet towards Teos, intending either to use, with their consent, the provisions prepared for the enemy, or to treat the Teans as foes.
27.3. simul adlatum est Teios regiae classi commeatus benigne praebuisse, quinque milia vasorum vini pollicitos esse. Teum ex medio cursu classem repente avertit, aut volentibus iis usurus commeatu parato hostibus, aut ipsos pro hostibus habiturus.
27.4. When they had turned their prows towards the land, about fifteen ships came into sight rounding Myonnesus, which at first the praetor, thinking they were from the king's fleet, started to pursue; then it was seen that they were swift and light pirate-vessels.
27.4. cum derexissent ad terram proras, quindecim ferme eis naves circa Myonnesum apparuerunt, quas primo ex classe regia praetor esse ratus institit sequi; apparuit deinde piraticos celoces et lembos esse.
27.5. They had plundered the sea-coast of the Chians and were returning with all sorts of booty when they saw the fleet from the open sea and turned to flight.
27.5. Chiorum maritimam oram depopulati cum omnis generis praeda revertentes postquam videre ex alto classem, in fugam verterunt. et celeritate superabant levioribus et ad id fabrefactis navigiis, et propiores terrae erant:
27.6. They were both superior in speed, their ships being lighter and designed with that in view, and nearer the shore; so before the fleet approached them they escaped to Myonnesus, and the praetor followed, thinking that he would lure the ships out of port, as he was ignorant of the place.
27.6. itaque priusquam appropinquaret classis, Myonnesum perfugerunt, unde se e portu ratus abstracturum naves, ignarus loci sequebatur praetor.
27.7. Myonnesus is a promontory between Teos and Samos. It is a hill shaped like a cone terminating in a sharp point from a fairly extensive base; from the mainland it has an approach by a steep path, on the side of the sea cliffs worn by the waves close it in, so that in some places the overhanging rocks rise to a greater height than do the ships which lie at anchor.
27.7. Myonnesus promunturium inter Teum Samumque est. ipse collis est in modum metae in acutum cacumen a fundo satis lato fastigatus; a continenti artae semitae aditum habet, a mari exesae fluctibus rupes claudunt, ita ut quibusdam locis superpendentia saxa plus in altum, quam quae in statione sunt naves, promineant.
27.8. In this vicinity, not daring to approach lest they come within range of the pirates posted on the cliffs, they wasted a day.
27.8. circa ea appropinquare non ausae naves, ne sub ictu superstantium rupibus piratarum essent, diem trivere.
27.9. When at length at nightfall they abandoned their fruitless undertaking, they came the next day to Teos, and stationing the ships in the harbour which is behind the town —the islanders call it Geraesticus —the praetor sent out troops to ravage the land around the city.
27.9. tandem sub noctem vano incepto cum abstitissent, Teum postero die accessere, et in portu, qui ab tergo urbis est — Geraesticum ipsi appellant —, navibus constitutis praetor ad depopulandum circa urbem agrum emisit milites.
28.1. The Teans, when the plundering was going on before their eyes, sent envoys with fillets and badges of suppliants to the Romans. When they tried to clear the state of any deed or word unfriendly to the Romans, he both charged them with aiding the fleet of the enemy with provisions and reminded them how much wine they had promised Polyxenidas; if they would give the Romans the same amount, he would recall his men from plundering; if not, he would treat them as enemies.
28.1. Teii, cum in oculis populatio esset, oratores cum infulis et velamentis ad Romanum miserunt. quibus purgantibus civitatem omnis facti dictique hostilis adversus Romanos, et iuvisse eos omni commeatu classem hostium arguit, et quantum vini Polyxenidae promisissent; quae si eadem Romanae classi darent, revocaturum se a populatione militem; si minus, pro hostibus eos habiturum.
28.3. When the envoys had taken back this threatening answer, the people was summoned to an assembly by the magistrates to consult as to what they should do.
28.3. hoc tam triste responsum cum rettulissent legati, vocatur in contionem a magistratibus populus, ut, quid agerent, consultarent.
28.4. On that day, as it happened, Polyxenidas with the royal fleet left Colophon, and when he heard that the Romans had moved from Samos, had pursued the pirates to Myonnesus, and were devastating the fields of the Teans, while the ships lay in the harbour of Geraestus, he himself dropped anchor opposite Myonnesus in a concealed harbour of an island —the sailors call it Macris.
28.4. eo forte die Polyxenidas cum regia classe a Colophone profectus postquam movisse a Samo Romanos audivit et ad Myonnesum piratas persecutos Teiorum agrum depopulari, naves in Geraestico portu stare, ipse adversus Myonnesum in insula — Macrin nautici vocant ancoras portu occulto iecit.
28.6. Thence, reconnoitring at close range to see what the enemy was doing, he at first was very hopeful that as he had defeated the Rhodians at Samos by blockading the passage out of the harbour, so he would capture the Roman fleet.
28.6. inde ex propinquo explorans, quid hostes agerent, primo in magna spe fuit, quem ad modum Rhodiam classem ad Samum circumsessis ad exitum faucibus portus expugnasset, sic et Romanam expugnaturum. nec est dissimilis natura loci:
28.7. The nature of the place is not unlike: the headlands coming together close the harbour so that with difficulty two ships at a time can pass through.
28.7. promunturiis coeuntibus inter se ita clauditur portus, ut vix duae simul inde naves possint exire.
