14. Though regarding the Messenians as open enemies, Philip was unable to inflict serious damage upon them, in spite of his setting to work to devastate their territory; but he was guilty of abominable conduct of the worst description to men who had been his most intimate friends. For on the elder Aratus showing disapproval of his proceedings at Messene, he caused him not long afterwards to be made away with by poison, through the agency of Taurion who had charge of his interests in the Peloponnese. The crime was not known at the time by other people; for the drug was not one of those which kill on the spot, but was a slow poison producing a morbid state of the body. Aratus himself however was fully aware of the cause of his illness; and showed that he was so by the following circumstance. Though he kept the secret from the rest of the world, he did not conceal it from one of his servants named Cepholon, with whom he was on terms of great affection. This man waited on him during his illness with great assiduity, and having one day pointed out some spittle on the wall which was stained with blood, Aratus remarked, “that is the reward I have got for my friendship to Philip.” Such a grand and noble thing is disinterested virtue, that the sufferer was more ashamed, than the inflicter of the injury, of having it known, that, after so many splendid services performed in the interests of Philip, he had got such a return as that for his loyalty. In consequence of having been so often elected Strategus of the Achaean league, and of having performed so many splendid services for that people, Aratus after his death met with the honours he deserved, both in his own native city and from the league as a body. They voted him sacrifices and the honours of heroship, and in a word every thing calculated to perpetuate his memory; so that, if the departed have any consciousness, it is but reasonable to think that he feels pleasure at the gratitude of the Achaeans, and at the thought of the hardships and dangers he endured in his life....
14. διόπερ ἅμα τῷ συνεγγίζειν τοὺς Μακεδόνας εὐθέως ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἐξεχέοντο, θαρροῦντες ἐπί τε τῷ πλήθει καὶ ταῖς τῶν τόπων ὀχυρότησι. τοὺς μὲν οὖν πελταστὰς ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐν τοῖς ἐπιπέδοις ἐπέστησε, τοῖς δὲ κούφοις παρήγγειλε προβαίνειν πρὸς τοὺς λόφους καὶ συμπλέκεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐρρωμένως. ποιούντων δὲ τὸ παραγγελθέν, ἐπὶ ποσὸν μὲν ὁ κίνδυνος πάρισος ἦν μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα καὶ ταῖς δυσχωρίαις εἴξαντες οἱ παρὰ τοῦ Φιλίππου καὶ τῷ πλήθει τῶν πολεμίων ἐτράπησαν. καταφυγόντων δὲ τούτων εἰς τοὺς πελταστὰς οἱ μὲν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως καταφρονήσαντες προῄεσαν καὶ συγκαταβάντες ἐν τοῖς ἐπιπέδοις προσεμάχοντο τοῖς πελτασταῖς· οἱ δὲ τὸν Ἀκρόλισσον φυλάττοντες, θεωροῦντες τὸν Φίλιππον ἐκ διαδοχῆς ταῖς σπείραις ἐπὶ πόδα ποιούμενον τὴν ἀναχώρησιν, καὶ δόξαντες τοῖς ὅλοις αὐτὸν εἴκειν, ἔλαθον ἐκκληθέντες διὰ τὸ πιστεύειν τῇ φύσει τοῦ τόπου, κἄπειτα κατʼ ὀλίγους ἐκλιπόντες τὸν Ἀκρόλισσον κατέρρεον ταῖς ἀνοδίαις εἰς τοὺς ὁμαλοὺς καὶ πεδινοὺς τόπους, ὡς ἤδη τινὸς ὠφελείας καὶ τροπῆς τῶν πολεμίων ἐσομένης. κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον οἱ τὰς ἐνέδρας ἐκ τῆς μεσογαίας διειληφότες ἀφανῶς ἐξαναστάντες ἐνεργὸν ἐποιήσαντο τὴν ἔφοδον· ἅμα δὲ τούτοις ἐκ μεταβολῆς οἱ πελτασταὶ συνεπέθεντο τοῖς ὑπεναντίοις. οὗ συμβάντος διαταραχθέντες οἱ μὲν ἐκ τοῦ Λίσσου σποράδην ποιούμενοι τὴν ἀναχώρησιν διεσῴζοντο πρὸς τὴν πόλιν, οἱ δὲ τὸν Ἀκρόλισσον ἐκλιπόντες ἀπετμήθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐκ τῆς ἐνέδρας ἐξαναστάντων. διὸ καὶ συνέβη τὸ μὲν ἀνέλπιστον, τὸν Ἀκρόλισσον παραχρῆμα ληφθῆναι χωρὶς κινδύνων, τὸν δὲ Λίσσον τῇ κατὰ πόδας ἡμέρᾳ μετὰ μεγάλων ἀγώνων, ποιησαμένων τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐνεργοὺς καὶ καταπληκτικὰς προσβολάς. Φίλιππος μὲν οὖν, παραδόξως ἐγκρατὴς γενόμενος τῶν προειρημένων τόπων, ἅπαντας τοὺς πέριξ ὑποχειρίους ἐποιήσατο διὰ ταύτης τῆς πράξεως, ὥστε τοὺς πλείστους τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν ἐθελοντὴν ἐπιτρέπειν αὐτῷ τὰς πόλεις· οὐδεμία γὰρ ὀχυρότης ἔτι πρὸς τὴν Φιλίππου βίαν οὐδʼ ἀσφάλεια τοῖς ἀντιταττομένοις προυφαίνετο, κεκρατημένων μετὰ βίας τῶν προειρημένων ὀχυρωμάτων. [ξοδ. υρβ. φολ. 107 εχξ. αντ. π. 199.] Δασσαρῆται ἔθνος Ἰλλυρίας· Πολύβιος ὀγδόῳ. [στεπη. βψζ. π. 220, 21 μειν.] Ὕσκανα πόλις Ἰλλυρίδος οὐδετέρως· Πολύβιος η#. [ιβιδ. π. 653, 14 μειν.]
15. Philip had long had his thoughts fixed upon Lissus and its citadel; and, being anxious to become master of those places, he started with his army, and after two days’ march got through the pass and pitched his camp on the bank of the river Ardaxanus, not far from the town. He found on surveying the place that the fortifications of Lissus, both on the side of the sea and of the land, were exceedingly strong both by nature and art; and that the citadel, which was near it, from its extraordinary height and its other sources of strength, looked more than any one could hope to carry by storm. He therefore gave up all hope of the latter, but did not entirely despair of taking the town. He observed that there was a space between Lissus and the foot of the Acrolissus which was fairly well suited for making an attempt upon the town. He conceived the idea therefore of bringing on a skirmish in this space, and then employing a strategem suited to the circumstances of the case. Having given his men a day for rest; and having in the course of it addressed them in suitable words of exhortation; he hid the greater and most effective part of his light-armed troops during the night in some woody gulleys, close to this space on the land side; and next morning marched to the other side of the town next the sea, with his peltasts and the rest of his light-armed. Having thus marched round the town, and arrived at this spot, he made a show of intending to assault it at that point. Now as Philip’s advent had been no secret, a large body of men from the surrounding country of Illyria had flocked into Lissus; but feeling confidence in the strength of the citadel, they had assigned a very moderate number of men to garrison it.