28.8. Polyxenidas then conceived the design of occupying the exit by night, and with ten ships standing off each promontory, which could attack from both flanks the sides of the ships as they came out, and of landing armed men from the rest of the fleet, as he had done at Panhormus, to attack the enemy by land and sea at once.
28.8. inde nocte occupare fauces Polyxenidas in animo habebat, et denis navibus ad promunturia stantibus, quae ab utroque cornu in latera exeuntium navium pugnarent, ex cetera classe, sicut ad Panhormum fecerat, armatis in littora expositis terra marique simul hostis opprimere.
28.9. This plan would not have failed had not the Romans, when the Teans had promised to do as they had been ordered, thought it more convenient to move the fleet around to the port which lies in front of the city, to receive the supplies.
28.9. quod non vanum ei consilium fuisset, ni, cum Teii facturos se imperata promisissent, ad accipiendos commeatus aptius visum esset Romanis in eum portum, qui ante urbem est, classem transire.
28.10. Also Eudamus the Rhodian is said to have called attention to a fault of the other harbour, when by chance two ships had broken their oars, entangled in the narrow entrance;
28.10. dicitur et Eudamus Rhodius vitium alterius portus ostendisse, cum forte duae naves in arto ostio implicitos remos fregissent;
28.11. and among other things the praetor was induced to transfer the fleet by the fact that there was danger from the land, since Antiochus had his base at no great distance away.
28.11. et inter alia id quoque movit praetorem, ut traduceret classem, quod ab terra periculum erat, haud procul inde Antiocho stativa habente.
29.1. The fleet having moved over to the city without the knowledge of anyone, the marines and sailors landed to divide the provisions, and especially the wine, among the ships, when about midday a peasant was brought before the praetor and said that for two days now a fleet had anchored off the island of Macris and a little while before had been seen in motion as if getting ready for departure.
29.1. traducta classe ad urbem ignaris omnibus egressi milites nautaeque sunt ad commeatus et vinum maxime dividendum in naves, cum medio forte diei agrestis quidam ad praetorem adductus nuntiat alterum iam diem classem stare ante insulam Macrin, et paulo ante visas quasdam moveri tamquam ad profectionem naves.
29.3. The praetor, dismayed by this sudden crisis, ordered the trumpets sounded for the return of the men who were straggling through the fields and sent the tribunes to the town to muster the marines and sailors on ship-board.
29.3. re subita perculsus praetor tubicines canere iubet, ut, si qui per agros palati essent, redirent; tribunos in urbem mittit ad cogendos milites nautasque in naves.
29.4. Just as in a sudden fire or at the capture of a city there was panic, some running to the city to summon their comrades, others hurrying at full speed from the town to the ships, with confused shouts and these almost drowned out by the trumpets, at length, despite conflicting orders they were assembled at the ships.
29.4. haud secus quam in repentino incendio aut capta urbe trepidatur, aliis in urbem currentibus ad suos revocandos, aliis ex urbe naves cursu repetentibus, incertisque clamoribus, quibus ipsis tubae obstreperent, turbatis imperiis tandem concursum ad naves est.
29.5. Scarcely could any man know or go aboard his own vessel in the excitement; and there would have been a dangerous panic, both on sea and on land, if, distributing the tasks, Aemilius with the flagship had not led the way out of the harbour into open water, drawing after him those that followed, and had arranged them in line, each in his own place, and Eudamus and the Rhodian fleet had not remained near the shore, so that both the embarkation was without confusion and each ship set forth as it was ready.
29.5. vix suas quisque noscere aut adire prae tumultu poterat; trepidatumque cum periculo et in mari et in terra foret, ni partibus divisis Aemilius cum praetoria nave primus e portu in altum evectus, excipiens insequentis, suo quamque ordine in frontem instruxisset, Eudamus Rhodiaque classis substitissent ad terram, ut et sine trepidatione conscenderent et, ut quaeque parata esset, exiret navis.
29.7. So the ships in front opened up their line under the eyes of the praetor, and the Rhodians formed the rear of the column, and the line thus formed, as if they saw the royal fleet, moved out into deep water. They were between Myonnesus and the promontory of Corycus when they sighted the enemy.
29.7. ita et explicuere ordinem primae in conspectu praetoris, et coactum agmen ab Rhodiis est, instructaque acies, velut cernerent regios, in altum processit. inter Myonnesum et Corycum promunturium erant, cum hostem conspexere.
29.8. And the king's fleet, advancing in a long column with two ships abreast, likewise formed in line facing the enemy, with its left flank so far extended that it could enfold and surround the right wing of the Romans.
29.8. et regia classis, binis in ordinem navibus longo agmine veniens, et ipsa aciem adversam explicuit laevo tantum evecta cornu, ut amplecti et circuire dextrum cornu Romanorum posset.
29.9. When Eudamus, who brought up the rear, perceived that the Romans could not extend their front to equal it and could not prevent their being encircled on the right of the line, he speeded up his ships —and the Rhodians were by far the fastest of all in the whole fleet —and making the flanks equally long he drove his own ship at the flagship, in which was Polyxenidas.
29.9. quod ubi Eudamus, qui cogebat agmen, vidit, non posse aequare ordinem Romanos et tantum non iam circuiri ab dextro cornu, concitat naves — et erant Rhodiae longe omnium celerrimae tota classe —, aequatoque cornu praetoriae navi, in qua Polyxenidas erat, suam obiecit.
30.1. Now the engagement began through the entire fleets in every place at once. On the Roman side eighty ships were fighting, of which twenty-two were Rhodian; the fleet of the enemy consisted of eighty-nine vessels; of ships of the largest size they had three with six banks of oars and two with seven. In strength of ships and courage of soldiers the Romans were far the best, the Rhodian ships in quickness of movement and skill of pilots and dexterity of rowers;
30.1. iam totis simul classibus ab omni parte pugna conserta erat. ab Romanis octoginta naves pugnabant, ex quibus Rhodiae duae et viginti erant; hostium classis undenonaginta navium fuit; maximae formae naves tres hexeres habebat, duas hepteres. robore navium et virtute militum Romani longe regios praestabant, Rhodiae naves agilitate et arte gubernatorum et scientia remigum;
30.3. yet the greatest terror was caused the enemy by those which carried fire before their prows, and that which was their sole source of safety at Panhormus when they were surrounded was at this time the greatest factor in their victory.
30.3. maximo tamen terrori hostibus fuere, quae ignes prae se portabant, et quod unum iis ad Panhormum circumventis saluti fuerat, id tum maximum momentum ad victoriam fuit.
30.4. For when, from fear of the flames in front of them, the royal ships had swerved to avoid the collision of their prows, they were unable to strike the enemy with their beaks, and while turning they exposed themselves broadside to blows, and if one did clash it was covered by flames pouring upon it, and they were more afraid of the fire than of the battle.
30.4. nam metu ignis adversi regiae naves, ne prorae concurrerent, cum declinassent, neque ipsae ferire rostro hostem poterant, et obliquas se ipsae ad ictus praebebant, et si qua concurrerat, obruebatur infuso igni, magisque ad incendium quam ad proelium trepidabant.
30.6. Nevertheless, as usual, the valour of the soldiers had the greatest effect in the battle. For when the Romans had broken the centre of the hostile line, they swung around and took in the rear the royal ships which were engaged with the Rhodians; and in an instant of time both in the centre and on the left flank the ships of Antiochus were surrounded and sunk.
30.6. plurimum tamen, quae solet, militum virtus in bello valuit. mediam namque aciem hostium Romani cum rupissent, circumvecti ab tergo pugnantibus adversus Rhodios regiis sese obiecere; momentoque temporis et media acies Antiochi et laevo cornu circumventae naves mergebantur.
30.7. The uninjured right wing was terrified more by the destruction of their comrades than by their own peril; but after they saw the others surrounded and the flagship of Polyxenidas abandoning the allies and setting sail, they quickly raised their top-sails —and the wind was favourable for ships bound for Ephesus —and took to flight, with a loss of forty-two ships in this fight, of which thirteen were captured and fell into the hands of the enemy and the rest were burned or sunk. Two Roman ships were damaged severely, several somewhat injured; one Rhodian ship was captured by a curious accident.
30.7. dextera pars integra sociorum magis clade quam suo periculo terrebantur; ceterum, postquam alias circumventas, praetoriam navem Polyxenidae relictis sociis vela dantem videre, sublatis raptim dolonibus — et erat secundus petentibus Ephesum ventus — capessunt fugam quadraginta duabus navibus in ea pugna amissis, quarum decem tres captae in potestatem hostium venerunt, ceterae incensae aut demersae.
30.9. When it had struck a Sidonian vessel with its beak, its anchor, dislodged from its own ship by the very shock, caught the prow of the other ship with its fluke, falling like an iron hand;
30.9. Romanorum duae naves fractae sunt, vulneratae aliquot; Rhodia una capta memorabili casu. nam cum rostro percussisset Sidoniam navem, ancora, ictu ipso excussa e nave sua, unco dente, velut ferrea manu iniecta, adligavit alterius proram;
30.10. then, in the ensuing excitement, since the Rhodians backed water trying to disengage themselves from the enemy, the anchor-cable, fouling the blades, swept one side clean of oars; the crippled ship was then captured by the very vessel which it had struck and grappled. In this manner, in the main, the seafight off Myonnesus was conducted.
30.10. inde tumultu iniecto cum divellere se ab hoste cupientes inhiberent Rhodii, tractum ancorale et implicitum remis latus alterum detersit; debilitatam ea ipsa, quae icta cohaeserat, navis cepit. hoc maxime modo ad Myonnesum navali proelio pugnatum est.
31.1. Antiochus was alarmed at this because, having lost his dominion of the sea, he doubted whether he could defend his distant possessions, and ordered his garrison withdrawn from Lysimachia, lest it be destroyed there by the Romans —a foolish decision, as the actual outcome showed later.
31.1. quo territus Antiochus, quia possessione maris pulsus longinqua tueri diffidebat se posse, praesidium ab Lysimachia, ne opprimeretur ibi ab Romanis, deduci pravo, ut res ipsa postea docuit, consilio iussit.
31.2. For it was not only easy to defend Lysimachia from the first assault of the Romans, but even to maintain a siege for an entire winter and to reduce the besiegers even to the extremity of want by dragging out the time and meanwhile to try every chance to realize hopes of a peaceful settlement.
31.2. non enim tueri solum Lysimachiam a primo impetu Romanorum facile erat, sed obsidionem etiam tota hieme tolerare et obsidentis quoque ad ultimam inopiam adducere extrahendo tempus et interim spem pacis per occasionem temptare.