15. Βῶλις ἦν ἀνὴρ γένει μὲν Κρής, χρόνον δὲ πολὺν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ διατετριφὼς ἐν ἡγεμονικῇ προστασίᾳ, δοκῶν δὲ καὶ σύνεσιν ἔχειν καὶ τόλμαν παράβολον καὶ τριβὴν ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς οὐδενὸς ἐλάττω. τοῦτον ὁ Σωσίβιος διὰ πλειόνων λόγων πιστωσάμενος, καὶ παρασκευάσας εὔνουν ἑαυτῷ καὶ πρόθυμον, ἀναδίδωσι τὴν πρᾶξιν, λέγων ὡς οὐδὲν ἂν τῷ βασιλεῖ μεῖζον χαρίσαιτο κατὰ τοὺς ἐνεστῶτας καιροὺς ἢ συνεπινοήσας πῶς καὶ τίνι τρόπῳ δύναται σῶσαι τὸν Ἀχαιόν. τότε μὲν οὖν διακούσας ὁ Βῶλις, καὶ φήσας ἐπισκέψασθαι περὶ τῶν εἰρημένων, ἐχωρίσθη· δοὺς δὲ λόγον ἑαυτῷ, καὶ μετὰ δύʼ ἢ τρεῖς ἡμέρας προσελθὼν πρὸς τὸν Σωσίβιον, ἀνεδέξατο τὴν πρᾶξιν εἰς αὑτόν, φήσας καὶ γεγονέναι πλείω χρόνον ἐν ταῖς Σάρδεσι καὶ τῶν τόπων ἐμπειρεῖν, καὶ τὸν Καμβύλον τὸν ἡγεμόνα τῶν παρʼ Ἀντιόχῳ στρατευομένων Κρητῶν οὐ μόνον πολίτην, ἀλλὰ καὶ συγγενῆ καὶ φίλον ὑπάρχειν αὑτῷ. συνέβαινε δὲ καὶ τὸν Καμβύλον καὶ τοὺς ὑπὸ τοῦτον ταττομένους Κρῆτας πεπιστεῦσθαί τι τῶν φυλακτηρίων τῶν κατὰ τοὺς ὄπισθε τόπους τῆς ἄκρας, οἵτινες κατασκευὴν μὲν οὐκ ἐπεδέχοντο, τῇ δὲ συνεχείᾳ τῶν ὑπὸ τὸν Καμβύλον τεταγμένων ἀνδρῶν ἐτηροῦντο. τοῦ δὲ Σωσιβίου δεξαμένου τὴν ἐπίνοιαν, καὶ διειληφότος ἢ μὴ δυνατὸν εἶναι σωθῆναι τὸν Ἀχαιὸν ἐκ τῶν περιεστώτων, ἢ δυνατοῦ καθάπαξ ὑπάρχοντος διὰ μηδενὸς ἂν ἑτέρου γενέσθαι τοῦτο βέλτιον ἢ διὰ Βώλιδος, τοιαύτης δὲ συνδραμούσης καὶ περὶ τὸν Βῶλιν προθυμίας, ταχέως ἐλάμβανε τὸ πρᾶγμα προκοπήν. ὅ τε γὰρ Σωσίβιος ἅμα μὲν προεδίδου τῶν χρημάτων εἰς τὸ μηδὲν ἐλλείπειν εἰς τὰς ἐπιβολάς, πολλὰ δʼ εὖ γενομένων ὑπισχνεῖτο δώσειν, τὰς δὲ παρʼ αὐτοῦ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ παρʼ Ἀχαιοῦ τοῦ σῳζομένου χάριτας ἐξ ὑπερβολῆς αὔξων εἰς μεγάλας ἐλπίδας ἦγε τὸν Βῶλιν· ὅ τε προειρημένος ἀνήρ, ἕτοιμος ὢν πρὸς τὴν πρᾶξιν, οὐδένα χρόνον ἐπιμείνας ἐξέπλευσε, συνθήματα λαβὼν καὶ πίστεις πρός τε Νικόμαχον εἰς Ῥόδον, ὃς ἐδόκει πατρὸς ἔχειν διάθεσιν κατὰ τὴν εὔνοιαν καὶ πίστιν πρὸς τὸν Ἀχαιόν, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ πρὸς Μελαγκόμαν εἰς Ἔφεσον. οὗτοι γὰρ ἦσαν, διʼ ὧν καὶ τὸν πρὸ τοῦ χρόνον Ἀχαιὸς τά τε πρὸς τὸν Πτολεμαῖον καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἁπάσας τὰς ἔξωθεν ἐπιβολὰς ἐχείριζε.
16. As soon therefore as the Macedonians approached, they began pouring out of the town, confident in their numbers and in the strength of the places. The king stationed his peltasts on the level ground, and ordered the light-armed troops to advance towards the hills and energetically engage the enemy. These orders being obeyed, the fight remained doubtful for a time; but presently Philip’s men yielded to the inequality of the ground, and the superior number of the enemy, and gave way. Upon their retreating within the ranks of the peltasts, the sallying party advanced with feelings of contempt, and having descended to the same level as the peltasts joined battle with them. But the garrison of the citadel seeing Philip moving his divisions one after the other slowly to the rear, and believing that he was abandoning the field, allowed themselves to be insensibly decoyed out, in their confidence in the strength of their fortifications; and thus, leaving the citadel by degrees, kept pouring down by bye-ways into the lower plain, under the belief that they would have an opportunity of getting booty and completing the enemy’s discomfiture. Meanwhile the division, which had been lying concealed on the side of the mainland, rose without being observed, and advanced at a rapid pace. At their approach the peltasts also wheeled round and charged the enemy. On this the troops from Lissus were thrown into confusion, and, after a straggling retreat, got safely back into the town; while the garrison which had abandoned the citadel got cut off from it by the rising of the troops which had been lying in ambush. The result accordingly was that what seemed hopeless, namely the capture of the citadel, was effected at once and without any fighting; while Lissus did not fall until next day, and then only after desperate struggles, the Macedonians assaulting with vigour and even terrific fury. Thus Philip having, beyond all expectation, made himself master of these places, reduced by this exploit all the neighbouring populations to obedience; so much so that the greater number of the Illyrians voluntarily surrendered their cities to his protection; for it had come to be believed that, after the storming of such strongholds as these, no fortification and no provision for security could be of any avail against the might of Philip.
16. παραγενόμενος δʼ εἰς τὴν Ῥόδον καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα πάλιν εἰς τὴν Ἔφεσον, καὶ κοινωσάμενος τοῖς προειρημένοις ἀνδράσι, καὶ λαβὼν αὐτοὺς ἑτοίμους εἰς τὰ παρακαλούμενα, μετὰ ταῦτʼ Ἀριανόν τινα τῶν ὑφʼ αὑτὸν ταττομένων διαπέμπεται πρὸς τὸν Καμβύλον, φήσας ἐξαπεστάλθαι μὲν ἐκ τῆς Ἀλεξανδρείας ξενολογήσων, βούλεσθαι δὲ τῷ Καμβύλῳ συμμῖξαι περί τινων ἀναγκαίων· διόπερ ᾤετο δεῖν τάξασθαι καιρὸν καὶ τόπον, ἐν ᾧ μηδενὸς συνειδότος αὑτοῖς συναντήσουσι. ταχὺ δὲ τοῦ Ἀριανοῦ συμμίξαντος τῷ Καμβύλῳ καὶ δηλώσαντος τὰς ἐντολάς, ἑτοίμως ὁ προειρημένος ἀνὴρ ὑπήκουσε τοῖς παρακαλουμένοις, καὶ συνθέμενος ἡμέραν καὶ τόπον ἑκατέρῳ γνωστόν, εἰς ὃν παρέσται νυκτός, ἀπέπεμψε τὸν Ἀριανόν. ὁ δὲ Βῶλις, ἅτε Κρὴς ὑπάρχων καὶ φύσει ποικίλος, πᾶν ἐβάσταζε πρᾶγμα καὶ πᾶσαν ἐπίνοιαν ἐψηλάφα. τέλος δὲ συμμίξας τῷ Καμβύλῳ κατὰ τὴν τοῦ Ἀριανοῦ σύνταξιν ἔδωκε τὴν ἐπιστολήν. ἧς τεθείσης εἰς τὸ μέσον ἐποιοῦντο τὴν σκέψιν Κρητικήν· οὐ γὰρ ἐσκόπουν ὑπὲρ τῆς τοῦ κινδυνεύοντος σωτηρίας οὐδʼ ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν ἐγχειρισάντων τὴν πρᾶξιν πίστεως, ἀλλʼ ὑπὲρ τῆς αὑτῶν ἀσφαλείας καὶ τοῦ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς συμφέροντος. διόπερ ἀμφότεροι Κρῆτες ὄντες συντόμως κατηνέχθησαν ἐπὶ τὴν αὐτὴν γνώμην· αὕτη δʼ ἦν τὰ μὲν παρὰ τοῦ Σωσιβίου προδεδομένα δέκα τάλαντα διελέσθαι κοινῇ, τὴν δὲ πρᾶξιν Ἀντιόχῳ δηλώσαντας καὶ συνεργῷ χρησαμένους ἐπαγγείλασθαι τὸν Ἀχαιὸν ἐγχειριεῖν αὐτῷ, λαβόντας χρήματα καὶ τὰς εἰς τὸ μέλλον ἐλπίδας ἀξίας τῆς προειρημένης ἐπιβολῆς. τούτων δὲ κυρωθέντων ὁ μὲν Καμβύλος ἀνεδέξατο χειριεῖν τὰ κατὰ τὸν Ἀντίοχον, ὁ δὲ Βῶλις ἐτάξατο μετά τινας ἡμέρας πέμψειν τὸν Ἀριανὸν πρὸς τὸν Ἀχαιόν, ἔχοντα παρά τε τοῦ Νικομάχου καὶ Μελαγκόμα συνθηματικὰ γράμματα. περὶ δὲ τοῦ παρεισελθεῖν τὸν Ἀριανὸν εἰς τὴν ἄκραν ἀσφαλῶς καὶ πάλιν ἀπελθεῖν, ἐκεῖνον ἐκέλευε φροντίζειν. ἐὰν δὲ προσδεξάμενος τὴν ἐπιβολὴν Ἀχαιὸς ἀντιφωνήσῃ τοῖς περὶ τὸν Νικόμαχον καὶ Μελαγκόμαν, οὕτως ἔφη δώσειν ὁ Βῶλις αὑτὸν εἰς τὴν χρείαν καὶ συμμίξειν τῷ Καμβύλῳ. τῆς δὲ διατάξεως γενομένης τοιαύτης χωρισθέντες ἔπραττον ἑκάτεροι τὰ συντεταγμένα.