31.3. Not only did he surrender Lysimachia to the enemy after the defeat on the sea, but he abandoned the siege of Colophon and withdrew to Sardis;
31.3. nec Lysimachiam tantum hostibus tradidit post adversam navalem pugnam, sed etiam Colophonis obsidione abscessit et Sardis recepit se;
31.4. and thence he sent agents to Ariarathes in Cappadocia to ask for auxiliaries, and he devoted himself entirely, in every possible way, to collecting troops, having now but one purpose —to settle the question on the battle-field.
31.4. atque inde in Cappadociam ad Ariarathen, qui auxilia accerserent, et quocumque alio poterat, ad copias contrahendas, in unum iam consilium, ut acie dimicaret, intentus misit.
31.5. Aemilius Regillus after the naval victory proceeded to Ephesus, and arraying his ships in front of the harbour, when he had forced from the enemy the final admission that he had yielded control of the sea, he sailed to Chios, whither he had been bound before the naval battle.
31.5. Regillus Aemilius post victoriam navalem profectus Ephesum, derectis ante portum navibus, cum confessionem ultimam concessi maris hosti expressisset, Chium, quo ante navale proelium cursum ab Samo intenderat, navigat.
31.6. When he had repaired there the damaged ships, he sent Lucius Aemilius Scaurus with thirty ships to the Hellespont to ferry the army across, and the Rhodians, honoured with part of the booty and naval trophies, he ordered to return home;
31.6. ibi naves in proelio quassatas cum refecisset, L. Aemilium Scaurum cum triginta navibus Hellespontum ad exercitum traiciendum misit, Rhodios parte praedae et spoliis navalibus decoratos domum redire iubet.
31.7. the Rhodians in their zeal chose first to transport the consul's army; and having finished this additional task, then at length they returned to Rhodes. The Roman fleet from Chios crossed to Phocaea.
31.7. Rhodii impigre praevertere ad traiciendas copias consulis [iere]; atque eo quoque functi officio, tum demum Rhodum rediere.
31.8. This city is situated at the extremity of a bay of the sea and is oblong in shape; it is surrounded by a wall of twenty-five hundred paces in length and it grows narrower at each end like a wedge; the people themselves call it Lampter.
31.8. classis Romana ab Chio Phocaeam traiecit. in sinu maris intimo posita haec urbs est, oblonga forma; duum milium et quingentorum passuum spatium murus amplectitur, coit deinde ex utraque parte in artiorem velut cuneum;
31.9. There the width is twelve hundred paces; thence a tongue, like a dividing line, runs a mile into the sea, almost through the centre of the bay; where it joins the narrow entrance-way it produces two very safe harbours facing in opposite directions.
31.9. Lamptera ipsi appellant. mille et ducentos passus ibi latitudo patet; inde lingua in altum mille passuum excurrens medium fere sinum velut nota distinguit; ubi cohaeret faucibus angustis, duos in utramque regionem versos portus tutissimos habet.
31.10. The one which faces south they call Naustathmus, because it shelters a great number of ships; the other is near Lampter itself.
31.10. qui in meridiem vergit, Naustathmon ab re appellant, quia ingentem vim navium capit; alter prope ipsum Lamptera est.
32.1. When these exceedingly safe harbours had been occupied by the Roman fleet, before he attacked the walls by either escalade or siege, the praetor thought he should send agents to test the attitude of the leading citizens and magistrates. When he found them intractable he began to attack in two places at once.
32.1. hos portus tutissimos cum occupasset Romana classis, priusquam aut scalis aut operibus moenia adgrederetur, mittendos censuit praetor, qui principum magistratuumque animos temptarent. postquam obstinatos vidit, duobus simul locis oppugnare est adortus.
32.2. One part was not thickly built up; temples of the gods occupied much space; here first he moved a battering-ram and began to shake the walls and towers;
32.2. altera pars infrequens aedificiis erat; templa deum aliquantum tenebant loci; ea prius ariete admoto quatere muros turresque coepit;
32.3. then, when the multitude rushed to its defence, a ram was moved up on the other side also;
32.3. dein cum eo multitudo occurreret ad defendendum, altera quoque parte admotus aries;
32.4. and now the walls were being overthrown on both sides. As they fell in, when the Roman soldiers were making their assault right over the heaps of ruins and still others were trying to climb the walls with ladders, the townspeople resisted so stubbornly that it was easily apparent that they placed more reliance on arms and courage than in walls.
32.4. et iam utrimque sternebantur muri. ad quorum casum cum impetum Romani milites per ipsam stragem ruinarum facerent, alii scalis etiam ascensum in muros temptarent, adeo obstinate restitere oppidani, ut facile appareret plus in armis et virtute quam in moenibus auxilii esse.
32.6. Compelled, therefore, by the danger to his soldiers, the praetor ordered the recall sounded, lest he expose reckless men to those who were raging with despair and fury.
32.6. coactus ergo periculo militum praetor receptui cani iussit, ne obiceret incautos furentibus desperatione ac rabie.
32.7. When the fighting stopped, not even then did they turn to rest, but rushed in every direction to build and repair what had been laid in ruins.
32.7. dirempto proelio, ne tum quidem ad quietem versi, sed undique omnes ad munienda et obmolienda, quae ruinis strata erant, concurrerunt.
32.8. While engaged in this work, Quintus Antonius, sent by the praetor, approached them and, reproving their obstinacy, pointed out that it was more to the interest of the Romans than themselves that the fighting should not continue until the city was destroyed;
32.8. huic operi intentis supervenit Q. Antonius a praetore missus, qui castigata pertinacia eorum maiorem curam Romanis quam illis ostenderet esse, ne in perniciem urbis pugnaretur;
32.9. if they wished to refrain from their madness, the opportunity was open to them of surrendering on the same terms as were granted when they submitted to Gaius Livius before.
32.9. si absistere furore vellent, potestatem iis dari eadem condicione, qua prius C. Livii in fidem venissent, se tradendi.
32.10. When they heard this they took a space of five days to deliberate, meanwhile searching for some hope of aid from Antiochus; but after the ambassadors sent to the king had reported that there was no protection in him, then they opened the gates, bargaining that they should not be treated as enemies.
32.10. haec cum audissent, quinque dierum spatio ad deliberandum sumpto, temptata interim spe auxilii ab Antiocho, postquam legati missi ad regem nihil in eo praesidii esse retulerant, tum portas aperuerunt, pacti, ne quid hostile paterentur.
32.11. When the standards entered the city and the praetor had proclaimed that he wished to spare the surrendered, there was a shout raised on all sides that it was a shameful thing that the Phocaeans, never faithful allies, always dangerous foes, should get off scot-free. With such shouts, as if they had received a signal from the praetor, they rushed off in every direction to plunder the city.
32.11. cum signa in urbem inferrentur et pronuntiasset praetor parci se deditis velle, clamor undique est sublatus, indignum facinus esse, Phocaeensis, numquam fidos socios, semper infestos hostis, impune eludere.
32.12. Aemilius at first opposed and tried to recall them, saying that captured, not surrendered, cities were plundered and that even so in these cases the decision rested with the commander, not the soldiers.
32.12. ab hac voce velut signo a praetore dato ad diripiendam urbem passim discurrunt. Aemilius primo resistere et revocare dicendo captas, non deditas diripi urbes, et in iis tamen imperatoris, non militum arbitrium esse.
32.13. After wrath and greed proved stronger than authority, he sent heralds through the city ordering all freemen to assemble in the forum in his presence, if they would escape harm; and in everything which was under his control the word of the praetor held good; the city, the farmlands and their laws were restored to them;
32.13. postquam ira et avaritia imperio potentiora erant, praeconibus per urbem missis liberos omnes in forum ad se convenire iubet, ne violarentur; et in omnibus, quae ipsius potestatis fuerunt, fides constitit praetoris:
32.14. and, since winter was approaching, he chose the harbours of Phocaea as the winter station for the fleet.
32.14. urbem agrosque et suas leges iis restituit; et, quia hiems iam appetebat, Phocaeae portus ad hibernandum classi delegit.
33.1. About the same time the consul, having crossed the territories of the Aenians and Maronians, received the news of the defeat of the royal fleet off Myonnesus and the abandonment of Lysimachia by its garrison.
33.1. per idem fere tempus consuli, transgresso Aeniorum Maronitarumque finis, nuntiatur victam regiam classem ad Myonnesum relictamque a praesidio Lysimachiam esse.
33.2. This gave him much greater joy than the naval victory, especially after they arrived there, and the city, filled with supplies of all kinds stored up as if for the arrival of the army, received them, where they had pictured to themselves the prospect of extreme want and hardship in besieging the city.
33.2. id multo quam de navali victoria laetius fuit, utique postquam eo venerunt, refertaque urbs omnium rerum commeatibus velut in adventum exercitus praeparatis eos excepit, ubi inopiam ultimam laboremque in obsidenda urbe proposuerant sibi.
33.3. For a few days they remained there, in order that the baggage might catch up, and the sick who, throughout all the forts of Thrace, exhausted by illness and the length of the march had been left behind.
33.3. ibi paucos dies stativa habuere, impedimenta aegrique ut consequerentur, qui passim per omnia Thraciae castella, fessi morbis ac longitudine viae, relicti erant.
33.4. When all had rejoined they again took up the march through Chersonesus and came to the Hellespont. There all preparation for crossing had been made through the energy of King Eumenes, and they crossed to shores in, as it were, a state of peace, with no one opposing them, without confusion, different ships seeking different ports.
33.4. receptis omnibus ingressi rursus iter per Chersonesum Hellespontum perveniunt. ubi omnibus cura regis Eumenis ad traiciendum praeparatis velut in pacata littora nullo prohibente, aliis alio delatis navibus, sine tumultu traiecere.
33.5. This circumstance increased the ardour of the Romans, seeing that the crossing into Asia had been conceded to them, which they had believed would be the occasion of a great battle.
33.5. ea vero res Romanis auxit animos, concessum sibi transire cernentibus [tum] in Asiam, quam rem magni certaminis futuram crediderant.
33.6. Then for a considerable time they remained stationary in camp on the Hellespont, because it happened that the days on which the ancilia were moved were sacred and had fallen in the period of the journey.
33.6. stativa deinde ad Hellespontum aliquamdiu habuerunt, quia dies forte, quibus ancilia moventur, religiosi ad iter inciderant.
33.7. These same days had detached Publius Scipio from the army, their religious character concerning him even more because he was a Salian priest; he too caused a delay until he overtook the army.
33.7. idem dies P. Scipionem propiore etiam religione, quia salius erat, diiunxerant ab exercitu; causaque et is ipse morae erat, dum consequeretur.
34.1. During these days, by chance, an ambassador from Antiochus had come to the camp, Heraclides of Byzantium, bringing instructions about peace;
34.1. per eos forte dies legatus ab Antiocho in castra venerat Byzantius Heraclides, de pace adferens mandata;
34.2. real hope that this was attainable was created in him by the delay and procrastination of the Roman army, which, he had believed, as soon as they reached Asia would make at full speed for the camp of the king.