17. (See ) Bolis was by birth a Cretan, who had long enjoyed the honours of high military rank at King Ptolemy’s court, and the reputation of being second to none in natural ability, adventurous daring, and experience in war. By repeated arguments Sosibius secured this man’s fidelity; and when he felt sure of his zeal and affection he communicated the business in hand to him. He told him that he could not do the king a more acceptable service at the present crisis than by contriving some way of saving Achaeus. At the moment Bolis listened, and retired without saying more than that he would consider the suggestion. But after two or three days’ reflection, he came to Sosibius and said that he would undertake the business; remarking that, having spent some considerable time at Sardis, he knew its topography, and that Cambylus, the commander of the Cretan contingent of the army of Antiochus, was not only a fellow citizen of his but a kinsmen and friend. It chanced moreover that Cambylus and his men had in charge one of the outposts on the rear of the acropolis, where the nature of the ground did not admit of siege-works, but was guarded by the permanent cantonment of troops under Cambylus. Sosibius caught at the suggestion, convinced that, if Achaeus could be saved at all from his dangerous situation, it could be better accomplished by the agency of Bolis than of any one else; and, this conviction being backed by great zeal on the part of Bolis, the undertaking was pushed on with despatch. Sosibius at once supplied the money necessary for the attempt, and promised a large sum besides in case of its success; at the same time raising the hopes of Bolis to the utmost by dilating upon the favours he might look for from the king, as well as from the rescued prince himself. Full of eagerness therefore for success, Bolis set sail without delay, taking with him a letter in cipher and other credentials addressed to Nicomachus at Rhodes, who was believed to entertain a fatherly affection and devotion for Achaeus, and also to Melancomas at Ephesus; for these were the men formerly employed by Achaeus in his negotiations with Ptolemy, and in all other foreign affairs.
17. καὶ λαβὼν καιρὸν πρῶτον ὁ Καμβύλος προσφέρει τῷ βασιλεῖ τὸν λόγον. ὁ δʼ Ἀντίοχος, πρὸς τρόπον αὐτῷ καὶ παραδόξου γενομένης τῆς ἐπαγγελίας, τὰ μὲν ὑπερχαρὴς ὢν πάνθʼ ὑπισχνεῖτο, τὰ δὲ διαπιστῶν ἐξήταζε τὰς κατὰ μέρος ἐπινοίας καὶ παρασκευὰς αὐτῶν. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πιστεύσας, καὶ νομίζων ὡς ἂν εἰ σὺν θεῷ γίνεσθαι τὴν ἐπιβολήν, ἠξίου καὶ πολλάκις ἐδεῖτο τοῦ Καμβύλου συντελεῖν τὴν πρᾶξιν. τὸ δὲ παραπλήσιον ὁ Βῶλις ἐποίει πρὸς τὸν Νικόμαχον καὶ Μελαγκόμαν. οἱ δὲ πιστεύοντες ἀπὸ τοῦ κρατίστου γίνεσθαι τὴν ἐπιβολήν, καὶ παραυτίκα τῷ Ἀριανῷ συνθέντες τὰς πρὸς τὸν Ἀχαιὸν ἐπιστολὰς γεγραμμένας συνθηματικῶς, καθάπερ ἔθος ἦν αὐτοῖς, οὕτως ὥστε τὸν κυριεύσαντα τῆς ἐπιστολῆς μὴ δύνασθαι γνῶναι μηδὲν τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ γεγραμμένων, ἐξαπέστειλαν παρακαλοῦντες πιστεύειν τοῖς περὶ τὸν Βῶλιν καὶ τὸν Καμβύλον. ὁ δʼ Ἀριανὸς διὰ τοῦ Καμβύλου παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν ἄκραν τὰ γεγραμμένα τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀχαιὸν ἀπέδωκε, καὶ συμπαρὼν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς τοῖς γινομένοις ἀκριβῶς τὸν κατὰ μέρος ὑπὲρ ἑκάστων ἀπεδίδου λόγον, πολλάκις μὲν καὶ ποικίλως ὑπὲρ τῶν κατὰ τὸν Σωσίβιον καὶ Βῶλιν ἀνακρινόμενος, πολλάκις δὲ περὶ Νικομάχου καὶ Μελαγκόμα, μάλιστα δὲ περὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸν Καμβύλον. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ αὐτοπαθῶς καὶ γενναίως ὑπέμενε τοὺς ἐλέγχους, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὸ μὴ γινώσκειν τὸ συνέχον τῶν τῷ Καμβύλῳ καὶ Βώλιδι δεδογμένων. Ἀχαιὸς δὲ καὶ διὰ τῶν ἀνακρίσεων τῶν τοῦ Ἀριανοῦ καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τῶν παρὰ τοῦ Νικομάχου καὶ Μελαγκόμα συνθημάτων πιστεύσας ἀντεφώνησε, καὶ παραχρῆμα πάλιν ἐξέπεμψε τὸν Ἀριανόν. πλεονάκις δὲ τούτου γινομένου παρʼ ἑκατέρων, τέλος οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀχαιὸν ἐπέτρεψαν περὶ σφῶν τοῖς περὶ τὸν Νικόμαχον, ἅτε μηδεμιᾶς ἄλλης ἐλπίδος ἔτι καταλειπομένης πρὸς σωτηρίαν, καὶ πέμπειν ἐκέλευον ἅμα τῷ Ἀριανῷ τὸν Βῶλιν ἀσελήνου νυκτός, ὡς ἐγχειριοῦντες αὑτούς. ἦν γάρ τις ἐπίνοια περὶ τὸν Ἀχαιὸν τοιαύτη, πρῶτον μὲν διαφυγεῖν τοὺς ἐνεστῶτας κινδύνους, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ποιήσασθαι δίχα προόδου τὴν ὁρμὴν ἐπὶ τοὺς κατὰ Συρίαν τόπους· πάνυ γὰρ εἶχε μεγάλας ἐλπίδας ἐπιφανεὶς ἄφνω καὶ παραδόξως τοῖς κατὰ Συρίαν ἀνθρώποις, καὶ ἔτι διατρίβοντος Ἀντιόχου περὶ τὰς Σάρδεις, μέγα ποιήσειν κίνημα καὶ μεγάλης ἀποδοχῆς τεύξεσθαι παρά τε τοῖς Ἀντιοχεῦσι καὶ τοῖς κατὰ Κοίλην Συρίαν καὶ Φοινίκην.