34.2. quam impetrabilem fore magnam ei spem attulit mora et cunctatio Romanorum, quos, simul Asiam attigissent, effuso agmine ad castra regia ituros crediderat.
34.3. He decided to approach first not the consul but Publius Scipio, and so he had been instructed by the king. In him he placed his greatest hopes, for in addition to the fact that both the greatness of his soul and his having had his fill of glory rendered him especially approachable, it was known to all men what kind of conqueror he had been in Spain and later in Africa, his son also was a prisoner in the hands of the king. Where and when and by what chance he had been captured, like many other things, is by no means unanimously explained by the sources.
34.3. statuit tamen non prius consulem adire quam P. Scipionem, et ita mandatum ab rege erat. in eo maximam spem habebat, praeterquam quod et magnitudo animi et satietas gloriae placabilem eum maxime faciebat, notumque erat gentibus, qui victor ille in Hispania, qui deinde in Africa fuisset, etiam quod filius eius captus in potestate regis erat.
34.5. Some say that at the beginning of the war, when he was travelling from Chalcis to Oreus, he was surrounded by the king's ships, others that after they had crossed to Asia he had been sent with a troop from Fregellae to reconnoitre in the direction of the king's camp, and that when the cavalry rushed out to meet them and he had retreated, in the confusion he had fallen from his horse and had been captured with two troopers and so conducted to the king.
34.5. is ubi et quando et quo casu captus sit, sicut pleraque alia, parum inter auctores constat. alii principio belli, a Chalcide Oreum petentem, circumventum ab regiis navibus tradunt; alii, postquam transitum in Asiam est, cum turma Fregellana missum exploratum ad regia castra, effuso obviam equitatu cum reciperet sese, in eo tumultu delapsum ex equo cum duobus equitibus oppressum, ita ad regem deductum esse.
34.7. What is well established is that if peace had continued with the Roman people and if personal relations of mutual hospitality had existed between the king and the Scipios, the young man could not have been treated and entertained with greater kindliness and generosity than he had received.
34.7. illud satis constat, si pax cum populo Romano maneret hospitiumque privatim regi cum Scipionibus esset, neque liberalius neque benignius haberi colique adolescentem, quam cultus est, potuisse.
34.8. For these reasons, when the ambassador had waited for the arrival of Publius Scipio, at his coming he called upon the consul and begged him to hear his instructions.
34.8. ob haec cum adventum P. Scipionis legatus expectasset, ubi is venit, consulem adit petitque, ut mandata audiret.
35.1. A full council was called and the speech of the envoy was heard.
35.1. advocato frequenti consilio legati verba sunt audita.
35.2. He said that, after many earlier embassies about peace had been sent backwards and forwards in vain, his own very confidence was due to the fact that the previous ambassadors had succeeded in nothing: for Zmyrna and Lampsacus and Alexandria Troas and Lysimachia in Europe had been objects of contention in those discussions;
35.2. is, multis ante legationibus ultro citroque nequiquam de pace missis, eam ipsam fiduciam impetrandi sibi esse dixit, quod priores legati nihil impetrassent: Zmyrnam enim et Lampsacum et Alexandriam Troadem et Lysimachiam in Europa iactatas in illis disceptationibus esse;
35.3. of these, the king had already withdrawn from Lysimachia, that they might not say that he had possessions in Europe; the cities in Asia he was ready to surrender, and any other cities which the Romans, because they belonged to their party, wished to separate from the king's realm; of the money too which had been spent on the war, the king would guarantee to the Roman people the payment of one-half.
35.3. quarum Lysimachia iam cessisse regem, ne quid habere eum in Europa dicerent; eas quae in Asia sint civitates tradere paratum esse, et si quas alias Romani, quod suarum partium fuerint, vindicare ab imperio regio velint;
35.4. These were the terms of peace; the rest of his speech was that mindful of human destiny, they should deal temperately with their own fortune and not hardly with that of others.
35.4. impensae quoque in bellum factae partem dimidiam regem praestaturum populo Romano.
35.5. Let them limit their empire to Europe, that even this was very large; that it was possible to conquer and gain it part by part more easily than to hold the whole;
35.5. hae condiciones erant pacis; reliqua oratio fuit, ut memores rerum humanarum et suae fortunae moderarentur et alienam ne urgerent. finirent Europa imperium, id quoque immensum esse;
35.6. but if they wished to take some part of Asia too, provided they limited it by easily recognizable natural features, the king would permit his own self-restraint to be overcome by Roman greed for the sake of peace and harmony.
35.6. et parari singula acquirendo facilius potuisse quam universa teneri posse; quod si Asiae quoque partem aliquam abstrahere velint, dummodo non dubiis regionibus finiant; vinci suam temperantiam Romana cupiditate pacis et concordiae causa regem passurum. ea, quae legato magna ad pacem impetrandam videbantur, parva Romanis visa:
35.8. What seemed to the ambassador great incentives for concluding peace seemed unimportant to the Romans: as to the money that had been spent on the war, they deemed it only fair that the king should assume payment of it all, since it was by his fault that the war had been fomented, and that the king's garrisons should be withdrawn not only from Ionia and Aeolis, but, just as all Greece had been liberated, so all the
35.8. nam et impensam, quae in bellum facta esset, omnem praestare regem aequum censebant, cuius culpa bellum excitatum esset, et non Ionia modo atque Aeolide deduci debere regia praesidia,
35.10. cities which were in Asia should be set free; this could not be accomplished otherwise than by the retirement of Antiochus from the occupation of Asia on this side of the Taurus mountains.
35.10. sed sicut Graecia omnis liberata esset, ita, quae in Asia sint, omnes liberari urbes; id aliter fieri non posse, quam ut cis Taurum montem possessione Asiae Antiochus cedat.
36.1. Since the ambassador realized that he could obtain no fairness in the council, he tried privately —for such were his orders —to win over Publius Scipio.
36.1. legatus postquam nihil aequi in consilio impetrare se censebat, privatim — sic enim imperatum erat — P. Scipionis temptare animum est conatus.
36.2. First of all, he said that the king would restore to him his son without a ransom; then, ignorant of both the spirit of Scipio and the Roman tradition, he promised him a great sum of money and, with the single exception of the title of king, partnership in the entire kingdom if, through his aid, he succeeded in obtaining peace.
36.2. omnium primum filium ei sine pretio redditurum regem dixit; deinde ignarus et animi Scipionis et moris Romani, auri pondus ingens pollicitus est, et nomine tantum regio excepto societatem omnis regni, si per eum pacem impetrasset.
36.3. To this Scipio replied: “That you do not know the Romans as a race, that you do not know me, to whom you have been sent, I am less surprised to find since I see that you do not know the situation of the man from whom you come.”
36.3. ad ea Scipio: “quod Romanos omnis, quod me, ad quem missus es, ignoras, minus miror, cum te fortunam eius, a quo venis, ignorare cernam.
36.4. “Lysimachia should have been held, to prevent our entering the Chersonesus, or resistance should have been offered at the Hellespont, to prevent our crossing into Asia, if you intended to ask peace from foes who were anxious about the outcome of the war;”
36.4. Lysimachia tenenda erat, ne Chersonesum intraremus, aut ad Hellespontum obsistendum, ne in Asiam traiceremus, si pacem tamquam ab sollicitis de belli eventu petituri eratis:
36.5. “but when we were given passage into Asia and when not only our reins but also our yoke was accepted, what debate is left on the basis of equity, when you are obliged to put up with our sovereignty?”
36.5. concesso vero in Asiam transitu et non solum frenis, sed etiam iugo accepto quae disceptatio ex aequo, cum imperium patiendum sit, relicta est?
36.6. “Of the generous offers of the king, I accept the greatest, my son; as to the rest, I pray the gods that my estate will never need them; my soul, at any rate, will not need them.”
36.6. ego ex munificentia regia maximum donum filium habebo; aliis, deos precor, ne umquam fortuna egeat mea;
36.7. “In return for so great a gift to me, he will find me grateful to him if he desires private gratitude in return for a private kindness; in my public capacity I shall take nothing from him and give him nothing. What I can give him at this moment is my sincere advice.”
36.7. animus certe non egebit. pro tanto in me munere gratum me in se esse sentiet, si privatam gratiam pro privato beneficio desiderabit; publice nec habebo quicquam ab illo nec dabo.
36.8. “Go, advise him in my words that he abandon the war and refuse no terms of peace.”
36.8. quod in praesentia dare possim, fidele consilium est. abi, nuntia meis verbis, bello absistat, pacis condicionem nullam recuset.
36.9. His words had no effect upon the king, who thought that the gamble of war would be a safe one, since even now terms were declared to him as if he already had been defeated. Mention of peace was forgotten for the moment, and all his energy was devoted to preparation for war.
36.9. ” nihil ea moverunt regem, tutam fore belli aleam ratum, quando perinde ac victo iam sibi leges dicerentur. omissa igitur in praesentia mentione pacis totam curam in belli apparatum intendit.
37.1. When everything was ready for the execution of his designs and when he had moved from his base, the consul first advanced to Dardanus and then to Rhoeteum, and both peoples thronged to meet him.
37.1. consul omnibus praeparatis ad proposita exsequenda cum ex stativis movisset, Dardanum primum, deinde Rhoeteum utraque civitate obviam effusa venit.
37.2. Then he went on to Ilium, and encamping on the level ground which lies below the walls, he went up to the city and the citadel and offered sacrifice to Minerva, the guardian of the citadel;
37.2. inde Ilium processit, castrisque in campo, qui est subiectus moenibus, positis in urbem arcemque cum escendisset, sacrificavit Minervae praesidi arcis et Iliensibus in omni rerum verborumque honore ab se oriundos Romanos praeferentibus et Romanis laetis origine sua.
37.3. the people of Ilium, on their part, with every mark of honour in deed or word proclaiming the Romans as descendants, and the Romans rejoicing in their descent. Departing thence, on the sixth day of marching they came to the mouth of the Caïcus river. Thither too came King Eumenes, having first tried to conduct his fleet back from the Hellespont to Elaea to winter, but then when on account of opposing winds he could not for several days round the promontory of Lecton, he disembarked at the nearest point, so as not to miss the preliminaries of the campaign, and hastened to the Roman camp with a small force.
37.3. inde profecti sextis castris ad caput Caici amnis pervenerunt. eo et Eumenes rex, primo conatus ab Hellesponto reducere classem in hiberna Elaeam, adversis deinde ventis cum aliquot diebus superare Lecton promunturium non potuisset, in terram egressus, ne deesset principiis rerum, qua proximum fuit, in castra Romana cum parva manu contendit.