18. Bolis went to Rhodes, and thence to Ephesus; communicated his purpose to Nicomachus and Melancomas; and found them ready to do what they were asked. He then despatched one of his staff, named Arianus, to Cambylus, with a message to the effect that he had been sent from Alexandria on a recruiting tour, and that he wished for an interview with Cambylus on some matters of importance; he thought it therefore necessary to have a time and place arranged for them to meet without the privity of a third person. Arianus quickly obtained an interview with Cambylus and delivered his message; nor was the latter at all unwilling to listen to the proposal. Having appointed a day, and a place known to both himself and Bolis, at which he would be after nightfall, he dismissed Arianus. Now Bolis had all the subtlety of a Cretan, and he accordingly weighed carefully in his own mind every possible line of action, and patiently examined every idea which presented itself to him. Finally he met Cambylus according to the arrangement made with Arianus, and delivered his letter. This was now made the subject of discussion between them in a truly Cretan spirit. They never took into consideration the means of saving the person in danger, or their obligations of honour to those who had entrusted them with the undertaking, but confined their discussions entirely to the question of their own safety and their own advantage. As they were both Cretans they were not long in coming to an unanimous agreement: which was, first of all, to divide the ten talents supplied by Sosibius between themselves in equal shares; and, secondly, to discover the whole affair to Antiochus, and to offer with his support to put Achaeus into his hands, on condition of receiving a sum of money and promises for the future, on a scale commensurate with the greatness of the undertaking. Having settled upon this plan of action: Cambylus undertook the negotiation with Antiochus, while to Bolis was assigned the duty of sending Arianus within the next few days to Achaeus, bearing letters in cipher from Nicomachus and Melancomas: he bade Cambylus however take upon himself to consider how Arianus was to make his way into the acropolis and return with safety. “If,” said Bolis, “Achaeus consents to make the attempt, and sends an answer to Nicomachus and Melancomas, I will be ready to act and will communicate with you.” Having thus arranged the parts which each was to take in the plot, they separated and set about their several tasks.
18. ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἀχαιὸς ἐπί τινος τοιαύτης προσδοκίας καὶ διαλογισμῶν ὑπάρχων ἐκαραδόκει τὴν παρουσίαν τοῦ Βώλιδος· οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Μελαγκόμαν ἀποδεξάμενοι τὸν Ἀριανὸν καὶ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἀναγνόντες, ἐξέπεμπον τὸν Βῶλιν, παρακαλέσαντες διὰ πλειόνων καὶ μεγάλας ἐλπίδας ὑποδείξαντες, ἐὰν καθίκηται τῆς ἐπιβολῆς. ὁ δὲ προδιαπεμψάμενος τὸν Ἀριανόν, καὶ δηλώσας τῷ Καμβύλῳ τὴν αὑτοῦ παρουσίαν, ἧκε νυκτὸς ἐπὶ τὸν συντεθέντα τόπον. γενόμενοι δὲ μίαν ἡμέραν ἐπὶ ταὐτό, καὶ συνταξάμενοι περὶ τοῦ πῶς χειρισθήσεται τὰ κατὰ μέρος, μετὰ ταῦτα νυκτὸς εἰσῆλθον εἰς τὴν παρεμβολήν. ἡ δὲ διάταξις αὐτῶν ἐγεγόνει τοιαύτη τις· εἰ μὲν συμβαίη τὸν Ἀχαιὸν ἐκ τῆς ἄκρας ἐλθεῖν μόνον ἢ καὶ δεύτερον μετὰ τοῦ Βώλιδος καὶ Ἀριανοῦ, τελέως εὐκαταφρόνητος, ἔτι δʼ εὐχείρωτος ἔμελλε γίνεσθαι τοῖς ἐνεδρεύουσιν· εἰ δὲ μετὰ πλειόνων, δύσχρηστος ἡ πρόθεσις ἀπέβαινε τοῖς πεπιστευμένοις, ἄλλως τε καὶ ζωγρίᾳ σπεύδουσι κυριεῦσαι διὰ τὸ τῆς πρὸς τὸν Ἀντίοχον χάριτος τὸ πλεῖστον ἐν τούτῳ κεῖσθαι τῷ μέρει. διόπερ ἔδει τὸν μὲν Ἀριανόν, ὅταν ἐξάγῃ τὸν Ἀχαιόν, ἡγεῖσθαι διὰ τὸ γινώσκειν τὴν ἀτραπόν, ᾗ πολλάκις ἐπεποίητο καὶ τὴν εἴσοδον καὶ τὴν ἔξοδον, τὸν δὲ Βῶλιν ἀκολουθεῖν τῶν ἄλλων κατόπιν, ἵνʼ ἐπειδὰν παραγένηται πρὸς τὸν τόπον, ἐν ᾧ τοὺς ἐνεδρεύοντας ἑτοίμους ὑπάρχειν ἔδει διὰ τοῦ Καμβύλου, τότʼ ἐπιλαβόμενος κρατοίη τὸν Ἀχαιόν, καὶ μήτε διαδραίη κατὰ τὸν θόρυβον νυκτὸς οὔσης διὰ τόπων ὑλωδῶν, μήθʼ αὑτὸν ῥίψαι κατά τινος κρημνοῦ περιπαθὴς γενόμενος, πέσοι δὲ κατὰ τὴν πρόθεσιν ὑπὸ τὰς τῶν ἐχθρῶν χεῖρας ζωγρίᾳ. τούτων δὲ συγκειμένων, καὶ παραγενομένου τοῦ Βώλιδος ὡς τὸν Καμβύλον, ᾗ μὲν ἦλθε νυκτί, ταύτῃ παράγει πρὸς τὸν Ἀντίοχον τὸν Βῶλιν ὁ Καμβύλος μόνος πρὸς μόνον. ἀποδεξαμένου δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως φιλοφρόνως, καὶ δόντος πίστεις ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐπαγγελιῶν, καὶ παρακαλέσαντος ἀμφοτέρους διὰ πλειόνων μηκέτι μέλλειν ὑπὲρ τῶν προκειμένων, τότε μὲν ἀνεχώρησαν εἰς τὴν αὑτῶν παρεμβολήν, ὑπὸ δὲ τὴν ἑωθινὴν Βῶλις ἀνέβη μετὰ τοῦ Ἀριανοῦ, καὶ παρεισῆλθεν ἔτι νυκτὸς εἰς τὴν ἄκραν.
19. At the first opportunity Cambylus laid the proposal before the king. It was as acceptable to Antiochus as it was unexpected: in the first flush of his exultation he promised everything they asked; but presently feeling some distrust, he questioned Cambylus on every detail of their plan, and their means of carrying it out. Being eventually satisfied on these points, and believing that the undertaking was under the special favour of Providence, he repeatedly begged and prayed Cambylus to bring it to a conclusion. Bolis was equally successful with Nicomachus and Melancomas. They entertained no doubt of his sincerity, and joined him in the composition of letters to Achaeus,—composed in a cipher which they had been accustomed to use,—to prevent any one who got hold of the letter from making out its contents, exhorting him to trust Bolis and Cambylus. So Arianus, having by the aid of Cambylus made his way into the acropolis, delivered the letters to Achaeus; and having had personal acquaintance with the whole business from its commencement, he was able to give an account of every detail when questioned and cross-questioned again and again by Achaeus about Sosibius and Bolis, about Nicomachus and Melancomas, and most particularly about the part which Cambylus was taking in the affair. He could of course stand this cross-examination with some air of sincerity and candour, because, in point of fact, he was not acquainted with the most important part of the plan which Cambylus and Bolis had adopted. Achaeus was convinced by the answers returned by Arianus, and still more by the cipher of Nicomachus and Melancomas; gave his answer; and sent Arianus back with it without delay. This kind of communication was repeated more than once: and at last Achaeus entrusted himself without reserve to Nicomachus, there being absolutely no other hope of saving himself left remaining, and bade him send Bolis with Arianus on a certain moonless night, promising to place himself in their hands. The idea of Achaeus was, first of all, to escape his immediate danger; and then by a circuitous route to make his way into Syria. For he entertained very great hopes that, if he appeared suddenly and unexpectedly to the Syrians, while Antiochus was still lingering about Sardis, he would be able to stir up a great movement, and meet with a cordial reception from the people of Antioch, Coele-Syria, and Phoenicia. With such expectations and calculations Achaeus was waiting for the appearance of Bolis.
19. Ἀχαιὸς δὲ προσδεξάμενος ἐκτενῶς καὶ φιλοφρόνως τὸν Βῶλιν ἀνέκρινε διὰ πλειόνων ὑπὲρ ἑκάστου τῶν κατὰ μέρος. θεωρῶν δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ κατὰ τὴν ὁμιλίαν ἕλκοντα τὸ τῆς πράξεως στάσιμον, τὰ μὲν περιχαρὴς ἦν διὰ τὴν ἐλπίδα τῆς σωτηρίας, τὰ δὲ πάλιν ἐπτοημένος καὶ πλήρης ἀγωνίας διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν ἀποβησομένων. ὑπάρχων δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὴν διάνοιαν οὐδενὸς ἥττων καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἐν πράγμασι τριβὴν ἱκανός, ὅμως ἀκμὴν ἔκρινε μὴ πᾶσαν εἰς τὸν Βῶλιν ἀνακρεμάσαι τὴν πίστιν. διὸ ποιεῖται τοιούτους λόγους πρὸς αὐτόν, ὅτι κατὰ μὲν τὸ παρὸν οὐκ ἔστι δυνατὸν ἐξελθεῖν αὐτῷ, πέμψει δέ τινας τῶν φίλων μετʼ ἐκείνου τρεῖς ἢ τέτταρας, ὧν συμμιξάντων τοῖς περὶ τὸν Μελαγκόμαν ἕτοιμον αὑτὸν ἔφη παρασκευάσειν πρὸς τὴν ἔξοδον. ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἀχαιὸς ἐποίει τὰ δυνατά· τοῦτο δʼ ἠγνόει, τὸ δὴ λεγόμενον, πρὸς Κρῆτα κρητίζων· ὁ γὰρ Βῶλις οὐθὲν ἀψηλάφητον εἶχε τῶν ἐπινοηθέντων ἂν εἰς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος. πλὴν παραγενομένης τῆς νυκτός, ἐν ᾗ συνεξαποστέλλειν ἔφη τοὺς φίλους, προπέμψας τὸν Ἀριανὸν καὶ τὸν Βῶλιν ἐπὶ τὴν τῆς ἄκρας ἔξοδον μένειν προσέταξε, μέχρις ἂν οἱ μέλλοντες αὐτοῖς συνεξορμᾶν παραγένωνται. τῶν δὲ πειθαρχησάντων, κοινωσάμενος παρʼ αὐτὸν τὸν καιρὸν τῇ γυναικὶ καὶ ποιήσας διὰ τὸ παράδοξον τὴν Λαοδίκην ἔκφρονα, χρόνον μέν τινα λιπαρῶν ταύτην καὶ καταπραΰνων ταῖς προσδοκωμέναις ἐλπίσι προσεκαρτέρει, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πέμπτος αὐτὸς γενόμενος, καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις μετρίας ἐσθῆτας ἀναδούς, αὐτὸς δὲ λιτὴν καὶ τὴν τυχοῦσαν ἀναλαβὼν καὶ ταπεινὸν αὑτὸν ποιήσας προῆγε, συντάξας ἑνὶ τῶν φίλων αὐτὸν αἰὲν ἀποκρίνασθαι πρὸς τὸ λεγόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀριανὸν καὶ πυνθάνεσθαι παρʼ ἐκείνων ἀεὶ τὸ κατεπεῖγον, περὶ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων φάναι βαρβάρους αὐτοὺς ὑπάρχειν.
20. Meanwhile Arianus had reached Melancomas, who, on reading the letter which he brought, immediately despatched Bolis with many words of exhortation and great promises of profit if he succeeded in his enterprise. Bolis sent Arianus in advance to signify his arrival to Cambylus, and went after nightfall to their usual place of meeting. There they spent a whole day together settling every detail of their plan of operations; and having done this they went into the camp under cover of night. The arrangement made between them was this. If it turned out that Achaeus came from the acropolis alone with Bolis and Arianus, or with only one attendant, he would give them no cause for anxiety at all, but would be easily captured by the ambuscade set for him. If, on the other hand, he should be accompanied by a considerable number, the business would be one of some difficulty to those on whose good faith he relied; especially as they were anxious to capture him alive, that being what would most gratify Antiochus. In that case, therefore, Arianus, while conducting Achaeus, was to go in front, because he knew the path by which he had on several occasions effected his entrance and return; Bolis was to bring up the rear, in order that, when they arrived at the spot where Cambylus was to have his ambuscade ready, he might lay hold on Achaeus, and prevent his getting away through wooded ground, in the confusion and darkness of the night, or throwing himself in his terror from some precipice; thus they would secure that he fell, as they intended, into his enemies’ hands alive. These arrangements having been agreed upon, Bolis was taken by Cambylus on the very night of his arrival, without any one else, and introduced to Antiochus. The king was alone and received them graciously; he pledged himself to the performance of his promises, and urged them both again and again not to postpone any longer the performance of their purpose. Thereupon they returned for the present to their own camp; but towards morning Bolis, accompanied by Arianus, ascended to the acropolis, and entered it before daybreak.
20. ἐπεὶ δὲ συνέμιξαν τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀριανόν, ἡγεῖτο μὲν αὐτὸς αὐτῶν διὰ τὴν ἐμπειρίαν, ὁ δὲ Βῶλις κατόπιν ἐπέστη κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πρόθεσιν, ἀπορῶν καὶ δυσχρηστούμενος ὑπὲρ τοῦ συμβαίνοντος· καίπερ γὰρ ὢν Κρὴς καὶ πᾶν ἄν τι κατὰ τοῦ πέλας ὑποπτεύσας, ὅμως οὐκ ἠδύνατο διὰ τὸ σκότος συννοῆσαι τὸν Ἀχαιόν, οὐχ οἷον τίς ἐστιν, ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ καθάπαξ εἰ πάρεστι. τῆς δὲ καταβάσεως κρημνώδους μὲν καὶ δυσβάτου κατὰ τὸ πλεῖστον ὑπαρχούσης, ἔν τισι δὲ τόποις καὶ λίαν ἐπισφαλεῖς ἐχούσης καὶ κινδυνώδεις καταφοράς, ὁπότε παραγένοιτο πρός τινα τοιοῦτον τόπον, τῶν μὲν ἐπιλαμβανομένων, τῶν δὲ πάλιν ἐκδεχομένων τὸν Ἀχαιόν, οὐ δυναμένων γὰρ καθόλου τὴν ἐκ τῆς συνηθείας καταξίωσιν στέλλεσθαι πρὸς τὸν παρόντα καιρόν, ταχέως ὁ Βῶλις συνῆκε τίς ἐστι καὶ ποῖος αὐτῶν ὁ Ἀχαιός. ἐπεὶ δὲ παρεγένοντο πρὸς τὸν τῷ Καμβύλῳ διατεταγμένον τόπον, καὶ τὸ σύνθημα προσσυρίξας ὁ Βῶλις ἀπέδωκε, τῶν μὲν ἄλλων οἱ διαναστάντες ἐκ τῆς ἐνέδρας ἐπελάβοντο, τὸν δʼ Ἀχαιὸν αὐτὸς ὁ Βῶλις ὁμοῦ τοῖς ἱματίοις, ἔνδον τὰς χεῖρας ἔχοντα, συνήρπασε, φοβηθεὶς μὴ συννοήσας τὸ γινόμενον ἐπιβάλοιτο διαφθείρειν αὑτόν· καὶ γὰρ εἶχε μάχαιραν ἐφʼ αὑτῷ παρεσκευασμένος. ταχὺ δὲ καὶ πανταχόθεν κυκλωθεὶς ὑποχείριος ἐγένετο τοῖς ἐχθροῖς, καὶ παραχρῆμα μετὰ τῶν φίλων ἀνήγετο πρὸς τὸν Ἀντίοχον. ὁ δὲ βασιλεύς, πάλαι μετέωρος ὢν τῇ διανοίᾳ καὶ καραδοκῶν τὸ συμβησόμενον, ἀπολύσας τοὺς ἐκ τῆς συνουσίας ἔμενε μόνος ἐγρηγορὼς ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ μετὰ δυεῖν ἢ τριῶν σωματοφυλάκων. παρεισελθόντων δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸν Καμβύλον καὶ καθισάντων τὸν Ἀχαιὸν ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν δεδεμένον, εἰς τοιαύτην ἀφασίαν ἦλθε διὰ τὸ παράδοξον ὥστε πολὺν μὲν χρόνον ἀποσιωπῆσαι, τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον συμπαθὴς γενέσθαι καὶ δακρῦσαι. τοῦτο δʼ ἔπαθεν ὁρῶν, ὡς ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ, τὸ δυσφύλακτον καὶ παράλογον τῶν ἐκ τῆς τύχης συμβαινόντων. Ἀχαιὸς γὰρ ἦν Ἀνδρομάχου μὲν υἱὸς τοῦ Λαοδίκης ἀδελφοῦ τῆς Σελεύκου γυναικός, ἔγημε δὲ Λαοδίκην τὴν Μιθριδάτου τοῦ βασιλέως θυγατέρα, κύριος δʼ ἐγεγόνει τῆς ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου πάσης. δοκῶν δὲ τότε καὶ ταῖς αὑτοῦ δυνάμεσι καὶ ταῖς τῶν ὑπεναντίων ἐν ὀχυρωτάτῳ τόπῳ τῆς οἰκουμένης διατρίβειν, ἐκάθητο δεδεμένος ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς, ὑποχείριος γενόμενος τοῖς ἐχθροῖς, οὐδέπω γινώσκοντος οὐθενὸς ἁπλῶς τὸ γεγονὸς πλὴν τῶν πραξάντων.