37.5. From his camp he was sent back to Pergamum to obtain supplies, and when he had delivered the grain to the consul as he was directed, he returned to the same station. From there the plan was, after previously preparing several days' rations, to march against the enemy before winter should prevent.
37.5. ex castris Pergamum remissus ad commeatus expediendos, tradito frumento quibus iusserat consul, in eadem stativa rediit. inde plurium dierum praeparatis cibariis consilium erat ire ad hostem, priusquam hiems opprimeret.
37.6. The king's camp was near Thyatira. When Antiochus learned there that Publius Scipio was sick and had been taken to Elaea, he sent ambassadors to return his son to him.
37.6. regia castra circa Thyatiram erant. ubi cum audisset Antiochus P. Scipionem aegrum Elaeam delatum, legatos, qui filium ad eum reducerent, misit.
37.7. The gift was not only grateful to a father's heart, but the joy was healing also to his body;
37.7. non animo solum patrio gratum munus, sed corpori quoque salubre gaudium fuit;
37.8. and at length sated with embracing his son, he said, “Take the message to the king that I tender my thanks to him, but at present I can show my gratitude in no other way than to counsel him not to come forth in line of battle until he hears that I have returned to camp.”
37.8. satiatusque tandem complexu filii “renuntiate” inquit “gratias regi me agere, referre aliam gratiam nunc non posse, quam ut suadeam, ne ante in aciem descendat, quam in castra me redisse audierit.”
37.9. Although sixty thousand infantry and more than twelve thousand cavalry sometimes inspired his mind with hope as to the battle, yet Antiochus, moved by the authority of so great a man (in whom, having regard to the uncertain issues of war, he had placed his every hope of assistance), retired, crossed the river Phrygius and established his camp in the vicinity of Magnesia, which is near Sipylus;
37.9. quamquam sexaginta milia peditum, plus duodecim milia equitum animos interdum ad spem certaminis faciebant, motus tamen Antiochus tanti auctoritate viri, in quo ad incertos belli eventus omnis fortunae posuerat subsidia, recepit se et transgressus Phrygium amnem circa Magnesiam, quae ad Sipylum est, posuit castra;
37.10. and, inasmuch as he wished to delay matters, that the Romans might not attempt his fortifications, when he had constructed a ditch six cubits deep and twelve cubits wide, on the outside he threw a double wall around the trench, on the inner lip of which he raised a wall with numerous towers, whence the enemy could easily be prevented from crossing the ditch.
37.10. et ne, si extrahere tempus vellet, munimenta Romani temptarent, fossam sex cubita altam, duodecim latam cum duxisset, extra duplex vallum fossae circumdedit, interiore labro murum cum turribus crebris obiecit, unde facile arceri transitu fossae hostis posset.
38.1. The consul, thinking that the king was near Thyatira, marching continuously, came down on the fifth day into the Hyrcanian plain.
38.1. consul circa Thyatiram esse regem ratus, continuis itineribus quinto die ad Hyrcanum campum descendit.
38.2. When he found that the king had gone, following his trail along the river Phrygius, he encamped four miles from the enemy.
38.2. inde cum profectum audisset, secutus vestigia citra Phrygium amnem, quattuor milia ab hoste, posuit castra.
38.3. There about a thousand cavalry —they were mostly Galatians with some Dahae and mounted archers of other tribes mixed with them —crossing the river in a confused mass, made an attack on the outguards.
38.3. eo mille ferme equites—maxima pars Gallograeci erant, et Dahae quidam aliarumque gentium sagittarii equites intermixti — tumultuose amni traiecto in stationes impetum fecerunt.
38.4. At first this threw them into confusion, since they were not in formation; then, as the battle continued for a longer time and the number of the Romans increased, it being easy to reinforce them from the adjacent camp, the king's troops were wearied and, unable to withstand the larger numbers, tried to retire along the banks of the river, and before they crossed the stream many were killed by the Romans, who pressed on from the rear.
38.4. primo turbaverunt incompositos; dein, cum longius certamen fieret, Romanorum ex propinquis castris facili subsidio cresceret numerus, regii fessi iam et pluris non sustinentes recipere se conati circa ripam amnis, priusquam flumen ingrederentur, ab instantibus tergo aliquot interfecti sunt.
38.5. For the next two days everything was quiet, neither side crossing the river; on the third day after, the Romans all crossed the river at the same time and made camp about twenty-five hundred paces from the enemy.
38.5. biduum deinde silentium fuit neutris transgredientibus amnem; tertio post die Romani simul omnes transgressi sunt et duo milia fere et quingentos passus ab hoste posuerunt castra.
38.6. As they were laying out the camp and engaged in fortifying it, about three thousand picked infantry and cavalry from the king's army came up, causing great fear and confusion; the number on outpost was considerably smaller;
38.6. metantibus et muniendo occupatis tria milia delecta equitum peditumque regiorum magno terrore ac tumultu advenere;
38.7. they nevertheless by themselves, without calling away any troops from the fortifying of the camp, both at first kept the contest even and later, as the battle grew more fierce, beat off the enemy, killing a hundred of them and capturing about a hundred.
38.7. aliquanto pauciores in statione erant; hi tamen per se, nullo a munimento castrorum milite avocato, et primo aequum proelium sustinuerunt, et crescente certamine pepulerunt hostis centum ex iis occisis, centum ferme captis.