21. Achaeus received them with warmth and cordiality, and questioned Bolis at great length on every detail. From the expression of his face, and his conversation, he judged Bolis to be a man of a character weighty enough for so serious an undertaking; but while at one time he exulted in the prospect of his release, at another, he grew painfully excited, and was torn with an agony of anxiety at the gravity of the issues at stake. But no one had a clearer head or greater experience in affairs than he; and in spite of the good opinion he had formed of him, he still determined that his safety should not depend entirely on the good faith of Bolis. He accordingly told him that it was impossible for him to leave the acropolis at the moment: but that he would send some two or three of his friends with him, and by the time that they had joined Melancomas he would be prepared to depart. So Achaeus did all he could for his security; but he did not know that he was trying to do what the proverb declares to be impossible—out-cretan a Cretan. For there was no trick likely to be tried that Bolis had not anticipated. However when the night came, in which Achaeus said that he would send his friends with them, he sent on Arianus and Bolis to the entrance of the acropolis, with instructions to wait there until those who were to go with them arrived. They did as he bade them. Achaeus then, at the very moment of his departure, communicated his plan to his wife Laodice; and she was so terrified at his sudden resolve, that he had to spend some time in entreating her to be calm, in soothing her feelings, and encouraging her by pointing out the hopes which he entertained. This done he started with four companions, whom he dressed in ordinary clothes, while he himself put on a mean and common dress and disguised his rank as much as possible. He selected one of his four companions to be always prepared to answer anything said by Arianus, and to ask any necessary question of him, and bade him say that the other four did not speak Greek.
21. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἅμα τῷ φωτὶ συναθροιζομένων τῶν φίλων εἰς τὴν σκηνὴν κατὰ τὸν ἐθισμόν, καὶ τοῦ πράγματος ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν θεωρουμένου, τὸ παραπλήσιον τῷ βασιλεῖ συνέβαινε πάσχειν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους· θαυμάζοντες γὰρ τὸ γεγονὸς ἠπίστουν τοῖς ὁρωμένοις. καθίσαντος δὲ τοῦ συνεδρίου, πολλοὶ μὲν ἐγίνοντο λόγοι περὶ τοῦ τίσι δεῖ κατʼ αὐτοῦ χρήσασθαι τιμωρίαις· ἔδοξε δʼ οὖν πρῶτον μὲν ἀκρωτηριάσαι τὸν ταλαίπωρον, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποτεμόντας αὐτοῦ καὶ καταρράψαντας εἰς ὄνειον ἀσκὸν ἀνασταυρῶσαι τὸ σῶμα. γενομένων δὲ τούτων, καὶ τῆς δυνάμεως ἐπιγνούσης τὸ συμβεβηκός, τοιοῦτος ἐνθουσιασμὸς ἐγένετο καὶ παράστασις τοῦ στρατοπέδου παντὸς ὥστε τὴν Λαοδίκην ἐκ τῆς ἄκρας μόνον συνειδυῖαν τὴν ἔξοδον τἀνδρός, τεκμήρασθαι τὸ γεγονὸς ἐκ τῆς περὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον ταραχῆς καὶ κινήσεως. ταχὺ δὲ καὶ τοῦ κήρυκος παραγενομένου πρὸς τὴν Λαοδίκην καὶ διασαφοῦντος τὰ περὶ τὸν Ἀχαιόν, καὶ κελεύοντος τίθεσθαι τὰ πράγματα καὶ παραχωρεῖν τῆς ἄκρας, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀναπόκριτος οἰμωγὴ καὶ θρῆνοι παράλογοι κατεῖχον τοὺς περὶ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν, οὐχ οὕτως διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸν Ἀχαιὸν εὔνοιαν ὡς διὰ τὸ παράδοξον καὶ τελέως ἀνέλπιστον ἑκάστῳ φαίνεσθαι τὸ συμβεβηκός, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πολλή τις ἦν ἀπορία καὶ δυσχρηστία περὶ τοὺς ἔνδον. Ἀντίοχος δὲ διακεχειρισμένος τὸν Ἀχαιὸν ἐπεῖχε τοῖς κατὰ τὴν ἄκραν ἀεί, πεπεισμένος ἀφορμὴν ἐκ τῶν ἔνδον αὑτῷ παραδοθήσεσθαι, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν. ὃ καὶ τέλος ἐγένετο· στασιάσαντες γὰρ πρὸς σφᾶς ἐμερίσθησαν, οἱ μὲν πρὸς Ἀρίβαζον, οἱ δὲ πρὸς τὴν Λαοδίκην. οὗ γενομένου διαπιστήσαντες ἀλλήλοις ταχέως ἀμφότεροι παρέδοσαν αὑτοὺς καὶ τὰς ἀκροπόλεις. Ἀχαιὸς μὲν οὖν πάντα τὰ κατὰ λόγον πράξας, ὑπὸ δὲ τῆς τῶν πιστευθέντων ἡττηθεὶς ἀθεσίας, κατεστρέψατο τὸν βίον, κατὰ δύο τρόπους οὐκ ἀνωφελὲς ὑπόδειγμα γενόμενος τοῖς ἐπεσομένοις, καθʼ ἕνα μὲν πρὸς τὸ μηδενὶ πιστεύειν ῥᾳδίως, καθʼ ἕτερον δὲ πρὸς τὸ μὴ μεγαλαυχεῖν ἐν ταῖς εὐπραγίαις, πᾶν δὲ προσδοκᾶν ἀνθρώπους ὄντας. [ξοδ. υρβ. φολ. 109 εχξ. αντ. π. 199 ετ ινδε αβ 360, 10. πιστεύειν εχξ. ϝατ. π. 374 μ. 27, 1 η. ποστ υνιυς φολιι λαξυναμ ϝ. ϝιιι, 36, 9.]
22. The five then joined Arianus, and they all started together on their journey. Arianus went in front, as being acquainted with the way; while Bolis took up his position behind in accordance with the original plan, puzzled and annoyed at the way things were turning out. For, Cretan as he was, and ready to suspect every one he came near, he yet could not make out which of the five was Achaeus, or whether he was there at all. But the path was for the most part precipitous and difficult, and in some places there were abrupt descents which were slippery and dangerous; and whenever they came to one of these, some of the four gave Achaeus a hand down, and the others caught him at the bottom, for they could not entirely conceal their habitual respect for him; and Bolis was quick to detect, by observing this, which of them was Achaeus. When therefore they arrived at the spot at which it had been arranged that Cambylus was to be, Bolis gave the signal by a whistle, and the men sprang from their places of concealment and seized the other four, while Bolis himself caught hold of Achaeus, at the same time grasping his mantle, as his hands were inside it; for he was afraid that having a sword concealed about his person he would attempt to kill himself when he understood what was happening. Being thus quickly surrounded on every side, Achaeus fell into the hands of his enemies, and along with his four friends was taken straight off to Antiochus. The king was in his tent in a state of extreme anxiety awaiting the result. He had dismissed his usual court, and, with the exception of two or three of the bodyguard, was alone and sleepless. But when Cambylus and his men entered, and placed Achaeus in chains on the ground, he fell into a state of speechless astonishment: and for a considerable time could not utter a word, and finally overcome by a feeling of pity burst into tears; caused, I have no doubt, by this exhibition of the capriciousness of Fortune, which defies precaution and calculation alike. For here was Achaeus, a son of Andromachus, the brother of Seleucus’s queen Laodice, and married to Laodice, a daughter of King Mithridates, and who had made himself master of all Asia this side of Taurus, and who at that very moment was believed by his own army, as well as by that of his enemy, to be safely ensconced in the strongest position in the world,—sitting chained upon the ground, in the hands of his enemies, before a single person knew of it except those who had effected the capture. And, indeed, when at daybreak the king’s friends assembled as usual at his tent, and saw this strange spectacle, they too felt emotions very like those of the king; while extreme astonishment made them almost disbelieve the evidence of their senses. However the council met, and a long debate ensued as to what punishment they were to inflict upon Achaeus. Finally, it was resolved that his extremities should be cut off, his head severed from his body and sewn up in the skin of an ass, and his body impaled. When this sentence had been carried out, and the army learnt what had happened, there was such excitement in the ranks and such a rush of the soldiers to the spectacle, that Laodice on the acropolis, who alone knew that her husband had left it, guessed what had happened from the commotion and stir in the camp. And before long a herald arrived, told Laodice what had happened to Achaeus, and ordered her to resign the command and quit the acropolis. At first any answer was prevented by an outburst of sorrow and overpowering lamentation on the part of the occupants of the acropolis; not so much from affection towards Achaeus, as from the suddenness and utter unexpectedness of the catastrophe. But this was succeeded by a feeling of hesitation and dismay; and Antiochus, having got rid of Achaeus, never ceased putting pressure on the garrison of the acropolis, feeling confident that a means of taking it would be put into his hands by those who occupied it, and most probably by the rank and file of the garrison. And this is just what did finally happen: for the soldiers split up into factions, one joining Ariobazus, the other Laodice. This produced mutual distrust, and before long both parties surrendered themselves and the acropolis. Thus Achaeus, in spite of having taken every reasonable precaution, lost his life by the perfidy of those in whom he trusted. His fate may teach posterity two useful lessons,—not to put faith in any one lightly; and not to be over-confident in the hour of prosperity, knowing that, in human affairs, there is no accident which we may not expect.... Cauarus, king of the Gauls in Thrace, was of a truly royal and high-minded disposition, and gave the merchants sailing into the Pontus great protection, and rendered the Byzantines important services in their wars with the Thracians and Bithynians.... This king, so excellent in other respects, was corrupted by a flatterer named Sostratus, who was a Chalchedonian by birth....
22. ὅτι Καύαρος ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν ἐν τῇ Θρᾴκῃ Γαλατῶν βασιλικὸς ὑπάρχων τῇ φύσει καὶ μεγαλόφρων, πολλὴν μὲν ἀσφάλειαν παρεσκεύαζε τοῖς προσπλέουσι τῶν ἐμπόρων εἰς τὸν Πόντον, μεγάλας δὲ παρείχετο χρείας τοῖς Βυζαντίοις ἐν τοῖς πρὸς τοὺς Θρᾷκας καὶ Βιθυνοὺς πολέμοις. [εχξ. πειρ. π. 26.] Πολύβιος.. ἐν ὀγδόῃ ἱστοριῶν, Καύαρος, φησίν, ὁ Γαλάτης, ὢν τἄλλα ἀνὴρ ἀγαθός, ὑπὸ Σωστράτου τοῦ κόλακος διεστρέφετο, ὃς ἦν Χαλκηδόνιος γένος. [ατηεναευς ϝι, 60 π. 252ξ.] ὅτι Ξέρξου βασιλεύοντος πόλεως Ἀρμόσατα, ἣ κεῖται πρὸς τῷ Καλῷ πεδίῳ καλουμένῳ, μέσον Εὐφράτου καὶ Τίγριδος, ταύτῃ τῇ πόλει παραστρατοπεδεύσας Ἀντίοχος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπεβάλετο πολιορκεῖν αὐτήν. θεωρῶν δὲ τὴν παρασκευὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ὁ Ξέρξης, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον αὑτὸν ἐκποδὼν ἐποίησε, μετὰ δέ τινα χρόνον δείσας μὴ τοῦ βασιλείου κρατηθέντος ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν καὶ τἄλλα τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτῷ διατραπῇ, μετεμελήθη καὶ διεπέμψατο πρὸς τὸν Ἀντίοχον, φάσκων βούλεσθαι συνελθεῖν εἰς λόγους. οἱ μὲν οὖν πιστοὶ τῶν φίλων οὐκ ἔφασκον δεῖν προΐεσθαι τὸν νεανίσκον λαβόντες εἰς χεῖρας, ἀλλὰ συνεβούλευον κυριεύσαντα τῆς πόλεως Μιθριδάτῃ παραδοῦναι τὴν δυναστείαν, ὃς ἦν υἱὸς τῆς ἀδελφῆς αὐτοῦ κατὰ φύσιν. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς τούτων μὲν οὐδενὶ προσέσχε, μεταπεμψάμενος δὲ τὸν νεανίσκον διελύσατο τὴν ἔχθραν, ἀφῆκε δὲ τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν χρημάτων, ἃ συνέβαινε τὸν πατέρα προσοφείλειν αὐτῷ τῶν φόρων. λαβὼν δὲ παραχρῆμα τριακόσια τάλαντα παρʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ χιλίους ἵππους καὶ χιλίους ἡμιόνους μετὰ τῆς ἐπισκευῆς τά τε κατὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἅπαντʼ ἀποκατέστησε, καὶ συνοικίσας αὐτῷ τὴν ἀδελφὴν Ἀντιοχίδα πάντας τοὺς ἐκείνων τῶν τόπων ἐψυχαγώγησε καὶ προσεκαλέσατο, δόξας μεγαλοψύχως καὶ βασιλικῶς τοῖς πράγμασι κεχρῆσθαι. [εχξ. πειρ. π. 26.] ὅτι οἱ Ταραντῖνοι διὰ τὸ τῆς εὐδαιμονίας ὑπερήφανον ἐπεκαλέσαντο Πύρρον τὸν Ἠπειρώτην· πᾶσα γὰρ ἐλευθερία μετʼ ἐξουσίας πολυχρονίου φύσιν ἔχει κόρον λαμβάνειν τῶν ὑποκειμένων, κἄπειτα ζητεῖ δεσπότην· τυχοῦσά γε μὴν τούτου ταχὺ πάλιν μισεῖ διὰ τὸ μεγάλην φαίνεσθαι τὴν πρὸς τὸ χεῖρον μεταβολήν· ὃ καὶ τότε συνέβαινε τοῖς Ταραντίνοις. [εχξ. ϝατ. π. 374 μ. 27, 2 η. 23. πᾶσα — 26. μισεῖ ετιαμ ξοδ. υρβ. φολ. 114 εχτρ. μαργο.] ὅτι πᾶν τὸ μέλλον κρεῖττον φαίνεται τοῦ παρόντος ὑπάρχειν. [εχξ. ϝατ. π. 375 μ. 27, 8 η.] προσπεσόντων δὲ τούτων εἰς Τάραντα καὶ τοὺς Θουρίους, ἠγανάκτει τὰ πλήθη. [συιδας ϝ. Προσπεσόντων.] τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον ὡς ἐπʼ ἐξοδείαν ὁρμήσαντες ἐκ τῆς πόλεως καὶ συνεγγίσαντες τῇ παρεμβολῇ τῶν Καρχηδονίων νυκτός, ἄλλοι μὲν συγκαθέντες εἴς τινα τόπον ὑλώδη παρὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἔμειναν, ὁ δὲ Φιλήμενος καὶ Νίκων προσῆλθον πρὸς τὴν παρεμβολήν. τῶν δὲ φυλάκων ἐπιλαβομένων αὐτῶν, ἀνήγοντο πρὸς τὸν Ἀννίβαν, οὐδὲν εἰπόντες οὔτε πόθεν οὔτε τίνες ἦσαν, αὐτὸ δὲ μόνον τοῦτο δηλοῦντες ὅτι θέλουσι τῷ στρατηγῷ συμμῖξαι. ταχὺ δὲ πρὸς τὸν Ἀννίβαν ἐπαναχθέντες ἔφασαν αὐτῷ κατʼ ἰδίαν βούλεσθαι διαλεχθῆναι. τοῦ δὲ καὶ λίαν ἑτοίμως προσδεξαμένου τὴν ἔντευξιν, ἀπελογίζοντο περί τε τῶν καθʼ αὑτοὺς καὶ περὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν πατρίδα, πολλὰς καὶ ποικίλας ποιούμενοι κατηγορίας Ῥωμαίων, χάριν τοῦ μὴ δοκεῖν ἀλόγως ἐμβαίνειν εἰς τὴν ὑποκειμένην πρᾶξιν. τότε μὲν οὖν Ἀννίβας ἐπαινέσας καὶ τὴν ὁρμὴν αὐτῶν φιλανθρώπως ἀποδεξάμενος ἐξέπεμψε, συνταξάμενος παραγίνεσθαι καὶ συμμιγνύναι κατὰ τάχος αὑτῷ πάλιν. κατὰ δὲ τὸ παρὸν ἐκέλευσε τὰ πρῶτα τῶν ἐξελασθέντων πρωῒ θρεμμάτων καὶ τοὺς ἅμα τούτοις ἄνδρας, ἐπειδὰν ἱκανὸν ἀπόσχωσι τῆς παρεμβολῆς, περιελασαμένους εὐθαρσῶς ἀπαλλάττεσθαι· περὶ γὰρ τῆς ἀσφαλείας αὑτῷ μελήσειν. ἐποίει δὲ τοῦτο βουλόμενος αὑτῷ μὲν ἀναστροφὴν δοῦναι πρὸς τὸ πολυπραγμονῆσαι τὰ κατὰ τοὺς νεανίσκους, ἐκείνοις δὲ πίστιν παρασκευάζειν πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας ὡς ἀπὸ τοῦ κρατίστου ποιουμένοις τὰς ἐπὶ τὰς λῃστείας ἐξόδους. πραξάντων δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸν Νίκωνα τὸ παραγγελθέν, ὁ μὲν Ἀννίβας περιχαρὴς ἦν διὰ τὸ μόλις ἀφορμῆς ἐπειλῆφθαι πρὸς τὴν προκειμένην ἐπιβολήν, οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Φιλήμενον ἔτι μᾶλλον παρώρμηντο πρὸς τὴν πρᾶξιν διὰ τὸ καὶ τὴν ἔντευξιν ἀσφαλῶς γεγονέναι καὶ τὸν Ἀννίβαν ηὑρηκέναι πρόθυμον, ἔτι δὲ τὴν τῆς λείας δαψίλειαν ἱκανὴν αὐτοῖς πίστιν παρεσκευακέναι πρὸς τοὺς ἰδίους. διότι τὰ μὲν ἀποδόμενοι, τὰ δʼ εὐωχούμενοι τῆς λείας, οὐ μόνον ἐπιστεύοντο παρὰ τοῖς Ταραντίνοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ ζηλωτὰς ἔσχον οὐκ ὀλίγους.
25. In the reign of Xerxes, prince of the city of Armosata, situated on the “Fair Plain,” between the Tigris and Euphrates, King Antiochus encamped under its walls and prepared to attack it. When he saw the king’s forces, Xerxes at first conveyed himself away; but feeling afterwards that, if his palace were seized by his enemies, his whole kingdom would be overthrown, he changed his mind, and sent a message to Antiochus declaring his wish for a conference. The most loyal of the friends of Antiochus were against letting the young prince go when they once got him into their hands, and advised Antiochus to take possession of the town, and hand over the principality to Mithridates, his own sister’s son. The king, however, would not listen to any of these suggestions; but sent for the young prince and accommodated their differences, forgiving him the larger part of the money which he allowed to be owing from his father under the head of tribute, and accepting a present payment from him of three hundred talents, a thousand horses, and a thousand mules with their trappings. He then settled the government of the city, and gave the prince his sister Antiochis as a wife. By these proceedings, in which he was thought to have acted with true royal magnanimity, he won the affection and support of all the inhabitants of that part of the country.
25. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ποιησάμενοι δευτέραν ἔξοδον, καὶ παραπλησίως χειρίσαντες τὰ κατὰ μέρος, αὐτοί τε τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀννίβαν ἔδοσαν πίστεις καὶ παρʼ ἐκείνων ἔλαβον ἐπὶ τούτοις, ἐφʼ ᾧ Ταραντίνους ἐλευθερώσειν καὶ μήτε φόρους πράξεσθαι κατὰ μηδένα τρόπον μήτʼ ἄλλο μηδὲν ἐπιτάξειν Ταραντίνοις Καρχηδονίους, τὰς δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων οἰκίας καὶ καταλύσεις, ἐπειδὰν κρατήσωσι τῆς πόλεως, ἐξεῖναι Καρχηδονίοις διαρπάζειν. ἐποιήσαντο δὲ καὶ σύνθημα τοῦ παραδέχεσθαι σφᾶς τοὺς φύλακας ἑτοίμως εἰς τὴν παρεμβολήν, ὅτʼ ἔλθοιεν. ὧν γενομένων ἔλαβον ἐξουσίαν εἰς τὸ καὶ πλεονάκις συμμιγνύναι τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀννίβαν, ποτὲ μὲν ὡς ἐπʼ ἐξοδείαν, ποτὲ δὲ πάλιν ὡς ἐπὶ κυνηγίαν ποιούμενοι τὰς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἐξόδους. ταῦτα δὲ διαρμοσάμενοι πρὸς τὸ μέλλον, οἱ μὲν πλείους ἐπετήρουν τοὺς καιρούς, τὸν δὲ Φιλήμενον ἀπέταξαν ἐπὶ τὰς κυνηγίας· διὰ γὰρ τὴν ὑπερβάλλουσαν ἐπὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ἐπιθυμίαν ἦν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ διάληψις ὡς οὐδὲν προυργιαίτερον ποιουμένου κατὰ τὸν βίον τοῦ κυνηγετεῖν. διὸ τούτῳ μὲν ἐπέτρεψαν ἐξιδιάσασθαι διὰ τῶν ἁλισκομένων θηρίων πρῶτον μὲν τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς πόλεως τεταγμένον Γάιον Λίβιον, δεύτερον δὲ τοὺς φυλάττοντας τὸν πυλῶνα τὸν ὑπὸ τὰς Τημενίδας προσαγορευομένας πύλας. ὃς παραλαβὼν τὴν πίστιν ταύτην, καὶ τὰ μὲν αὐτὸς κυνηγετῶν, τῶν δʼ ἑτοιμαζομένων αὐτῷ διʼ Ἀννίβου, συνεχῶς εἰσέφερε τῶν θηρίων, ὧν τὰ μὲν ἐδίδου τῷ Γαΐῳ, τὰ δὲ τοῖς ἐπὶ τοῦ πυλῶνος χάριν τοῦ τὴν ῥινοπύλην ἑτοίμως ἀνοίγειν αὐτῷ· τὸ γὰρ πλεῖον ἐποιεῖτο τὰς εἰσόδους καὶ τὰς ἐξόδους νυκτός, προφάσει μὲν χρώμενος τῷ φόβῳ τῶν πολεμίων, ἁρμοζόμενος δὲ πρὸς τὴν ὑποκειμένην πρόθεσιν. ἤδη δὲ κατεσκευασμένου τοιαύτην συνήθειαν τοῦ Φιλημένου πρὸς τοὺς ἐπὶ τῆς πύλης ὥστε μὴ διαπορεῖν τοὺς φυλάττοντας, ἀλλʼ ὁπότε προσεγγίσας τῷ τείχει προσσυρίξαι νυκτός, εὐθέως ἀνοίγεσθαι τὴν ῥινοπύλην αὐτῷ, τότε παρατηρήσαντες τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς πόλεως ἄρχοντα τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ἀφʼ ἡμέρας μέλλοντα γίνεσθαι μετὰ πλειόνων ἐν τῷ προσαγορευομένῳ Μουσείῳ σύνεγγυς τῆς ἀγορᾶς, ταύτην ἐτάξαντο τὴν ἡμέραν πρὸς τὸν Ἀννίβαν.